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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, 



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Chapr-.Aif. Copyright No. 
Shell, K-2l 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. | 



Source-Book of 
English History 



jTh^&o. 



Source-Book of 



English History 



For the Use of Schools and Readers 



EDITED BY 

ELIZABETH KIMBALL KENDALL, M.A. 

ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN WELLESLEY COLLEGE 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

LONDON : MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 

I9OO 

All rights reserved 



57200 



Library of Co»ur^» k 

OCT 6 1900 



X^ q 



K 



StfcNp copv. 

OKOtH DIVISION, 

OCT 27 1900 



D J 






Copyright, 1900, 
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 



Norwood Press 

J. S. Cusbing & Co. — Berwick & Smith 

Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 



PREFACE 



The purpose of this little book is stated elsewhere, but a 
few words of explanation are in place here. In the selec- 
tion of materials I have endeavoured to use extracts which 
were of real value for purposes of study, and yet of a nature 
to arouse the interest of the boy or girl of sixteen. No 
attempt has been made to treat of every important event or 
aspect of English history. I have rather sought to bring 
together extracts illustrating the dominant interest of each 
period. It may seem that a disproportionate share of the 
extracts is given to the later times. I have felt that this 
departure from the practice of most histories and text-books 
was justified by the great difficulty in gaining access to the 
original materials of the history of the last three centuries. 
Effort has been made to use the earliest or best edition 
available, and to reproduce the text with exactness. In 
some cases, however, the spelling has been deliberately 
modernised. This has been done wherever I feared that 
the difficulties of the original form might check the interest 
of the student. 

I am under much obligation to many writers, editors, and 
publishers, without whose generous courtesy the preparation 
of this book would have been impossible. Thus it is by the 
liberality of Mr. 1). Xutt, and of Messrs. ('.. Putnam's Sons, 
and of the several editors, that I am able to print Extracts 
22, 27, 31, 33, 37, and 41. Dr. Lupton and the delegates 
of the Clarendon Press have kindly given me permission to 
use Extract 62 ; Messrs. G. Bell and Sons, to use Extracts 
90 and 93 ; Mr. Henry Lucy and Messrs. Cassell and Com- 



vi Preface 

pany, to use Extract 133 ; the Controller of her Majesty's 
Stationery Office, to use Extracts 20, 21, 42, 55, 60, and 
68. I am indebted to Messrs. W. Blackwood and Sons, to 
Messrs. Dodd, Mead and Company, and to the author's 
representatives for warrant to print Extracts 14S and 149. 
To these and to many others thanks are due for full and 
generous permission to use material of which they hold the 
copyright. 

To the friends who have aided me in various ways I 
express here my gratitude. I am especially indebted to 
Miss Adaline Hawes of Wellesley College and to Miss M. 
G. Gordon for help in the preparation of translations and 
versions. Above all, my thanks are due to my sister, Mrs. 
Francis Kendall, for assistance which alone made it possible 
for me to complete my task at this time. 

ELIZABETH KIMBALL KENDALL. 

WONALANCFT, NEW HAMPSHIRE, 
August 28, 1900. 



Contents 



PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS 

PAGE 

I. The Value of Source Study . xvii 

II. Use of a Source Book ........ xix 

III. Sources in the School Library xx 

I I1APTER I — BRITON'S AND SAXON'S 

1. Cornelius Tacitus: 

The British Isles in the First Century .... I 

2. Cornelius Tacitus : 

The Early Germans ....... 4 

3. B.eda : 

The Coming of the Angles and Saxons, circ. 450 . . 12 

4. Bseda: 

c '(inversion of Edwin, King of the Northumbrians, circ. 625 14 

5. Charles the Great : 

Treaty between Charles the Great and Offa, circ. 795 . 16 

6. Alfred : ' 

Alfred's Dooms . . . . . . . 17 

CHAPTER II — ENG LAND AND THE DANES 

7. Asser : 

Alfred and the Danes, 871-878 21 

8. Anonymous (The Saxon Chronicle): 

'The flattie of Brunanburh, 937 ..... 24 

9. Anonymous: 

Dues and Services from the Land in the Tenth Century . 28 

10. Ethelred II: 

< nation Oath of Ethelred ff, gyg .... 30 

11. Anonymous (The Saxon < hronicle) : 

King Ethelred and the Danes, 1006-1010 ... 31 

12. Canute: 

A 1 otter from Canute to the English People, 1027 . . 35 



Vlll 



Contents 



CHAPTER III — NORMAN ENGLAND 



13. Anonymous (The Saxon Chronicle) : 

A Great Year in England's History, 1066 

14. William of Malmesbury : 

Conquered and c 'onquerors, 1066 

15. Anonymous (The Saxon Chronicle) : 

England under the Conqueror . 

16. Anonymous (The Saxon Chronicle) : 

William the Great, 1087 . 

17. Henry I : 

The Charter of Henry I, 1 100 . 

18. Anonymous (The Saxon Chronicle) : 

The Anarchy .... 



PAGE 
41 

44 

46 

49 
5i 



CHAPTER IV — UNDER ANGEVIN RULE 

19. Peter of Blois: 

Henry the Second ........ c6 

20. William Fitz-Stephen : 

The Friendship of King Henry and his Chancellor . . 59 

21. Herbert Bosham : 

Thomas and the Primacy, 1162 . . . . .60 

22. Gerald de Barri : 

The Conquest of Ireland in the Reign of Henry the Second 62 

23. William Fitz-Stephen : 

A Picture of London, circ. 11 73 . . . . -65 



CHAPTER V— THE STRUGGLE FOR CONSTITU- 
TIONAL LIBERTY 



24. Roger of Wendover : 

The Winning of Magna Carta, 1215 

25. Matthew Paris: 

England in 1257 ..... 

26. William Rishanger: 

The Battle of Evesham, 1265 

27. Anonymous: 

The Lament of Earl Simon. 1265 

28. Edward I : 

The Summoning of the Parliament of 1293 



72 
78 
84 
86 



Contents ix 



CHAPTER VI — THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR 

29. Jehan Froissart : PAGE 

7'he Scots in War ........ 92 

30. Jehan Froissart : 

The Battle of Crecy, 1346 93 

31. Laurence Minor.: 

The Song of XcvilWs Cross, 1346 ..... 97 

32. Anonymous : 

A Customary Tenant in the Reign of Edward II . . 100 

33. Henry Knighton : 

The Foul Death, 1349 ....... 102 

34. Jehan Froissart : 

'1 he Peasants' 1 Rising of 1 38 1 ...... 106 

35. John Wyeliffe : 

The Reply of Wyeliffe to the Pope's Summons, 1 384 . . HO 

36. Anonymous : 

The Lihel of English Policy 1 12 



CHAPTER VII — THE WARS OF THE ROSES 

37. John Blakman : 

King Henry IV . . . . . . . .114 

38. Debenham, Tymperley and White. John fenney: 

Tampering with Juries and Elections under Henry VI . 117 

39. John Stodeley : 

The Beginning of Strife, 1454 118 

40. Anonymous: 

The Battle of Towton, 1461 . . . . . .121 

41. George < hastellain : 

n Margaret's Story of her Adventures, 1463 . . 123 

42. The Karl of Warwick: 

A Summons to the Field, 1 47 1 . . . . . 125 

43. John Wark worth : 

The Battle of Bar net, 1471 . . . . + .126 



CHAPTER VIII — THE REFORMATION 

44. Sebastian Giustinian : 

Henry VIII and Wokey, 1 5 19 ...... 129 

45. Desiderius Erasmus : 

Sir Thomas More, 1519 . . . . . .132 



Contents 



46. Thomas Cromwell : 

A Discussion of England's Foreign Policy, 1523 

47. William Roper : 

'J lie Execution of Sir Thomas More, 1535 

48. Henry VIII. Parliament: 

Henry VIII and the English Bible . 

49. Anonymous : 

Protestant Revolution under Edward VI, 1547 

50. Giacomo Soranzo : 

Queen Miry of England, 1554 .... 



PAGE 
136 
I4O 
144 
I46 
I48 



CHAPTER IX— THE STRUGGLE WITH FOREIGN 
FOES 

51. Giacomo Soranzo : 

The Defences of England, 1554 .... 

52. Parliament : 

A Political Fast, 1562 . . . 

53. Sir James Melville : 

Elizabeth and Mary Stuart, 1564 .... 

54. Queen Elizabeth : 

A Speech oj {'/teen Elizabeth, 1566 .... 

55. Giovanni Correr : 

Mary Stuart's Escape from Lochleven, 1568 

56. Sir Walter Mildmay: 

Cone erning the Keeping of the Queen of Scots, 1569 . 

57. Lord Burghley : 

Burghley to Elizabeth on Matters of State, circ. 1583 

58. Anonymous: 

Execution of the Queen of Scots, 1586 

59. Lord Howard. Francis Drake. John Hawkyns: 

The Fight with the Armada, 1588 .... 

60. Francesco Soranzo : 

Philip II of Spain, 1 598 

• 
CHAPTER X — IX THE DAYS OF THE TUDORS 



15' 
*53 
155 

160 
161 
164 
169 

173 
178 
184. 



61. Anonymous: 

Henry VII and the Earl of Kildare . . . .186 

62. Sir Thomas More : 

Sheep Walks in the Reign of Henry VIII . . .188 

63. Parliament : 

A Law against the Keeping of Sheep, 1534 . . . 190 



Contents 



XI 



64. Anonymous (By authority of Edward VI) : 

A Prayer for Landlords ...... 

65. John Vowell. Henry Dowes: 

Two Sixteenth Century School Boys . 

66. Giacomo Soranzo : 

England in the Reign of Queen Mary 

67. William Harrison: 

Elizabethan Homes 

68. Giovanni Scaramelli : 

An Unfriendly View of the English Privateers, 1603 



193 
193 
197 
201 
206 



CHAPTER XI — ESTRANGEMENT OF THE KING 
AND 1 HE NA'IK >N 



69. William Barlow : 

James I at the Hampton Court Conference, 1604 

70. House of < 'minimis : 

Apology of the House of Commons, 1604 

71. Treasurer and Council of the London Company: 

The London Company to the Virginia Colony, 1622 
-2. Anonymous: 

A Famous Scene in the House of Commons, 1629 

73. John Winthrop : 

Reasons for going to New England, 1629 . 

74. Lucy I lutchinson : 

A Puritan Gentleman 

75. Rev. G. ( iarrard : 

.-/ Newsletter to Wentworth, 1637 



209 
212 
216 
219 
222 
225 
228 



CHAPTER XII— THE PURITAN REBELLION 



76. Robert Baillie : 

The Impeachment of Strafford, 1 640-164 1 

77. Charles I : 

Charles 1 and Strafford, 1641 .... 

78. John Rushworth : 

The Attempted Arrest of the Live Members, 1642 

79. Oliver Cromwell : 

Toleration in the Army, 1643 • 

80. John Ru-hworth : 

The Self-denying Ordinance, 1644 . 



232 
235 
237 
240 
242 



Xll 



Contents 



81. Bulstrode Whitelock : 

Naseby, 1645 

82. High Court of Justice : 

The Death-Warrant of Charles I, 1649 

83. Andrew Marvell : 

The Death of Charles I, 1649 . 



245 
249 
250 



CHAPTER XIII — PLRITAN Rl'LE 



84. John Milton : 

Milton to Cromwell, 1652. 

85. Edmund Ludlow : 

Cromwell and the Long Parliament, 1653 

86. Anonymous : 

Tlie Rivalry of England ami Holland, 1653 

87. Oliver Cromwell : 

The Commonwealth and Europe, 1654 

88. Daniel Gookin : 

A Colonial Scheme of Oliver Cromwell, 1656 

89. Andrew Marvell: 

Cromwell, 1658 



251 

25 1 

2 54 
257 
260 
263 



CHAPTER XIV — THE STUART RESTORATION 



90. Samuel Pepys : 

The Return of Charles II, 1660 

91. John Ellis? Charles 1 1 ? 

Charles II and his Dogs, 1660 . 

92. Gilbert Burnet : 

The Five Mile Act, 1665 . 

93. Samuel Pepys : 

The Great Fire, 1666 

94. John Evelyn : 

The Dutch in the Thames, 1667 

95. Parliament: 

Parliament and the Catholics, 1673 . 

96. John Dryden : 

The Whigs and the Exclusion Fill, 1680 

97. By Authority of the City of London : 

A Record of the Popish Panic, 1O79 . 



265 
268 
268 
270 

274 
276 

277 
283 



Contents xiii 



CHAPTER XV — THE REVOLUTION 

98. The Seven Bishops : page 

Petition of the Seven Bishops, 1 688 284 

99. John Evelyn : 

The Trial of the Seven Bishop, 1688 . . . . 285 

100. Lord Churchill : 

A Farewell Letter to the King, 16S8 . . . .288 

101. The Nobility, Gentry, and Commonalty of the Northern 

Counties : 
A Declaration of Rebellion, 1688 289 

102. Anonymous: 

The Massacre of Glencoe, 1692 292 

CHAPTER XVI — POLITICAL CONDITIONS AFTER 
1 688 

103. Anonymous: 

A Burlesque Bill of Costs for a Tory Election, 1 715 . 298 

104. Horace Walpole, Earl of Orford: 

A Debate on the " Wilkes" Case, 1764 .... 299 

105. The Earl of Chesterfield. Sir Samuel Romilly : 

Purchasing a Scat in the Unreformed Parliament . . 302 

106. Edmund Burke : 

The Position of a Representative, 1 774 .... 305 

107. Anonymous. George 111: 

Dunning 's Motion on the Power of the Crown, 17S0 . 308 

108. Sydney Smith : 

Catholic Emancipation, 1S08 . . . . . .314 

109. Francis, Lord Jeffrey : 

Scotland in the Unreformed Parliament, 1831 . . 318 

CHAPTER XVII — IX HANOVERIAN TIMES 



no. Daniel Defoe : 

The Cloth-market at Leeds, 1725 

in. Jonathan Swift : 

./ View of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century 

112. Captain Burt : 

The Highlanders, circ. 1 730 . 

113. John Wesley: 

fohn Wesley in Cornwall, 1743 

114. Vicesimus Knox : 

Winning the Degree of Bachelor of Arts, 17S0 



321 
324 
329 
333 
335 



XIV 



Contents 



CHAPTER XVIII — THE STRIFE FOR EMPIRE 

115. The Earl of Marlborough : page 

The Battle of Blenheim, 1704 339 

116. George I : 

Walpole and the Colonies, 1 72 1 . . . . -341 

117. Robert Give: 

Plassey, 1757 342 

118. General Wolfe. Captain John Knox : 

The Battle of Quebec, 1 759 345 

119. The Earl of Chatham : 

A Word of Warning, 1775 ...... 350 

1 20. Edward Gibbon : 

A Great Historian and the Outbreak of the American 
Revolution, 1775 354 

121. George 111: 

A Confession of Defeat, 1782 359 

122. Joseph Price : 

A Criticism of the English Policy in India, 1783 . . 360 



CHAPTER XIX — THE GREAT WAR 

1 23. Anonymous : 

Burke ami the Trench Revolution, 1791 . 

124. William Hutton : 

The Birmingham Riots, 1 791 . 

125. Charles James Fox : 

Opposition to the Trench War, 1S00 

126. Captain George Bowles. Lord Wellington : 

The Battle of Waterloo, 181 5 . 

127. Sir Walter Scott: 

"'The Pilot that weathered the Storm," 181 7 



3(>3 
365 
370 
375 
379 



CHAPTER XX — POLITICAL CONDITIONS IN THE 
NINETEENTH CENTURY 

128. Lord Palmerston : 

The Clare Election, 1828 . . . . . . 381 

129. The Duke of Wellington : 

Wellington and Parliamentary Reform, 1830 . . 382 1 

130. Lord Brougham : 

Dissolution of Parliament, 1 83 1 . . . . 384 



Contents xv 

PAGE 

131. Council of the Birmingham Union: 

A Char list Petition, 1831 387 

132. Rt. Hon. William Ewart Gladstone : 

Home Rule for Ireland, 1886 ...... 391 

133. Henry Lucy : 

The Lords and the Home Rule Bill, 1893 • • • 395 

CHAPTER XXI— THE LIFE OF THE PEOPLE 

134. Lord Ashley: 

The Children in the Coal Mines, 1 842 . . . .401 

135. Rev. W. J. Fox: 

The Com Laws, 1S43 ....... 406 

136. Sir Robert Peel: 

'The Repeal 0/ the Corn Laws, 1846 . . . .411 

137. Rt. Hon. W. E. Forster: 

The Irish Famine, 1847 ■•••••• 414 

138. Joseph Arch : 

The Revolt of Hodge, 1872 ...... 419 

CHAPTER XXII— THE EMPIRE 



139. Sir Henry Parnell : 

The Manchester School and the Empire, 1830 

140. Sir William Russell : 

The Light Brigade at Balaklava, 1S54 . 

141. The Earl of Aberdeen : 

Lord Aberdeen and the Crimean War, 1S5 ^ 

142. Lord Tennyson : 

A Poet's View of the Crimean War, 1855 

143. Mrs. G. Harris: 

7V/i? Outbreak at Luchnow, 1857 

144. Anonymous : 

John Company's Fare-well to John Bull, 1858 

145. Rt. Hon. John Bright : 

The "Trent" Affair, 1861 

146. Anonymous: 

A Recantation, 1865 .... 

147. Rt. Hon. W. E. Forster: 

Imperial Federation, 1 875 

148. George Warrington Steevens : 

The Sirdar, 1898 



423 

427 

431 
433 
435 
437 
444 
449 
45 2 
456 



xvi Contents 



149. George Warrington Steevens : 

The Funeral 0/ Gordon, 1898 459 

150. Rt. Hon. John Morley : 

A Warning, 1899 461 

151. R. J. Alexander: 

Quid Leone Fortius 465 



Illustration 



A Page from the Original Draft of Lord Chatham's " Provisional 

Act "...... Between pages 354 and 355 



PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS 

I. THE VALUE OF SOURCE STUDY 

Each year shows advance toward a general appreciation 
of the value and feasibility of source study by younger as 
well as by older students. It is no longer thought useless, 
or even dangerous, to place the original text in the hands of 
the boy or girl just beginning the study of history. 

The definite gains from a moderate and carefully directed 
use of sources are manifold. First and foremost is the 
stronger sense of reality produced by coming in direct con- 
tact with the men who helped to make history, or with those 
who actually witnessed the events they describe. To the 
average schoolboy, historic personages are heroes or bores, 
as the case may be, but never men. To remedy this would 
be a long step toward success in the teaching of history, and 
here the value of the original letter or description is at once 
apparent. What brilliant character sketch can so surely 
bring home to the student the fact that Warwick the King- 
maker was a real man, as his brief personal postscript to the 
formal demand for aid in 147 1, " Henry, I pray you, fail not 
now as ever I may do for you." Or who that has read 
Robert Baillie's account of Strafford's trial, with its hard, 
unsympathetic touches, its careful detail, its homely local 
comparisons, can fail to see, as though on a canvas, that 
scene in Westminster Hall where the great minister stood at 
bay, fighting for his life? 

Again, a deeper, a more lasting impression is secured by 
turning back to the original account. What words of the 



xviii Practical Suggestions 

teacher, or of the text-book, can fix so indelibly in the stu- 
dent's mind the attitude of James I toward Puritanism and 
the Puritans as Barlow's relation of the Hampton Court 
Conference ? And surely the boy who has read the letters 
of Charles I and of Oliver Cromwell, if asked to compare 
the characters of these two men, could say something more 
than that " Charles I was beheaded, and Oliver Cromwell 
died." Or who that has read Matthew Paris can ever forget 
what the rule of Henry III meant to England? 

Still another advantage is the interest aroused through 
allowing the men of a bygone time to speak for themselves. 
The student feels that he is at the heart and beginning of 
things when he reads the story as told by the man who did 
the great deed, or at least by one who saw him do it. His 
interest is stimulated as it could not be by the careful ac- 
count prepared in cold blood by the historian, a man of 
another age and of an alien temper. 

A certain judicial fairness of attitude toward men and 
events of the past is fostered by reading the original ac- 
counts with their marked personal stamp. Where each 
side has a chance to tell its own story, the student is led to 
weigh evidence, to consider probabilities. He is forced 
unconsciously to abandon his prejudices, to see that right 
and wrong are often separated by a very narrow line, that 
the good are not all on one side, the bad all on the other. 
And as he thus studies the men of the past, striving to rea- 
lize their point of view, he is fitting himself to take a 
sounder view of the conditions of to-day. For, as the histo- 
rian Lecky has well said, " He who has learnt to understand 
the character and tendencies of many succeeding ages, is not 
likely to go very far wrong in estimating his own." 

Various elaborate and suggestive discussions of this sub- 
ject are now available. The Source Book of American 
History, by Albert Bushnell Hart, contains Practical Intro- 
ductions of much value. Charles W. Colby's Selections from 



Practical Suggestions xix 

the Sources of English History has a very suggestive Intro- 
duction upon the subject. One of the appendices to The 
Study of History in the Schools, Report of the Committee of 
Seven, published in 1899, is devoted to a discussion of the 
use of sources. Valuable suggestions may be gained from 
a leaflet on the Use of Original Sources in the Teaching of 
History, issued by the History Department of the University 
of Pennsylvania. The New England History Teachers' 
Association will publish a report upon this subject in the 
coming autumn. 

II. USE OF A SOURCE BOOK 

It is not to be expected that a volume of a few hundred 
pages can furnish sufficient material for historical generali- 
zation. It would seem possible, however, that it might 
serve as a useful adjunct to a text-book, helping to secure 
some of the advantages resulting from a study of the 
sources. 

The student who has read extracts from the various kinds 
of original material — diaries, letters, speeches, etc. — will 
understand as never before what the study and writing of 
history actually are ; he will have felt for himself the per- 
sonal note, so interesting and so misleading ; he will realize 
in a measure the difficulties of dealing with incomplete and 
biassed accounts. Again, the material, though insufficient 
for a complete study of any one topic, will serve amply to 
illustrate the bare statements of the text-book. What stu- 
dent who reads the letters of Howard, Drake, and Hawkyns 
in 1588 can fail to gain a lasting impression of the condi- 
tions under which the attack of the Armada was met, and 
of the temper of the men who saved England. 

The value of such a book may be increased by new 
arrangements in groups of different extracts. For example, 
the American student is familiar with the eighteenth century 



xx Practical Suggestions 

conception of the worth of a colony. Keeping that in 
mind, let him read Nos. 139 and 147, the one showing 
the view that prevailed in the early part of this century, 
the other the present reaction from that view. Or let him 
read successively the various extracts that refer to Ireland, 
such as Nos. 22, 61, in, 108, 128, 137, 132, 133. Thus 
studied in a group by themselves, while they will not afford 
a complete view of Irish history, they will at least throw a 
strong light upon the conditions that have prevailed from 
time to time. 

Again, such a book may be found of use in review work. 
Take No. 97. Read in due course, that memorial of the 
Popish panic of 1679 w '^ enable the student to realize 
the unreasoning terror of that time. Re-read with the side 
notes at a later stage of his work, it will bring home to him, 
not merely the frenzy of 1679, but the prevailing Catholic 
influence of the reign of James II, the reaction of the 
Revolution of 1688, the unreforming spirit of the eigh- 
teenth century, the passion for reform in the nineteenth. 



III. SOURCES IN THE SCHOOL LIBRARY 

Bibliographies of Sources 

The most complete bibliography of the sources of English 
history is contained in Gardiner and Mullinger's Introduc- 
tion to the Study of English History. The value of each 
writer is carefully estimated, and there is added a brief 
statement of the character of his work. Dr. Lee, of Johns 
Hopkins University, has in preparation a source book of 
English history which is provided with a very helpful bibli- 
ography. The report of the New England History Teachers' 
Association, to be issued this autumn, will contain a list 
of available sources suitable for school use. A History of 
England, by K. Coman and E. Kendall, has a brief list 



Practical Suggestions xxi 

of the most accessible sources, giving in each case the 
name of the publisher and the price. 

The Most Accessible Sources 

There are various volumes of illustrative material and 
collections of reprints available for the use of schools. 
Two books containing extracts from the sources have ap- 
peared recently, Selections from the Sources, by Charles 
Colby, and Sidelights on English History, by Ernest Hen- 
derson. The former covers the ground from the earliest 
time to the middle of the present century ; the scope of the 
latter is limited to the period from the accession of Eliza- 
beth to the accession of Victoria. The different volumes 
of the series, English History by Contemporary Writers 
(general editor, F. York Powell), and a similar series in 
Scottish history, deal with some of the most important 
periods. Selected numbers of the Translations and Re- 
prints issued by the History Department of the University 
of Pennsylvania furnish material for special aspects of Eng- 
lish history. 

Three valuable volumes of documents have been pub- 
lished : Select Charters, by W. Stubbs (Latin) ; Select Stat- 
utes and Constitutional Documents, by R. Prothero ; and 
Documents of the Puritan Rebellion, by S. R. Gardiner. 
The source book of English history, in course of prepara- 
tion by Dr. Lee, is chiefly documentary. 

Pamphlets dealing with questions of the day are often 
of great value. Elizabethan and Jacobean Pamphlets and 
Political Pamphlets (both edited by George Saintsbury) 
give some of the most important examples of original mate- 
rial of this nature. Political Pamphlets, edited by Pollard, 
is a book of similar character. 

The Parliamentary History and Parliamentary Debates 
are to be found only in the largest libraries, but the three 



xxii Practical Suggestions 

volumes of Representative British Orations, edited by C. K. 
Adams, Political Orations (Camelot Series), and Modem 
Political Orations, edited by L. Wagner, give some of the 
noteworthy speeches by the most famous orators. 

The Bohn Library contains many of the early chronicles 
in English translation. Froissart's Chronicles (Lord Ber- 
ners's translation) have been edited recently by G. C. 
Macaulay. The Arber English Reprints afford much valu- 
able material, especially for the sixteenth century. Selected 
numbers of CasselPs National Library and of the Old 
South Leaflets supply source material in a very cheap form. 

Diaries, letters, memoirs, and biographies are of especial 
value. The less formal character and the marked personal 
element of this class of material render it useful in stimu- 
lating the interest of the student. A volume of the Paston 
Letters, that invaluable record of middle-class life in the 
fifteenth century, is published in the Bohn Library. There 
is also a complete edition in three volumes. The Letters 
and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, edited by T. Carlyle, are 
of great interest. For the Restoration there is the inimita- 
ble Diary of Samuel Pepys, edited by Wheatley. In the 
Bohn Library are found Asser's Life of Alfred and Hutch- 
inson's Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson. The latter work 
has been edited recently with much care by C. H. Firth, 
the editor of the valuable Ludlow Memoirs. For the six- 
teenth century there are Cardinal Wolsey, by G. Cavendish, 
and William Roper's Life of Sir Thomas More. In timely 
recognition of the coming one thousandth anniversary of 
the death of Alfred two new books have appeared, Alfred 
in the Chroniclers, by L. Conybeare, and King Alfred, by 
F. York Powell {English History by Contemporary Writers). 

A source library including most of the works enumerated 
above may be obtained for about forty-five dollars, and will 
be found fairly adequate for a study of the whole course of 
English history. 



Source-Book of 
English History 



CHAPTER I— BRITONS AND SAXONS 



i . The British Isles in the First Century 

Britain : Its boundaries, siiapc, and surrounding seas 

THE geography and inhabitants of Britain, already 
described by many writers, I will speak of, not that 
my research and ability may be compared with theirs, but 
because the country was then for the first time thoroughly 
subdued. And so matters, which as being still not accurately 
known my predecessors embellished with their eloquence, 
shall now be related on the evidence of facts. 

Britain, the largest of the islands which Roman geography 
includes, is so situated that it faces Germany on the east, 
Spain on the west ; on the south it is even within sight of 
Gaul ; its northern extremities, which have no shores oppo- 
site to them, are beaten by the waves of a vast open sea. 
The form of the entire country has been compared by Livy 
and Fabius Rusticus, the most graphic among ancient and 
modern historians, to an oblong shield or battle-axe. And 
this, no doubt, is its shape without Caledonia, so that it has 
become the popular description of the whole island. There 
is, however, a large and irregular tract of land which juts 
out from its furthest shores, tapering off in a wedge-like 
form. Round these coasts of remotest ocean the Roman 
fleet then for the first time sailed, ascertained that Britain 
is an island, and simultaneously discovered and conquered 
what are called the Orcades, islands hitherto unknown. 
Thule, too, was descried in the distance, which as yet had 
been hidden by the snows of winter. Those waters, they 
say, are sluggish, and yield with difficulty to the oar, and 

B I 



By Cor- 
nelius 
Tacitus 
(55?-circ. 

120), greatest 
of the Roman 
historians. 
He married a 
daughter of 
Agricola, the 
real con- 
queror of 
Britain. The 
noble biog- 
raphy which 
Tacitus wrote 
of his father- 
in-law con- 
tains some 
very interest- 
ing accounts 
of the coun- 
try where 
Agricola's 
most brilliant 
triumphs 
were 
achieved. 

Then, i.e. in 
the time of 
Agricola. 

" It seems 
that Tacitus 
... 1" 
both Spain 
and Ger- 
many to ex- 
tend much 
further to the 
north than 
they actually 
do." Church 
and Brod- 
ribb. 

I.e. Orkneys. 



Britons and Saxons 



n 



" Thule can 
hardly be 
Iceland, 
is more 
probably 
Mainland, 
the largest of 
the Shetland 
Isles." 
Church and 
Brodribb. 



are not even raised by the wind as other seas. The reason, 
I suppose, is that lands and mountains, which are cause and 
origin of storms, are here comparatively rare, and also that 
the vast depths of that unbroken expanse are more slowly 
set in motion. But to investigate the nature of the ocean 
and the tides is no part of the present work, and many 
writers have discussed the subject. I would simply add, 
that nowhere has the sea a wider dominion, that it has 
many currents running in every direction, that it does not 
merely flow and ebb within the limits of the shore, but pene- 
trates and winds far inland, and finds a home among hills 
and mountains as though in its own domain. 



Origin of the inhabitants (of Britain) 

Who were the original inhabitants of Britain, whether they 
were indigenous or foreign, is, as usual among barbarians, 
little known. Their physical characteristics are various, and 
from these conclusions may be drawn. The red hair and 
large limbs of the inhabitants of Caledonia point clearly to 
a German origin. The dark complexion of the Silures, their 
usually curly hair, and the fact that Spain is the opposite 
shore to them, are an evidence that Iberians of a former 
date crossed over and occupied these parts. Those who 
are nearest to the Gauls are also like them, either from the 
permanent influence of original descent, or, because in coun- 
tries which run out so far to meet each other, climate has 
produced similar physical qualities. But a general survey 
inclines me to believe that the Gauls established themselves 
in an island so near to them. Their religious belief may -be 
traced in the strongly-marked British superstition. The 
language differs but little ; there is the same boldness in 
challenging danger, and, when it is near, the same timidity 
in shrinking from it. The Britons, however, exhibit more 
spirit, as being a people whom a long peace has not yet 



The British Isles 3 

enervated. Indeed, we have understood that even the Gauls 
were once renowned in war ; but, after a while, sloth follow- 
ing on ease crept over them, and they lost their courage 
along with their freedom. This too has happened to the 
long-conquered tribes of Britain ; the rest are still what the 
Gauls once were. 

Military customs ; climate ; products of tJic soil 

Their strength is in infantry. Some tribes fight also with 
the chariot. The higher in rank is the charioteer ; the 
dependants fight. They were once ruled by kings, but are 
now divided under chieftains into factions and parties. Our 
greatest advantage in coping with tribes so powerful is that 
they do not act in concert. Seldom is it that two or three 
states meet together to ward off a common danger. Thus, 
while they fight singly, all are conquered. 

Their sky is obscured by continual rain and cloud. Severity 
of cold is unknown. The days exceed in length those of our 
part of the world ; the nights are bright, and in the extreme 
north so short that between sunlight and dawn you can per- 
ceive but a slight distinction. It is said that, if there are no 
clouds in the way, the splendour of the sun can be seen 
throughout the night, and that he does not rise and set, but 
only crosses the heavens. The truth is, that the low shadow 
thrown from the flat extremities of the earth's surface does 
not raise the darkness to any height, and the night thus fails 
to reach the sky and stars. 

With the exception of the olive and vine, and plants which 
usually grow in warmer climates, the soil will yield, and even 
abundantly, all ordinary produce. It ripens indeed slowly, 
but is of rapid growth, the cause in each case being the same, 
namely, the excessive moisture of the soil and of the atmos- 
phere. Britain contains gold and silver and other metals, 
as the prize of conquest. . . . 



Britons and Saxons 



Julius Caesar 
invaded 
Britain 55-54 

B.C. 



" Vespasian's 

successful 

i in 
Britain com- 
mended him, 
so to speak, 
to destiny, as 
one worthy of 
high distinc- 
tion." 

Church and 
Brodribb. 



Roman Governors of Britain 

The Britons themselves bear cheerfully the conscription, 
the taxes, and the other burdens imposed on them by the 
Empire, if there be no oppression. Of this they are im- 
patient ; they are reduced to subjection, not as yet to 
slavery. The deified Julius, the very first Roman who 
entered Britain with an army, though by a successful en- 
gagement he struck terror into the inhabitants and gained 
possession of the coast, must be regarded as hiving indicated 
rather than transmitted the acquisition to future generations. 
Then came the civil wars, and the arms of our leaders were 
turned against their country, and even when there was peace, 
there was a long neglect of Britain. This Augustus spoke 
of as policy, Tiberius as an inherited maxim. That Caius 
Caesar meditated an invasion of Britain is perfectly clear, 
but his purposes, rapidly formed, wire easily changed, and 
his vast attempts on Germany had failed. Claudius was the 
first to renew the attempt, and conveyed over into the island 
some legions and auxiliaries, choosing Vespasian to share 
with him the campaign, whose approaching elevation had 
this beginning. Several tribes were subdued and kings 
made prisoners, and destiny learnt to know its favourite. . . . 

Tacitus, The Life of Agricola (translated by A. Church and W. 
Hrodribb, London, 1877), Chs. X-XIII. 



Bv Cor- 
nelius 
T \s ins. 
See No. 1. 
It is doubtful 
that Tacitus 
ever visited 
( Jei many, 
and in any 
case his 
description 



2. The Early Germans 
Physical characteristics 

For my own part, I agree with those who think that the 
tribes of Germany are free from all taint of intermarriages 
with foreign nations, and that they appear as a distinct, 
unmixed race, like none but themselves. Hence, too, the 



The Earlv Germans 



same physical peculiarities throughout so vast a population. 
All have fierce blue eyes, red hair, huge frames, fit only for 
a sudden exertion. They are less able to bear laborious 
work. Heat and thirst they cannot in the least endure ; to 
cold and hunger their climate and their soil inure them. . . . 

Arms, military manoeuvres, and discipline 

. . . But few use swords or long lances. They carry a spear 
{framea is their name for it), with a narrow and short head, 
but so sharp and easy to wield that the same weapon serves, 
according to circumstances, for close or distant conflict. 
As for the horse-soldier, he is satisfied with a shield and 
spear; the foot-soldiers also scatter showers of missiles, each 
man having several and hurling them to an immense dis- 
tance, and being naked or lightly clad with a little cloak. 
There is no display about their equipment : their shields 
alone are marked with very choice colours. A few only 
have corslets, and just one or two here and there a metal or 
leathern helmet. Their horses are remarkable neither for 
beauty nor for fleetness. Nor are they taught various 
evolutions after our fashion, but are driven straight forward, 
or so as to make one wheel to the right in such a compact 
body that none is left behind another. On the whole, one 
would say that their chief strength is in their infantry, which 
fights along with the cavalry; admirably adapted to the 
action of the latter is the swiftness of certain foot-soldiers, 
who are picked from the entire youth of their country, and 
stationed in front of the line. Their number is fixed, — a 
hundred from each canton; and from this they take their 
name among their countrymen, so that what was originally 
a mere number has now become a title of distinction. 
Their line of battle is drawn up in a wedge-like formation. 
To give ground, provided you return to the attack, is con- 
sidered prudence rather than cowardice. The bodies of 



must be 
regarded as 
applying to 
those parts 
of the coun- 
try best 
known to the 
Romans, and 
to the most 
advanced 
tribes ; but it 
may be 
accepted as 
substantially 
true, afford- 
ing " a gen- 
eral view of 
.il of 
the Teutonic 
system." 



6 Britons and Saxons 

their slain they carry off, even in indecisive engagements. 
To abandon your shield is the basest of crimes ; nor may 
a man thus disgraced be present at the sacred rites, or enter 
their council ; many, indeed, after escaping from battle, 
have ended their infamy with the halter. 

Government. Influence of women 

Many of the They choose their kings by birth, their generals for merit. 
tribeThadno These kings have not unlimited or arbitrary power, and the 
kings. generals do more by example than by authority. If they 

are energetic, if they are conspicuous, if they fight in 
the front, they lead because they are admired. But to 
reprimand, to imprison, even to flog, is permitted to the 
priests alone, and that not as a punishment, or at the gen- 
eral's bidding, but, as it were, by the mandate of the god, 
whom they believe to inspire the warrior. They also carry 
with them into battle certain figures and images taken from 
their sacred groves. And what most stimulates their courage 
is, that their squadrons or battalions, instead of being formed 
by chance or by a fortuitous gathering, are composed of 
families and clans. Close by them, too, are those dearest 
to them, so that they hear the shrieks of women, the cries of 
infants. They are to every man the most sacred witnesses 
of his bravery — they are his most generous applauders. 
The soldier brings his wounds to mother and wife, who 
shrink not from counting or even demanding them, and 
who administer both food and encouragement to the com- 
batants. . . . 

Councils 

About minor matters the chiefs deliberate, about the more 
important the whole tribe. Vet even when the final decision 
rests with the people, the affair is always thoroughly dis- 
cussed by the chiefs. They assemble, except in the case of 



The Early Germans 7 

a sudden emergency, on certain fixed days, either at new or 
at full moon ; for this they consider the most auspicious 
season for the transaction of business. Instead of reckon- 
ing by days as we do, they reckon by nights, and in this 
manner fix both their ordinary and their legal appointments. 
Night they regard as bringing on day. Their freedom has 
this disadvantage, that they do not meet simultaneously or 
as they are bidden, but two or three days are wasted in the 
delays of assembling. When the multitude think proper, 
they sit down armed. Silence is proclaimed by the priests, 
who have on these occasions the right of keeping order. 
Then the king or the chief, according to age, birth, distinc- 
tion in war, or eloquence, is heard, more because he has 
influence to persuade than because he has power to com- 
mand. If his sentiments displease them, they reject them 
with murmurs; if they are satisfied, they brandish their Bv the clash 
spears. The most complimentary form of assent is to °p^ e 
express approbation with their weapons. . . . 

Training of the youth 

Thev transact no public or private business without being The marked 
armed. It is not, however, usual for any one to wear arms iri1 , )t lhe 
till the state has recognised his power to use them. Then gnrnansrt^ 
in the presence of the council one of the chiefs, or the perhaps the 

„ , , • 1 • -.1 result of the 

young man's father, or some kinsman, equips him with a l( , mimious 

shield and a spear. These arms are what the " toga " is gjgjj^ 

with us, the first honour with which youth is invested. Up 

to this time he is regarded as a member of a household, 

afterwards as a member of the commonwealth. Very noble 

birth or great services rendered by the father secure for 

lads the rank of a chief; such lads attach themselves to 

men of mature strength and of long-approved valour. It 

is no shame to be seen among a chief s followers. Even in 

his escort there are gradations of rank, dependent on the 



8 Britons and Saxons 

choice of the man to whom they are attached. These fol- 
lowers vie keenly with each other as to who shall rank first 
with his chief, the chiefs as to who shall have the most 
numerous and the bravest followers. It is an honour as 
well as a source of strength to be thus always surrounded 
by a large body of picked youths ; it is an ornament in 
peace, and a defence in war. And not only in his own 
tribe but also in the neighbouring states it is the renown 
and glory of a chief to be distinguished for the number and 
valour of his followers, for such a man is courted by embas- 
sies, is honoured with presents, and the very prestige of his 
name often settles a war. 

Warlike ardour of the people 

When they go into battle, it is a disgrace for the chief to 
be surpassed in valour, a disgrace for his followers not to 
equal the valour of the chief. And it is an infamy and a 
reproach for life to have survived the chief, and returned 
from the field. To defend, to protect him, to ascribe one's 
own brave deeds to his renown, is the height of loyalty. 
The chief fights for victory ; his vassals fight for their chief. 
If their native state sinks into the sloth of prolonged peace 
and repose, many of its noble youths voluntarily seek those 
tribes which are waging some war, both because inaction is 
odious to their race, and because they win renown more 
readily in the midst of peril, and cannot maintain a numer- 
ous following except by violence and war. Indeed, men 
look to the liberality of their chief for their war-horse and 
their blood-stained and victorious lance. Feasts and enter- 
tainments, which, though inelegant, are plentifully fur- 
nished, are their only pay. The means of this bounty come 
from war and rapine. Nor are they as easily persuaded to 
plough the earth and to wait for the year's produce as to 
challenge an enemy and earn the honour of wounds. Nay, 



The Early Germans 9 

they actually think it tame and stupid to acquire by the 
sweat of toil what they might win by their blood. 



Habits in time of peace 

Whenever they are not fighting, they pass much of their Compare 
time in the chase, and still more in idleness, giving them- North* 5 
selves up to sleep and to feasting, the bravest and the most Am 
warlike doing nothing, and surrendering the management 
of the household, of the home, and of the land, to the 
women, the old men, and all the weakest members of the 
family. They themselves lie buried in sloth, a strange com- 
bination in their nature that the same men should be so 
fond of idleness, so averse to peace. It is the custom of 
the states to bestow by voluntary and individual contribu- 
tion on the chiefs a present of cattle or of grain, which, 
while accepted as a compliment, supplies their wants. 
They are particularly delighted by gifts from neighbouring 
tribes, which are sent not only by individuals but also by 
the state, such as choice steeds, heavy armour, trappings, 
and neckchains. We have now taught them to accept 
money also. 

Arrangement of their towns 

It is well known that the nations of Germany have no 
cities, and that they do not even tolerate closely contiguous 
dwellings. They live scattered and apart, just as a spring, 
a meadow, or a wood has attracted them. Their villages 
they do not arrange in our fashion, with the buildings con- 
nected and joined together, but every person surrounds his 
dwelling with an open space, either as a precaution against 
the disasters of fire, or because they do not know how to 
build. No use is made by them of stone or tile ; they em- 
ploy timber for all purposes, rude masses without ornament 



io Britons and Saxons 

or attractiveness. Some parts of their buildings they stain 
more carefully with a clay so clear and bright that it resem- 
bles painting, or a coloured design. . . . 

Hereditary fends. Fines for homicide. Hospitality 

See No. 6. It is a duty among them to adopt the feuds as well as 

the friendships of a father or a kinsman. These feuds are 
not implacable ; even homicide is expiated by the payment 
of a certain number of cattle and of sheep, and the satis- 
faction is accepted by the entire family, greatly to the 
advantage of the state, since feuds are dangerous in pro- 
portion to a people's freedom. 

No nation indulges more profusely in entertainments and 
hospitality. To exclude any human being from their roof 
is thought impious ; every German, according to his means, 
receives his guest with a well-furnished table. When his 
supplies are exhausted, he who was but now the host be- 
comes the guide and companion to further hospitality, and 
without invitation they go to the next house. It matters 
not ; they are entertained with like cordiality. . . . 



Food 

A liquor for drinking is made out of barley or other grain, 
and fermented into a certain resemblance to wine. The 
dwellers on the river-bank also buy wine. Their food is of a 
simple kind, consisting of wild-fruit, fresh game, and curdled 
milk. They satisfy their hunger without elaborate prepa- 
ration, and without delicacies. In quenching their thirst 
they are not equally moderate. If you indulge their love 
of drinking by supplying them with as much as they desire, 
they will be overcome by their own vices as easily as by the 
arms of an enemy. 



The Early Germans 1 1 

Sports. Passion for gambling 

One and the same kind of spectacle is always exhibited 
at every gathering. Naked youths who practise the sport 
bound in the dance amid swords and lances that threaten 
their lives. Experience gives them skill, and skill again 
gives grace ; profit or pay are out of the question ; however 
reckless their pastime, its reward is the pleasure of the 
spectators. Strangely enough they make games of hazard a 
serious occupation even when sober, and so venturesome are 
they about gaining or losing, that, when every other resource 
has failed, on the last and final throw, they stake the freedom 
of their own persons. The loser goes into voluntary slavery ; 
though the younger and stronger, he suffers himself to be 
bound and sold. Such is their stubborn persistency in a 
bad practice ; they themselves call it honour. Slaves of this 
kind the owners part with in the way of commerce, and also 
to relieve themselves from the scandal of such a victory. . . . 

Occupation of Laud. Tillage 

. . . Land proportioned to the number of inhabitants is 
occupied by the whole community in turn, and afterwards 
divided among them according to rank. A wide expanse 
of plains makes the partition easy. They till fresh fields 
every year, and they have still more land than enough ; 
with the richness and extent of their soil, they do not 
laboriously exert themselves in planting orchards, inclosing 
meadows, and watering gardens. Corn is the only produce 
required from the earth ; hence even the year itself is not 
divided by them into as many seasons as with us. Winter, 
spring, and summer have both a meaning and a name ; the 
name and blessings of autumn are alike unknown. 

Cornelius Tacitus, Germania (translated bv Church and Brod- 
ribb, London, 1877), Chs. IV, VI, VII, XI, XVI, XXI, 
XXIII, XXIV, XXVI. 



I 2 



Britons and Saxons 



By B.^EDA, 

the" Vener- 
able bede" 
(673-735). a 

native of Ber- 
nicia, who 
was trained 
for the 
church, and 
spent most of 
his life in the 
Benedictine 
abbey of 
Jarrow on the 
lyne, where 
he died. 
Later his 
bones were 
removed to 
the Cathedral 
of Durham, 
and a shrine 
was erected 
to his mem- 
ory. Both 
shrine and 
relics were 
destroyed in 
the reign of 
Henry VIII. 
Bede's life 
was spent in 
the servii e ol 
the church 
and of 
literature. 
His great 
work, the / 
clesiastical 

History, 

covers the 

period fri >m 
the coming of 
Cse iar to 731. 
It is in nowise 
confined to 
church mat- 
ters, and for 
the later 
years, 

ally from 633, 
it forms our 
best author- 
ity. As .1 
historian 



3. The Coming of the Angles and Saxons 

(circ. 450) 

In the year of our Lord 449, Martian being made em- 
peror with Valentinian, and the forty-sixth from Augustus, 
ruled the empire seven years. Then the nation of the Angles, 
or Saxons, being invited by the aforesaid king, arrived in 
Britain with three long ships, and had a place assigned them 
to reside in by the same king, in the eastern part of the 
island, that they might thus appear to be fighting for their 
country, whilst their real intentions were to enslave it. 
Accordingly they engaged with the enemy, who were come 
from the north to give battle, and obtained the victory ; 
which, being known at home in their own country, as also 
the fertility of the country, and the cowardice of the Britons, 
a more considerable fleet was quickly sent over, bringing a 
still greater number of men, which, being added to the former, 
made up an invincible army. The new comers received of 
the Britons a place to inhabit, upon condition that they 
should wage war against their enemies for the peace and se- 
curity of the country, whilst the Britons agreed to furnish 
them with pay. Those who came over were of the three 
powerful nations of Germany, — Saxons, Angles, and Jutes. 
From the Jutes are descended the people of Kent, and of 
the Isle of Wight, and those also in the province of the West- 
Saxons who are to this day called Jutes, seated opposite to 
the Isle of Wight. From the Saxons, that is, the country 
which is now called Old Saxony, came the East- Saxons, the 
South-Saxons, and the West-Saxons. From the Angles, that 
is, the country which is called Anglia, and which is said, from 
that time, to remain desert to this day, between the provinces 
of the Jutes and the Saxons, are descended the East-Angles, 
the Midland-Angles, Mercians, all the race of the Northum- 
brians, that is, of those nations that dwell on the north side 



Angles and Saxons 



of the river Humber, and the other nations of the English. Bode is 
... In a short time, swarms of the aforesaid nations came ^dour and 
over into the island, and they began to increase so much intelligence. 

. —On the 

that they became terrible to the natives themselves who had Saxon Con- 
invited them. Then, having on a sudden entered into league ^SShe 
with the Picts, whom they had by this time repelled by the Making oj 

. , , , . . England. 

force of their arms, they began to turn their weapons against 

,. , » «. i i ,• 11 r -i "Aforesaid 

their confederates. At first, they obliged them to furnish a king" = Vor- 
greater quantity of provisions ; and, seeking an occasion to t'S ™- 
quarrel, protested, that unless more plentiful supplies were 
brought them, they would break the confederacy, and ravage 
all the island ; nor were they backward in putting their 
threats in execution. In short, the fire kindled by the hands 
of these pagans proved God's just revenge for the crimes of 
the people; . . . For the barbarous conquerors acting here 
in the same manner, or rather the just Judge ordaining that 
they should so act, they plundered all the neighbouring cities 
and country, spread the conflagration from the eastern to 
the western sea, without any opposition, and covered almost 
every part of the devoted island. Public as well as private 
structures were overturned ; the priests were everywhere 
slain before the altars ; the prelates and the people, without 
any respect of persons, were destroyed with fire and sword ; 
nor was there any to bury those who had been thus cruelly 
slaughtered. Some of the miserable remainder, being taken 
in the mountains, were butchered in heaps. Others, spent 
with hunger, came forth and submitted themselves to the 
enemy for food, being destined to undergo perpetual servi- 
tude, if they were not killed even upon the spot. Some, with 
sorrowful hearts, fled beyond the seas. Others, continuing 
in their own country, led a miserable life among the woods, 
rocks, and mountains, with scarcely enough food to support 
life, and expecting every moment to be their last. 

Had. i. Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (translated by J. 
A. Giles, London, 1847). Book I, Ch. XV. 



x 4 



Britons and Saxons 



By Bmda. 

See No. 3. 
This extract 
is taken from 
the second 
book of the 
Ecclesias- 
tical History \ 
and describes 
events near 
to Bede's own 
time. His 
information 
may have 
been derived 
from those 
having a per- 
sonal know- 
ledge of the 
facts. 

" These 
words " = the 
Christian 
preaching of 
Paulinus. 

Paulinus was 

the chaplain 
of the wife 
of Edwin, a 
Christian 
princess of 
Kent. 



4. Conversion of Edwin, King of the 
Northumbrians (circ. 625) 

The king, hearing these words, answered, that he was 
both willing and bound to receive the faith which he taught ; 
but that he would confer about it with his principal friends 
and counsellors, to the end that if they also were of his 
opinion, they might all together be cleansed in Christ the 
Fountain of Life. Paulinus consenting, the king did as he 
said ; for, holding a council with die wise men, he asked of 
every one in particular what he thought of the new doctrine, 
and the new worship that was preached? To which the 
chief of his own priests, Coifi, immediately answered : " O 
king, consider what this is which is now preached to us ; 
for I verily declare to you, that the religion which we have 
hitherto professed has, as far as I can learn, no virtue in it. 
Eor none of your people has applied himself" more diligently 
to the worship of our gods than I ; and yet there are many 
who receive greater favours from you, and are more pre- 
ferred than I, and are more prosperous in all their under- 
takings. Now if the gods were good for anything, they 
would rather forward me, who have been more careful to 
serve them. It remains, therefore, that if upon examina- 
tion you find those new doctrines, which are now preached 
to us, better and more efficacious, we immediately receive 
them without any delay." 

Another of the king's chief men, approving of his words 
and exhortations, presently added ; " The present life of 
man, O king, seems to me, in comparison of that time 
which is unknown to us, like to the swift flight of a sparrow 
through the room wherein you sit at supper in winter, with 
your commanders and ministers, and a good fire in the midst, 
whilst the storms of rain and snow prevail abroad ; the spar- 
row, I say, flying in at one door, and immediately out at 



Conversion of Edwin 15 

another, whilst he is within, is safe from the wintry storm ; 
but after a short space of fair weather, he immediately van- 
ishes out of your sight, into the dark winter from which he 
had emerged. So this life of man appears for a short space, 
but of what went before, or what is to follow, we are utterly 
ignorant. If, therefore, this new doctrine contains some- 
thing more certain, it seems justly to deserve to be followed." 
The other elders and king's counsellors, by Divine inspira- 
tion, spoke to the same effect. 

But Coifi added, that he wished more attentively to hear 
Paulinus discourse concerning the God whom he preached ; 
which he having by the king's command performed, Coifi, 
hearing his words, cried out : " I have long since been sensi- 
ble that there was nothing in that which we worshipped ; 
because the more diligently I sought after truth in that wor- 
ship, the less I found it. But now I freely confess, that 
such truth evidently appears in this preaching as can confer 
on us the gifts of life, of salvation, and of eternal happi- 
ness. For which reason I advise, O king, that we instantly 
abjure and set fire to those temples and altars which we have 
consecrated without reaping any benefit from them." In 
short, the king publicly gave his license to Paulinus to preach Paulinus be- 
the Gospel, and renouncing idolatry, declared that he received SySiKniP 
the faith of Christ : and when he inquired of the high priest won the 
who should first profane the altars and temples of their idols, Christianity, 
with the enclosures that were about them, he answered, " I ; 
for who can more properly than myself destroy those things 
which I worshipped through ignorance, for an example to 
all others, through the wisdom which has been given me by 
the true God?" Then immediately, in contempt of his 
former superstitions, he desired the king to furnish him with 
arms and a stallion ; and mounting the same, he set out to 
destroy the idols ; for it was not lawful before for the high 
priest either to carry arms, or to ride on any but a mare. 
Having, therefore, girt a sword about him, with a spear in 



i6 



Britons and Saxons 



" The home 
of the pro- 
tection of the 
gods." 



his hand, he mounted the king's stallion and proceeded to the 
idols. The multitude, beholding it, concluded he was dis- 
tracted ; but he lost no time, for as soon as he drew near 
the temple he profaned the same, casting into it the spear 
which he held ; and rejoicing in the knowledge of the wor- 
ship of the true God, he commanded his companions to 
destroy the temple, with all its enclosures, by fire. This 
place where the idols were is still shown, not far from York, 
to the eastward, beyond the river Derwent, and is now called 
Godmundingham, where the high priest, by the inspiration 
of the true God, profaned and destroyed the altars which he 
had himself consecrated. 



Baeda, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (translated by J. 
A. Giles, London, 1847), Book II, Ch. XIII. 



This treaty 
between 
Charles the 
Great or 
Charlemagne 
(t8i4) and 
Offa, the 
greatest of 
the Mercian 
kings (t79">. 
is of interest 
as showing 
the character 
of the inter- 
course 

between Eng- 
land and the 
Continent. 
Compare 
No. 12. 



5. Treaty between Charles the Great and 
Offa (circ. 795) 

" Charles, by the grace of God king of the Franks and 
Lombards, and patrician of the Romans, to his esteemed and 
dearest brother Offa king of the Mercians, sendeth health : 

First, we give thanks to God Almighty for the purity of the 
Catholic faith, which we find laudably expressed in your 
letters. Concerning pilgrims, who for the love of God or 
the salvation of their souls, wish to visit the residence of the 
holy apostles, let them go peaceably without any molesta- 
tion ; but if persons, not seeking the cause of religion, but 
that of gain, be found amongst them, let them pay the cus- 
tomary tolls in proper places. We will, too, that traders 
have due protection within our kingdom, according to our 
mandate, and if in any place they suffer wrongful oppression, 



Alfred's Dooms 



J 7 



let them appeal to us or to our judges, and we will see full 
justice done. . . ." 

William of Malmesbury, Chronicle (translated by J. A. Giles, 
London, 1847). 85. 



6. Alfred's Dooms 

16. If any one smite his neighbour with a stone or with 
his fist, and he nevertheless can go out with a staff; let him 
get him a leech, and work his work the while that himself 
may not. 

21. If an ox gore a man or a woman, so that they die, let it 
be stoned, and let not its flesh be eaten. The lord shall not 
be liable, if the ox were wont to push with its horns for two 
or three days before, and the lord knew it not ; but if he 
knew it, and he would not shut it in, and it then shall have 
slain a man or a woman, let it be stoned; and let the lord 
be slain, or the man be paid for, as the ' witan ' decree to 
be right. If it gore a son or a daughter, let him be subject 
to the like judgment. But if it gore a ' theow ' or a ' theow- 
mennen,' let XXX shillings of silver be given to the lord, 
and let the ox be stoned. 

34. Injure ye not the widows and the step-children, nor 
hurt them anywhere : for if ye do otherwise, they will cry 
unto me, and I will hear them, and I will then slay you with 
my sword ; and I will so do that your wives shall be widows, 
and your children shall be step-children. 

35. If thou give money in loan to thy fellow who willeth 
to dwell with thee, urge thou him not as a 'niedling,' and 
oppress him not with the increase. 

36. If a man have only a single garment wherewith to 
cover himself, or to wear, and he give it [to thee] in pledge ; 
let it be returned before sunset. If thou dost not so, then 



The accom- 
panying ex- 
tract is from 
the laws of 
A I.IK 1 D 
I 111 (iREAT 
(849-901?). 
The laws of 
primitive 

es are 
generally 
handed d< >u n 

1 torn 
and oral tra- 
dition, and 
the earliest 
written laws 
are nu 

amendments 
of still 1 
unwritten 
customs or 
attempts to 
put inio sys- 
tematic ii 11 m 
the estab- 
lished usage 
1 >t the com- 
munitj 

brief 
ils of 
in his 
troubled 
reign Alfred 
drew up a 

lish law based 
on ancienl 

custom and 
the laws of 
some of his 
essors. 

Doom = law, 
decree. 



i8 



Britons and Saxons 



Theow = 
slave. 

Theow-men- 
nen = bond- 
woman. 

Niedling = 

worthless 

person. 



Wer-gild = 
payment for 
slaying a 
man. 

Bot = com- 
pensation to 
the injured. 

\\ er = " The 
pecuniary 
estimation of 
a man by 
which the 
value of his 
oath and the 
payment for 
his death 
were deter- 
mined." 
Stubbs. 



shall he call unto me, and I will hear him ; for I am very 
merciful. 

43. Judge thou very evenly : judge thou not one doom 
to the rich, another to the poor ; nor one to thy friend, 
another to thy foe, judge thou. 

I, then, Alfred, king, gathered these together, and com- 
manded many of those to be written which our forefathers 
held, those which to me seemed good ; and many of those 
which seemed to me not good I rejected them, by the 
counsel of my ' witan,' and in otherwise commanded them 
to be holden ; for I durst not venture to set down in writing 
much of my own, for it was unknown to me what of it would 
please those who should come after us. But those things 
which I met with, either of the days of Ine my kinsman, or 
of Offa king of the Mercians, or of .Ethelbryht, who first 
among the English race received baptism, those which 
seemed to me the rightest, those I have here gathered 
together, and rejected the others. 

I, then, Alfred, king of the West-Saxons, shewed these 
to all my ' witan,' and they then said that it seemed good to 
them all to be holden. 

In Case a Man fight in the King s Hall 

7. If any one fight in the king's hall, or draw his weapon, 
and he be taken ; be it in the king's doom, either death, or 
life, as he may be willing to grant him. If he escape, and 
be taken again, let him pay for himself according to his 
'wer-gild,' and make 'bot' for the offence, as well 'wer' as 
' wile,' according as he may have wrought. 

Of those Men who fight before a Bishop 

15. If a man fight before an archbishop or draw his 
weapon, let him make ' bbt ' with one hundred and fifty 
shillings. If before another bishop or an ealdorman this 
happen, let him make ' bbt ' with one hundred shillings. 



Alfred's Dooms 



x 9 



Of Kinlcss Men 

27. If a man, kinless of paternal relatives, fight, and slay 
a man, and then if he have maternal relatives, let them pay 
a third of the ' wer ' ; his guild-brethren a third part ; for a 
third let him flee. If he have no maternal relatives, let his 
guild-brethren pay half, for half let him flee. 

Of Feuds 
42. We also command : that the man who knows his foe 
to be home-sitting fight not before he demand justice of 
him. If he have such power that he can beset his foe, and 
besiege him within, let him keep him within for VII. days, 
and attack him not, if he will remain within. And then, 
after VII. days, if he will surrender, and deliver up his 
weapons, let him be kept safe for XXX. days, and let notice 
of him be given to his kinsmen and his friends. If. how- 
ever, he flee to a church, then let it be according to the 
sanctity of the church ; as we have before said above. Hut 
if he have not sufficient power to besiege him within, let 
him ride to the ' ealdorman,' and beg aid of him. If he 
will not aid him, let him ride to the king before he fights. 
In like manner also, if a man come upon his foe, and he 
did not before know him to be home-staying ; if he be will- 
ing to deliver up his weapons, let him be kept for XXX. 
days, and let notice of him be given to his friends ; if he 
will not deliver up his weapons, then he may attack him. 
If he be willing to surrender, and to deliver up his weapons, 
and any one after that attack him, let him pay as well ' wer ' 
as wound, as he may do, and ' wite,' and let him have for- 
feited his ' maeg '-ship. We also declare, that with his lord 
a man may fight ' orwige,' if any one attack the lord : thus 
may the lord fight for his man. After the same wise, a man 
may fight with his born kinsman, if a man attack him wrong- 
fully, except against his lord ; that we do not allow. 



Wite = a fine 
as a punish- 
ment. 



Feud = pri- 
vate warfare. 
" Right of 
feud . . . lies 
at the root of 
all Teutonic 
legislation." 
Kemble. Cf. 
No. 2. 
from an 

late this 
right was 
limited by the 
establish- 
ment of a 
tariff of rates 
for injuries to 
be accepted 
in lieu of 
blood atone- 
ment. Hut 
in case this 
compensa- 
tion was 
refused, the 
right "l exact- 

ife tor 
a life or a 
limb for a 
limb revived, 
as expi 
in the : 

" Buy off the 
1 ir bear 
it." 

= Probably 

" let him for- 
feil ail claim 
to the assist- 
ance of his 
kinsmen." 

Orwige = 

without in- 
curring the 

oi mak- 
ing war. 



20 Britons and Saxons 

Of striking off an Ear 

46. If his other ear be struck off, let XXX. shillings be 
given as ' bot.' If the hearing be impaired, so that he can- 
not hear, let LX. shillings be given as ' but.' 

Of a Maiis Eye-wound and of Various Other Limbs 

47. If a man strike out another's eye, let him pay LX. 
shillings, and VI. shillings, and VI. pennies and a third part 
of a penny, as ' bot.' If it remain in the head, and he 
cannot see aught therewith, let one-third part of the ' bot ' 
be retained. 

49. If a man strike out another's tooth in the front of his 
head, let him make 'bot ' for it with VIII. shillings ; if it be 
the canine tooth, let IV. shillings be paid as ' hot.' A man's 
grinder is worth XV. shillings. 

57. If the shooting [i.e. fore] finger be struck off, the 
'bot' is XV. shillings ; for its nail it is IV. shillings. 

69. If a man maim another's hand outwardly, let XX. 
shillings be paid him as 'bot,' if he can be healed; if it 
half fly off, then shall be XL. shillings as ' bot.' 

Ancient Laws and Institutes of England (edited by TSenjamin 
Thorpe, London, 1840), 20-44. 



CHAPTER 



II — ENGLAND 
DANES 



AND THE 



7. Alfred and the Danes (871-878) 

THE same year (871), the aforesaid Alfred, who had 
been up to that time only of secondary rank, whilst 
his brothers were alive, now, by God's permission, undertook 
the government of the whole kingdom, amid the acclama- 
tions of all the people ; and if he had chosen, he might 
have done so before, whilst his brother above-named was 
still alive ; for in wisdom and other qualities he surpassed 
all his brothers, and, moreover, was warlike and victorious 
in all his wars. And when he had reigned one month, 
almost against his will, for he did not think he could alone 
sustain the multitude and ferocity of the pagans, though 
even during his brothers' lives, he had borne the woes of 
many, — he fought a battle with a few men, and on very un- 
equal terms, against all the army of the pagans, at a hill called 
Wilton, on the south bank of the river Wily, from which 
river the whole of that district is named, and after a long 
and fierce engagement, the pagans, seeing the danger they 
were in, and no longer able to bear the attack of their ene- 
mies, turned their backs and fled. But, oh, shame to say, 
they deceived their too audacious pursuers, and again rally- 
ing, gained the victory. Let no one be surprised that the 
Christians had but a small number of men, for the Saxons 
had been worn out by eight battles in one year, against the 
pagans, of whom they had slain one king, nine dukes, and 
innumerable troops of soldiers, besides endless skirmishes, 
both by night and by day, in which the oft-named Alfred, 



Ascribed to 
Asser 
(t9io?), a 
monk of 
Celtic origin, 
connected 
with the mon- 
astery of St. 
David's. He 
was the ad- 
viser and 
friend of 
Alfred in his 
effort to 
revive learn- 
ing. The 
following ex- 
tract is taken 
from the Lile 
of Alfred of 
which Asser 
is held to be 
the author. 
This work 
contains 
many inter- 
esting facts 
concerning 
the great 

king. 

" His brother 
above- 
named " = 
Ethelred. 

" pagans " = 
Danes. The 

S.txon 
Chronicle 
speaks of 
" the army." 



22 England and the Danes 

and all his chieftains, with their men, and several of his 
ministers, were engaged without rest or cessation against 
the pagans. How many thousand pagans fell in these num- 
berless skirmishes God alone knows, over and above those 
who were slain in the eight battles above-mentioned. In 
the same year the Saxons made peace with the pagans, on 
condition that they should take their departure, and they 
did so. . . . 

In the year S77, the pagans, on the approach of autumn, 
partly settled in Exeter, and partly marched for plunder into 
Mercia. The number of that disorderly crew increased every 
day, so that, if thirty thousand of them were slain in one bat- 
tle, others took their places to double the number. Then 
King Alfred commanded boats and galleys, i.e. long ships, 
to be built throughout the kingdom, in order to offer battle 
by sea to the enemy as they were coming. On board of 
these he placed seamen, and appointed them to watch the 
seas. Meanwhile he went himself to Exeter, where the 
pagans were wintering, and having shut them up within 
the walls, laid siege to the town. He also gave orders to 
his sailors to prevent them from obtaining any supplies by 
sea ; and his sailors were encountered by a fleet of a hun- 
dred and twenty ships full of armed soldiers, who were come 
to help their countrymen. As soon as the king's men knew 
that they were fitted with pagan soldiers, they leaped to their 
arms, and bravely attacked those barbaric tribes; but the 
pagans who had now for almost a month been tossed and 
almost wrecked among the waves of the sea, fought vainly 
against them ; their bands were discomfited in a moment, 
Swanwich in and all were sunk and drowned in the sea, at a place called 

Dorsetshire. Suanewic> . § _ 

In the year of our Lord's incarnation 878, which was the 
thirtieth of king Alfred's life, the army above-mentioned 
left Exeter, and went to Chippenham, a royal villa, situated 
in the west of Wiltshire, and on the eastern bank of the 



Alfred and the Danes 23 

river, which is called in British, the Avon. There they win- 
tered, and drove many of the inhabitants of that country 
beyond the sea by the force of their arms, and by want of 
the necessaries of life. They reduced almost entirely to 
subjection all the people of that country. . . . 

The same year, after Easter, king Alfred, with a few fol- 
lowers, made for himself a stronghold in a place called 
Athelney, and from thence sallied with his vassals and the 
nobles of Somersetshire, to make frequent assaults upon the 
pagans. Also, in the seventh week after Easter, he rode to 
the stone of Egbert, which is in the eastern part of the wood Now Brixton 
which is called Selwood. . . . Here he was met by all the vviits" "* 
neighbouring folk of Somersetshire, and Wiltshire, and Hamp- 
shire, who had not, for fear of the pagans, fled beyond 
the sea ; and when they saw the king alive after such 
great tribulation, they received him, as he deserved, witli 
joy and acclamations, and encamped there for one night. 
When the following day dawned, the king struck his camp, 
and went to Okely, where he encamped for one night. The Probably 
next morning he removed to Edington, and there fought, wilts. ury in 
bravely and perseveringly against all the army of the pagans, 
whom, with the divine help he defeated with great slaughter, 
and pursued them flying to their fortification. Immediately 
he slew all the men, and carried off all the booty that he 
could find without the fortress, which he immediately laid 
siege to with all his army ; and when he had been there 
fourteen days, the pagans, driven by famine, cold, fear, and 
last of all by despair, asked for peace, on the condition that 
they should give the king as many hostages as he pleased, 
but should receive none of him in return, in which form they 
had never before made a treaty with any one. The king, 
hearing that, took pity upon them, and received such hos- 
tages as he chose ; after which the pagans swore, moreover, 
that they would immediately leave the kingdom ; and their 
king, Gothrun, promised to embrace Christianity, and re- 



24 England and the Danes 



Compare 
throughout 
with the 
account in 
the Saxon 
Chronicle. 



ceive baptism at king Alfred's hands. All of which articles 
he and his men fulfilled as they had promised. 

Asser, De Rebus Gestis ALlfredi Magni (translated by J. A. Giles, 
London, 1848), 56-63. 



From the 
Saxon 
Chronicle. 
See No. 11. 
At the time 
Athelstan's 
victory over 
the allied 
Scots, Welsh, 
and Danes 
was looked 
upon as the 
hardest fight 
the English 
had everwon, 
and it was 
commemo- 
rated in 
several songs. 
The war- 
ballad of 
Brunanburh 
found in the 
Chronicle is 
one of the 
oldest and 
noblest of 
national lays. 
Cf. Lord 
Tennyson's 
translation. 

Board-walls 
= shield- 
wall. 

War-lindens 
= shields of 
linden wood. 



Dseniede = 
flowed. 



8. The Battle of Brunanburh (937) 

Here Athelstan, king, 

of earls the lord, 

of heroes the bracelet-giver, 

and his brother eke, 

Edmund etheling, 

life-long-glory 

in battle won 

with edges of swords 

near Brumby. 

The board-walls they clove, 

they hewed the war-lindens, 

Hamora lafan' 
offspring of Edward, 
such was their noble nature 
from their ancestors, 
that they in battle oft 
'gainst every foe 
the land defended, 
hoards and homes. 
The foe they crushed, 
the Scottish people 
and the shipmen 
fated fell. 

The field ' dseniede ' 
with warriors' blood, 
since the sun up 



Battle of Brunanburh 25 



at morning-tide, 

mighty planet, 

glided o'er grounds, 

God's candle bright, 

the eternal Lord's, 

till the noble creature 

sank to her settle. 

There lay many a warrior, 

by javelins strewed, 

northern man 

over shield shot ; 

so the Scots eke, 

weary, war-sad. 

West-Saxons onwards 

throughout the day, 

in bands, 

pursued the footsteps 

of the loathed nations. 

They hewed the fugitives 

behind, amain 

with swords mill-sharp 

Mercians refused not 

the hard hand-play 

to any heroes 

who with Anlaf, 

over the ocean, 

in the ship's bosom, 

this land sought 

fated to the fight. 

Five lay 

on the battle-stead, 

youthful kings, 

by swords in slumber laid : 

so seven eke 

of Anlaf 's earls ; 



Sharp from 
the grind- 
stone. 



Anlaf or Olaf, 
King of the 
Northmen in 
Ireland. 



26 England and the Danes 

of the army countless, 

shipmen and Scots. 

There was made flee 

the North-men's chieftain 

by need constrained, 

to the ship's prow 

with a little band. 

The bark drove afloat : 

the king departed 

on the fallow flood, 

his life preserved. 

So there eke the sage 

came by flight 

to his country north, 

Constantine, 

hoary warrior, 

He had no cause to exult 

in the communion of swords. 

Here was his kindred band 

of friends o'erthrown 

on the folk-stead, 

in battle slain ; 

and his son he left 

on the slaughter-place, 

mangled with wounds, 

young in the fight : 

he had no cause to boast, 

hero grizzly-haired, 

of the bill-clashing, 

the old deceiver ; 

nor Anlaf the moor, 

with the remnant of their armies ; 

they had no cause to laugh 

that they in war's works 

the better men were 



Battle of Brunanburh 27 



in the battle-stead 

at the conflict of banners 

meeting of spears, 

concourse of men, 

traffic of weapons ; 

that they on the slaughter-field 

with Edward's 

offspring played. 

The North-men departed 
in their nailed barks ; 
bloody relic of darts, 
on roaring ocean 
o'er the deep water 
Dublin to seek, 
again Ireland, 
shamed in mind. 

So too the brothers, 
both together 
king and etheling, 
their country sought, 
West-Saxons' land, 
in the war exulting. 
They left behind them, 
the corse to devour, 
the sallowy kite 
and the swarthy raven 
with horned nib, 
and the dusky ' pada,' 
erne white-tailed, 
the corse to enjoy, 
greedy war-hawk 
and the grey beast, 
wolf of the wood. 
Carnage greater has not been 
in this island 



Athelstan 
and Edmund. 



I.e. dusky 
one. 

erne = eagle. 



28 England and the Danes 

ever yet 

of people slain, 

before this, 

by edges of swords, 

as books us say, 

old writers, 

since from the east hither, 

Angles and Saxons 

came to land, 

o'er the broad seas 

Britain sought, 

mighty war-smiths, 

the Welsh o'ercame, 

earls most bold, 

this earth obtained. 

The Saxon Chronicle (translated by J. A. Giles, London, 1847), 
375-377- 



The accom- 
panying doc- 
ument is 
entitled the 
" Rectititjines 
Singularum 
Person- 
arum" or 
" The Ser- 
vices due 
from I arious 
Per softs." 
The S.ixon 
version dates 
probably 
from tin; tenth 
century, and 
the Latin 
from the 
twelfth. It 
gives a de- 
scription of 
the services 
due from the 
thane to the 



9. Dues and Services from the Land in the 
Tenth Century 

Thane s Law 

The thane's law is that he be worthy of his boc-rights, 
and that he do three things for his land, fyrd-faereld, burh- 
bot, and brig-bot. Also from many lands more land-services 
are due at the king's bann, as deer-hedging at the king's 
ham, and apparel for the guard, and sea-ward and head- 
ward and fyrd-ward and almsfee and kirkshot, and many 
other various things. 

Goicaf s Services 

The geneat's services are various as on the land is fixed. 
On some he shall pay land-gafol and grass-swine yearly, and 



Dues and Services 



29 



ride, and carry, and lead loads ; work and support his lord, 
and reap and mow, cut deer-hedge and keep it up, build, 
and hedge the burh, make new roads for the tun : pay kirk- 
shot and almsfee : keep head-ward and horse-ward : go 
errands far or near wherever he is directed. 

Cottier 's Services 

The cottier's services are what on the land is fixed. On 
some he shall each Monday in the year work for his lord, 
and three days a week in harvest. He ought not to pay 
land-gafol. He ought to have five acres in his holding, 
more if it be the custom on the land, and too little it is if 
it be less : because his work is often required. He pays 
hearth-penny on Holy Thursday, as pertains to every free- 
man, and defends his lord's inland, if he is required, from 
sea-ward and from king's deer-hedge, and from such 
things as befit his degree. And he pays his kirkshot at 
Martinmas. 

Gcbur's Services 

The Gebur's services are various, in some places heavy, 
in others moderate. On some land he must work at week- 
work two days at such work as he is required through the 
year every week, and at harvest three days for week-work, 
and from Candlemas to Easter three. If he do carrying 
he has not to work while his horse is out. He shall pay on 
Michaelmas Day x. gafol-pence, and on Martinmas Day 
xxiii. sesters of barley and two hens ; at Easter a young 
sheep or two pence ; and he shall lie from Martinmas to 
Easter at his lord's fold as often as he is told. And from 
the time that they first plough to Martinmas he shall each 
week plough one acre, and prepare himself the seed in his 
lord's barn. Also iii. acres bene-work, and ii. to grass- 
yrth. If he needs more grass then he ploughs for it as he 



king, and of 
those which 
the various 
classes that 
sat upon the 
land owed 
their lord. 

The three 
duties of the 
thane were to 
accompany 
the king to 
war, help 
build his 

5, and 
keep up the 
bridges. 

Geneat, Latin 
villanus, or 

villain. 

Gafol = 
tribute. 

Cottier = a 
class of 
geneats with 

small hold- 
ings. 

Inland = 
demesne or 
land reserved 
by the lord to 
his own use. 

Gebur = 
Villain 
proper, hav- 
ing a holding 
of about 
thirty acres. 



Bene-work = 
special work. 



30 England and the Danes 

is allowed. For his gafol-yrth he ploughs iii. acres, and 
sows it from his own barn. And he pays his hearth-penny. 
Two and two feed one hound, and each gebur gives vi. loaves 
to the swineherd when he drives his herd to mast. On that 
land where this custom holds it pertains to the gebur that 
he shall have given to him for his outfit ii. oxen and i. cow 
and vi. sheep, and vii. acres sown on his yard-land. Where- 
fore after that year he must perform all services which per- 
tain to him. And he must have given to him tools for his 
work, and utensils for his house. Then when he dies his 
lord takes back what he leaves. 

This land-law holds on some lands, but here and there, as 
I have said, it is heavier or lighter, for all land services are 
not alike. On some land the gebur shall pay honey-gafol, 
on some meat-gafol, on some ale-gafol. Let him who is 
over the district take care that he knows what the old land- 
customs are, and what are the customs of the people. 

Reciititdines Singularum Personarum (cited in Anglo-Saxon, 
Latin, and English. F. Seebohm, The English Village Com- 
munity, London, 1890, 129-133). 



By Ethel- 
red II, 
or Ethel- 
red the 
Unready 
(fioi6). 
This oath was 
taken at the 
bidding of 
Dunstan. 
No. 11 shows 
how little it 
was kept. 



10. Coronation Oath of Ethelred II (979) 

In the name of the Holy Trinity, three things do I promise 
to this Christian people, my subjects ; first, that I will hold 
God's church and all the Christian people of my realm in 
true peace ; second, that I will forbid all rapine and injustice 
to men of all conditions ; third, that I promise and enjoin 
justice and mercy in all judgements, in order that a just and 
merciful God may give us all His eternal favor, who liveth 
and reigneth. 

Reliquice Antique. II, 194 (cited in English translation by Kemble, 
Saxons in England, London, 1849, H> 3^)- 



King Ethelred 



3 1 



1 1 . King Ethelred and the Danes 
(1006— 1010) 

A. 1006. . . . And then, after mid-summer, then came the 
great fleet to Sandwich, and did all as they had been before 
wont ; they ravaged, and burned, and destroyed, wherever 
they went. Then the king commanded all the people of Wessex 
and of Mercia to be called out ; and then they lay out all the 
harvest in the field against the army. But it availed nothing 
the more than it oft before had done: but for all this the 
army went wheresoever itself would, and the forces did every 
kind of harm to the inhabitants ; so that neither profited 
them, nor the home army nor the foreign army. When it 
became winter, then went the forces home ; and the army 
then came, over St. Martin's-mass, to their quarters in the 
Isle of Wight, and procured themselves there from all parts 
that which they needed. And then, at mid-winter, they 
went to their ready store, throughout Hampshire into Berk- 
shire, to Reading : and they did their old wont ; they 
lighted their war-beacons as they went. Then went they 
to Wallingford, and that all burned, and were then one day 
in Cholsey : and they went then along Ashdown to Cuc- 
kamsley-hill, and there abode, as a daring boast ; for it had 
been often said, if they should reach Cuckamsley-hill, that 
they would never again get to the sea : then they went 
homewards another way. Then were forces assembled at 
Kennet and they there joined battle, and they soon brought 
that band to flight, and afterwards carried their booty to 
the sea. But there might the Winchester-men see an army 
daring and fearless, as they went by their gates towards the 
sea, and fetched themselves food and treasures over fifty 
miles from the sea. Then had the king gone over Thames 
into Shropshire, and there took his abode during the mid- 
winter's tide. Then became the dread of the army so great, 



From the 
Saxon 
Chronicle. 
Probably 
compiled 
annually in 
one or more 
of the leading 
monasteries 
of the king- 
dom, and 
extending 
from at least 
the ninth 
century to 
1 154. "No 
other nation 
can produce 
any history, 
written in its 
own vernacu- 
lar, at all 
approaching 
the Anglo- 
Saxon 
Chronicle, 
either in 
antiquity, 
truthiulness, 
or extent, the 
historical 
books of the 
Bible alone 
excepted." 
Thorpe. 

" The great 
fleet," i.e. the 
Danish fleet. 

" The king" 
= Ethelred 
the Unready. 

" The army," 
i.e. the Dan- 
ish force. 



32 England and the Danes 



Tribute was 
first paid in 
991. 



Edric, sur- 
named the 
Gainer, was 
the evil 
genius of the 
English. 

The later 
hide was 
about 120 
acres. The 
pre-Norman 
hide was, per- 
haps, from 
30 to 60 
acres. 



Reference 
obscure. 



that no man could think or discover how they could be 
driven out of the land, or this land maintained against them ; 
for they had every shire in Wessex sadly marked, by burning 
and by plundering. Then the king began earnestly with 
his witan to consider what might seem most advisable to 
them all, so that this land might be saved, before it was 
utterly destroyed. Then the king and his witan decreed, 
fur the behoof of the whole nation, though it was hateful 
to them all, that they needs must pay tribute to the army. 
Then the king sent to the army, and directed it to be made 
known to them, that he would that there should be a truce 
between them, and that tribute should be paid, and food 
given them. And then all that they accepted : and then 
they were victualled from throughout the English nation. 

A. 1007. In this year was the tribute delivered to the 
army, that was thirty- six thousand pounds. In this year 
also was Edric appointed ealdorman over the kingdom of 
Mercia. . . . 

A. 1008. This year the king commanded that ships 
should be speedily built throughout the English nation : that 
is then, from three hundred hides and from ten hides, one 
vessel ; and from eight hides, a helmet and a coat of mail. 

A. 1009. In this year were the ships ready about which 
we before spake ; and there were so many of them as never 
before, according as books say unto us, had been among 
the English nation in any king's days. And they were all 
brought together to Sandwich, and there they were to lie 
and defend this land against every foreign army. But still 
we had not the good fortune nor the worthiness, that the 
ship-force could be of any use to this land, any more than 
it oft before had been. Then befell it at this same time, 
or a little before, that Brihtric, Edric the ealdorman's 
brother, accused [of treason] to the king Wulfnoth, the 
"child" of the South-Saxons, father of Godwin the earl. 
He then went out, and enticed ships unto him, until he had 



King Ethelred 



33 



twenty ; and he then ravaged everywhere by the south 
coast, and wrought every kind of evil. Then it was told 
unto the ship-forces that they might be easily taken, if they 
would go about it. Then Brihtric took with him eighty 
ships, and thought that he should acquire great fame if he 
could seize Wulfnoth alive or dead. But as they were on 
their way thither, then came such a wind against them as no 
man before remembered, and the ships it then utterly beat, 
and smashed to pieces, and cast upon the land ; and soon 
came Wulfnoth, and burned the ships. When this was thus 
known in the other ships where the king was, how the others 
had fared, then was it as if it had been all hopeless ; and 
the king went his way home, and the ealdormen and the 
nobility, and thus lightly left the ships ; and then afterwards, 
the people who were in the ships brought them to London : 
and they let the whole nation's toil thus lightly pass away ; 
and no better was that victory on which the whole English 
nation had fixed their hopes. When this ship-expedition 
had thus ended, then came, soon after Lammas, the vast 
hostile army, which we have called Thurkill's army, to Sand- 
wich ; and they soon went their way to Canterbury, and the 
city would soon have subdued, if the citizens had not first 
desired peace of them : and all the people of East- Kent 
made peace with the army, and gave them three thousand 
pounds. And then, soon after that, the army went forth till 
they came to the Isle of Wight; and thence everywhere in 
Sussex, and in Hampshire, and also in Berkshire, they ravished 
and plundered as their wont is. Then the king commanded 
the whole nation to be called out ; so that they should be 
opposed on every side : but lo ! nevertheless, they marched 
as they pleased. Then, upon a certain occasion, the king 
had got before them with all his forces, as they would go to 
their ships ; and all the people were ready to attack them. 
But it was then prevented through Edric the ealdorman, as 
it ever is still. . . . 



A Danish 
chief who 
invaded 
lingland in 
1009. In 
1012 he 
entered 
Ethelred's 
service. 
I ..iter he 
supported 
Canute. 



34 England and the Danes 



Ealdorman 
of the East- 
Angles, 
killed at 
Assandun, 
1016. 



A. 1010. This year, after Easter, came the fore-mentioned 
army into East-Anglia, and landed at Ipswich, and went 
forthwith where they understood Ulfkytel was with his forces. 
This was on the day, called the first of the ascension of our 
Lord. The East Angles soon fled. Then stood Cambridge- 
shire firmly against them. There was slain Athelstan the 
king's son-in-law, and Oswy and his son, and Wulfric, Leof- 
win's son, and Eadwy, Efy's brother, and many other good 
thanes, and numberless of the people : the flight first began 
at Thurkytel Myrehead. And the Danes had possession of 
the place of carnage : and there were they horsed ; and 
afterwards had dominion over East-Anglia, and the land 
three months ravaged and burned ; and they even went 
into the wild fens, and they destroyed men and cattle, and 
burned throughout the fens : and Thetford they burned, and 
Cambridge. And after that they went southward again to 
the Thames, and the men who were horsed rode towards 
the ships; and after that, very speedily, they went westward 
into Oxfordshire, and thence into Buckinghamshire, and so 
along the Ouse until they came to Bedford, and so onwards 
to Temsford ; and ever burning as they went. Then went 
they again to their ships with their booty. And when they 
went to their ships, then ought the forces again to have 
gone out against them, until they should land ; but then the 
forces went home : and when they were eastwards, then 
were the forces kept westwards ; and when they were south- 
wards, then were our forces northwards. Then were all the 
witan summoned to the king, and they were then to counsel 
how this land might be defended. But although something 
might be then counselled, it did not stand even one month : 
at last there was no chief who would assemble forces, but 
each fled as he best might ; nor, at the last, would even one 
shire assist another. . . . 



The Saxon Chronicle (translated by J. A. Giles, London, 1847), 
398-401. 



Letter from Canute 



35 



1 2, A Letter from Canute to the English 
People (1027) 

" Canute, king of all England, and of Denmark, Norway, and 
part of Sweden, to Ethelnoth, metropolitan, and ^lfric, 
archbishop of York, and to the bishops and prelates, and to 
the whole nation of the English, both the nobles and the 
commons, greeting : — 

" I notify to you that I have lately taken a journey to 
Rome, to pray for the forgiveness of my sins, and for the 
welfare of my dominions, and the people under my rule. I 
had long since vowed this journey to God, but I have been 
hitherto prevented from accomplishing it by the affairs of 
my kingdom and other causes of impediment. I now return 
most humble thanks to my God Almighty for suffering me in 
my lifetime to visit the sanctuary of his apostles, SS. Peter 
and Paul, and all others which I could find either within or 
without the city of Rome, and there in person reverentially 
worship according to my desire. I have performed this 
chiefly, because I have learnt from wise men that St. Peter 
the apostle has received from God great power in binding 
and in loosing, and carries the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; 
and therefore I esteemed it very profitable to seek his special 
patronage with the Lord. 

" Be it known to all of you that, at the celebration of Eas- 
ter, a great assembly of nobles was present with our lord, the 
pope John, and Conrad the emperor ; that is to say, all the 
princes of the nations from Mount Garganus to the neigh- 
bouring sea. All these received me with honour and presented 
me with magnificent gifts ; but more especially was I hon- 
oured by the emperor with various gifts and valuable pres- 
ents, both in gold and silver vessels, and in palls and very 
costly robes. I spoke with the emperor himself, and the 
lord pope, and the princes who were there, in regard to the 



This letter of 
the great 
Danish king 
shows the in- 
fluence of the 
mediaeval 
church in 
drawing to- 
gether the 
peoples of 
Western 
Europe. It 
shows also 
the spirit in 
which Ca- 
nute ruled, 
and the wide- 
ness of his 
interests. 
As king of 
the English, 
the Danes, 
the Norwe- 
gians, and a 
great part of 
the Swedes, 
his power was 
equalled by 
that of the 
emperor 
alone. 



John XIX. 

Conrad II. 

Mountain at 
the eastern 
end of the 
Apennines. 

The Medi- 
terranean. 



36 England and the Danes 



Rudolf III, 
last king of 
Aries. 



See No. 5. 



A conse- 
crated vest- 
ment, symbol 
of archiepis- 
copal author- 
ity, and 
conferred by 
the pope. 



wants of ray people, English as well as Danes ; that there 
should be granted to them more equal justice and greater 
security in their journeys to Rome, and that they should not 
be hindered by so many barriers on the road, nor harassed 
by unjust tolls. The emperor assented to my demands, as 
well as king Rodolph, in whose dominions these barriers 
chiefly stand ; and all the princes made edicts that my peo- 
ple, the merchants as well as those who go to pay their de- 
votions, shall pass to and fro in their journies to Rome in 
peace, and under the security of just laws, free from all mo- 
lestation by the guards of barriers or the receivers of tolls. 
I made further complaint to my lord the pope, and expressed 
my high displeasure, that my archbishops are sorely aggrieved 
by the demand of immense sums of money, when, according 
to custom, they resort to the apostolical see to obtain the 
pallium ; and it is decreed that it should no longer be done. 
All things, therefore, which I requested for the good of my 
people from my lord the pope, and the emperor, and king 
Rodolph, and the other princes through whose territories our 
road to Rome lies, they have most freely granted, and even 
ratified their concessions by oath ; to which four archbishops, 
twenty bishops, and an innumerable multitude of dukes and 
nobles who were there present, are witnesses. Wherefore I 
return most hearty thanks to Almighty God for my having 
successfully accomplished all that I had desired, as I had 
resolved in my mind, and having satisfied my wishes to the 
fullest extent. 

" Be it known therefore to all of you, that I have humbly 
vowed to the Almighty God himself henceforward to amend my 
life in all respects, and to rule the kingdoms and the people 
subject to me with justice and clemency, giving equitable 
judgments in all matters ; and if, through the intemperance of 
youth or negligence, I have hitherto exceeded the bounds 
of justice in any of my acts, I intend by God's aid to make 
an entire change for the better. I therefore adjure and com- 



Letter Irom Canute 37 

mand my counsellors to whom I have entrusted the affairs 
of my kingdom, that henceforth they neither commit them- 
selves, nor suffer to prevail, any sort of injustice throughout 
my dominions, either from fear of me, or from favour to any 
powerful person. I also command all sheriffs and magis- 
trates throughout my whole kingdom, as they tender my 
regard and their own safety, that they use no unjust violence 
to any man, rich or poor, but that all, high and low, rich or 
poor, shall enjoy alike impartial law ; from which they are 
never to deviate, either on account of royal favour, respect 
of person in the great, or for the sake of amassing money 
wrongfully, for I have no need to accumulate wealth by ini- 
quitous exactions. 

" I wish you further to know, that, returning by the way 
I went, I am now going to Denmark to conclude a treaty for Reference 
a solid peace, all the Danes concurring, with those nations l °9 laf 

1 ' °' of Norway. 

and peoples who would have taken my life and crown if it 
had been possible ; but this they were not able to accom- 
plish, God bringing their strength to nought. — May He, of 
his merciful kindness, uphold me in my sovereignty and hon- 
our, and henceforth scatter and bring to nought the power 
and might of all my adversaries ! When, therefore, I shall 
have made peace with the surrounding nations, and settled 
and reduced to order all my dominions in the East, so that 
we shall have nothing to fear from war or hostilities in any 
quarter, I propose to return to England as early in the sum- 
mer as I shall be able to fit out my fleet. I have sent this 
epistle before me in order that my people may be gladdened 
at my success ; because, as you yourselves know, I have 
never spared, nor will I spare, myself or my exertions, for 
the needful service of my whole people. I now therefore 
command and adjure all my bishops and the governors of 
my kingdom, by the duty they owe to God and myself, to 
take care that before I come to England all dues belonging 
to God, according to the old laws, be fully discharged ; 



38 England and the Danes 

namely, plough-alms, the tythe of animals born in the cur- 
rent year, and the pence payable to St. Peter at Rome, 
whether from towns or vills ; and in the middle of August 
the tythes of corn ; and at the feast of St. Martin the first- 
fruits of grain (payable) to every one's parish church, called 
in English ciric-sceat. If these and such-like dues be not 
paid before I come, those who make default will incur fines 
to the king, according to law, which will be strictly inforced 
without mercy. Farewell." 

Canute, Epistola (cited in Florence of Worcester, Chronicle. 
Translated by T. Forester, London, 1854, 137-139). 



CHAPTER III — NORMAN ENGLAND 



13. A Great Year in England's History 
(1066) 

A. 1066. In this year king Harold came from York to 
Westminster, at Easter which was after the mid-winter in 
which the king died ; and Easter was then on the day 16th 
before the Kalends of May. . . . And soon after came in 
Tosty the earl from beyond sea into the Isle of Wight, with 
so great a fleet as he might procure ; and there they yielded 
him as well money as food. And king Harold, his brother, 
gathered so great a ship-force, and also a land-force, as no 
king here in the land had before done ; because it was made 
known to him that William the bastard would come hither 
and win this land ; all as it afterwards happened. And the 
while, came Tosty the earl into Humber with sixty ships ; 
and Edwin the earl came with a land-force and drove him 
out. And the boatmen forsook him ; and he went to Scot- 
land with twelve vessels. And there met him Harold, king 
of Norway, with three hundred ships ; and Tosty submitted 
to him and became his man. And they then went both into 
Humber, until they came to York ; and there fought against 
them Edwin the earl, and Morkar the earl, his brother ; but 
the Northmen had the victory. Then was it made known 
to Harold, king of the Angles, that this had thus happened : 
and this battle was on the vigil of St. Matthew. Then came 
Harold our king unawares on the Northmen, and met with 
them beyond York, at Stanford-bridge, with a great army of 
English people : and there during the day was a very severe 
fight on both sides. There was slain Harold the Fair-haired, 
and Tosty the earl ; and the Northmen who were there 

39 



From the 
Saxon 
Chronicle. 
See Xo. 11. 
There is no 
good account 
of the great 
battle that 
decided Eng- 
land's fate in 
1066. And 
the other 
great contest 
of the year, 
that .it Stam- 
ford-brii 
has come 
down to us 
only in the 
meagre state- 
ments ot the 
chronicles 
and the po- 
etical relation 
of the Sagas 
of Harold 
Hardrada. 
Tin' national 
chronicle, 
however, 
gives us a 
brief view of 
the great 
events of one 
ot the most 
critical years 
in English 
history. 

The king, i.e. 
Edward. 

Tosty, Har- 
old's traitor 
brother, 
came from 
Normandy, 

aided by 
William. 



4_o Norman England 



Edwin, Earl 
of Mercia. 

Harold 
Hardrada, a 
typical vik- 
ing. He is 
said to have 
called out a 
levy of half 
the fighting 
men of his 
kingdom for 
this expedi- 
tion. This 
was the last 
great Scan- 
dinavian de- 
scent upon 
England. 

Morkar, Earl 
of Nortli- 
umbria. 

William 
landed in 
England 
three days 
after the 
battle of 
Stamford- 
bridge. 

In three 
weeks Har- 
old led his 
forces from 
the south to 
the north, 
and back 
again to the 
coast ; and 
fought two 
great battles. 

Archbishop 
of York. 



There were 
no pitched 
battles be- 
tween Eng- 
lish and 
Normans 
after Senlac. 



remaining were put to flight ; and the English from behind 
hotly smote them, until they came, some, to their ships, 
some were drowned, and some also burned ; and thus in 
divers ways they perished, so that there were few left : and 
the English had possession of the place of carnage. The 
king then gave his protection to Olave, son of the king of 
the Norwegians, and to their bishop, and to the earl of Ork- 
ney, and to all those who were left in the ships : and they 
then went up to our king, and swore oaths that they ever 
would observe peace and friendship towards this land ; and 
the king let them go home with twenty-four ships. These 
two general battles were fought within five days. Then 
came William, earl of Normandy, into Pevensey, on the eve 
of St. Michael's-mass : and soon after they were on their 
way, they constructed a castle at Hasting's-port. This was 
then made known to king Harold, and he then gathered a 
great force, and came to meet him at the estuary of Apple- 
dore ; and William came against him unawares, before his 
people were set in order. But the king nevertheless strenu- 
ously fought against him with those men who would follow 
him ; and there was great slaughter made on either hand. 
There was slain King Harold, and Leofwin the earl his 
brother, and Girth the earl, his brother, and many good 
men ; and the Frenchmen had possession of the place of 
carnage, all as God granted them for the people's sins. 
Archbishop Aldred and the townsmen of London would 
then have child Edgar for king, all as was his true natu- 
ral right : and Edwin and Morcar vowed to him that they 
would fight together with him. But in that degree that it 
ought ever to have been forwarder, so was it from day to day 
later and worse ; so that at the end all passed away. . . . 
And William the earl went afterwards again to Hastings, 
and there awaited to see whether the people would submit 
to him. But when he understood that they would not come 
to him, he went upwards with all his army which was left to 



Conquered and Conquerors 41 

him, and that which afterwards had come from over sea to 
him ; and he plundered all that part which he over-ran, 
until he came to Berkhampstead. And there came to meet 
him archbishop Aldred, the child Edgar, and Edwin the 
earl, and Morcar the earl, and all the chief men of London ; 
and then submitted, for need, when the most harm had been 
done : and it was very unwise that they had not done so 
before ; since God would not better it, for our sins : and 
they delivered hostages, and swore oaths to him ; and he 
vowed to them that he would be a loving lord to them : and 
nevertheless, during this, they plundered all that they over- 
ran. Then, on mid-winter's day, archbishop Aldred conse- 
crated him king at Westminster ; and he gave him a pledge 
upon Christ's book, and also swore, before he would set the 
crown upon his head, that he would govern this nation as 
well as any king before him had at the best done, if they 
would be faithful to him. Nevertheless, he laid a tribute on 
the people, very heavy ; and then went, during Lent, over 
sea to Normandy, and took with him archbishop Stigand, Archbishop 
and Aylnoth, abbat of Glastonbury, and child Edgar, and bury. 
Edwin the earl, and Morkar the earl, and Waltheof the earl, 
and many other good men of England. And bishop Odo Odo, King 
and William the earl remained here behind, and they built brother, and 
castles wide throughout the nation, and poor people dis- William Fitz 

... Osbert, his 

tressed ; and ever after it greatly grew in evil. May the most trusted 
end be good when God will ! 

The Saxon Chronicle (translated by J. A. Giles, London, 1847), 
439-442. 



follower. 



14. Conquered and Conquerors (1066) By William 

of Malmks- 

KURY 

This was a fatal day to England, a melancholy havoc of (1095?- 
our dear country, through its change of masters. For it Benedictine 
had long since adopted the manners of the Angles, which monk born 



42 Norman England 



of a Norman 
father and an 
English 
mother, and 
chief his- 
torian of the 
Anglo-Nor- 
man period. 
He had 

to very 
extensive 
materials, 
and he used 
them with an 
intelligeni e 
and discrim- 
ination which 
raise him 
far above the 
level of the 
mere chron- 
icler. " More 
information 
is perhaps to 
be gathered 
from him 
than from all 
the writers 
who pre- 
ceded him." 
Hardy. 
His sympa- 
thies were 
with the con- 

S, but 
he tries to be 
impartial in 
his treatment 
of the Anglo- 
Norman 
period. The 
following 
extract is 
taken from 
William's 
most impor- 
tant work, 
Gesta Kegum 

Kill, 

extending 
from 449 to 
1119. 



had been very various according to the times : for in the first 
years of their arrival, they were barbarians in their look and 
manners, warlike in their usages, heathens in their rites ; 
but, after embracing the faith of Christ, by degrees, and 
in process of time, from the peace they enjoyed, regarding 
arms only in a secondary light, they gave their whole atten- 
tion to religion. . . . Nevertheless, in process of time, the 
desire after literature and religion had decayed, for several 
years before the arrival of the Normans. The clergy, con- 
tented with a very slight degree of learning, could scarcely 
stammer out the words of the sacraments ; and a person who 
understood grammar was an object of wonder and astonish- 
ment. The monks mocked the rule of their order by fine 
vestments, and the use of every kind of food. The nobility, 
given up to luxury and wantonness, went not to church in 
the morning after the manner of Christians, but merely in a 
careless manner, heard matins and masses from a hurrying 
priest in their chambers. . . . The commonalty, left unpro- 
tected, became a prey to the most powerful, who amassed 
fortunes, by either seizing on their property, or by selling 
their persons into foreign countries ; although it be an innate 
quality of this people, to be more inclined to revelling than 
to the accumulation of wealth. . . . Drinking in parties 
was a universal practice, in which occupation they passed 
entire nights as well as days. They consumed their whole 
substance in mean and despicable houses; unlike the Nor- 
mans and French, who, in noble and splendid mansions, 
lived with frugality. The vices attendant on drunkenness, 
which enervate the human mind, followed ; hence it arose 
that engaging William, more with rashness and precipitate 
fury than military skill, they doomed themselves and their 
country to slavery, by one, and that an easy, victory. "For 
nothing is less effective than rashness ; and what begins with 
violence, quickly ceases, or is repelled." In fine, the English 
at that time wore short garments reaching to the mid-knee ; 



Conquered and Gonquerors 43 

they had their hair cropped ; their beards shaven ; their 
arms laden with golden bracelets ; their skin adorned with 
punctured designs. They were accustomed to eat till they 
became surfeited, and to drink till they were sick. These 
latter qualities they imparted to their conquerors; as to the 
rest they adopted their manners. I would not, however, 
have these bad propensities universally ascribed to the Eng- 
lish. I know that many of the clergy, at that day, trod the 
path of sanctity by a blameless life ; I know that many of 
the laity, of all ranks and conditions, in this nation, were 
well-pleasing to God. Be injustice far from this account; 
the accusation does not involve the whole indiscriminately. 
" But, as in peace, the mercy of God often cherishes the 
bad and the good together ; so, equally, does his severity 
sometimes include them both in captivity." 

Moreover, the Normans, that I may speak of them also, 
were at that time, and are even now, proudly apparelled, 
delicate in their food, but not excessive. They are a race 
inured to war, and can hardly live without it ; fierce in rush- 
ing against the enemy ; and where strength fails of success, 
ready to use stratagem, or to corrupt by bribery. As I have 
related, they live in large edifices with economy ; envy their 
equals, wish to excel their superiors ; ami plunder their 
subjects, though they defend them from others ; they are 
faithful to their lords, though a slight offence renders them 
perfidious. They weigh treachery by its chance of success, 
and change their sentiments with money. They are, how- 
ever, the kindest of nations, and they esteem strangers worthy 
of equal honour with themselves. They also intermarry with 
their vassals. They revived, by their arrival, the observances 
of religion, which were everywhere grown lifeless in England. 
You might see churches rise in every village, and monas- 
teries in the towns and cities, built after a style unknown 
before; you might behold the country flourishing with reno- 
vated rites; so that each wealthy man accounted that day 



44 Norman England 

lost to him, which he had neglected to signalize by some 
magnificent action. . . . 

William of Malmesbury, Gesta Region Anglorum (translated by 
J. A. Giles, London, 1847), 278-280. 



From the 

S VXON 

Chronicle. 

See No. n. 
The accom- 
panying 
extract refers 
to two 1 
most impor- 
tant events in 
the reign of 
William I, 
the < ireat 
Survey, and 
the Salisbury 
Meeting. 
The Survey 
was com- 
pleted in July, 
1086. The' 
Chronicle 
shows Un- 
popular feel- 
ing tow 
measure 
which is now 
the common 
policy. The 
result of the 
inquiry was 
embodied in 
the Domes- 
day Book, a 
record of 
unique char- 
acter and ex- 
traordinary 
value to the 
historical stu- 
dent. " The 
Great Survey 
is in truth a 
picture of the 
nation." 
Freeman. 



15. England under the Conqueror 

A. 10S5. . . . After this the king had a great consulta- 
tion, and spoke very deeply with his witan concerning this 
land, how it was held, and what were its tenantry. He 
then sent his men over all England, into every shire, and 
caused them to ascertain how many hundred hides of land 
it contained, and what lands the king possessed therein, 
what cattle there were in the several counties, and how 
much revenue he ought to receive yearly from each. He 
also caused them to write down how much land belonged 
to his archbishops, to his bishops, his abbats, and his earls, 
and. that I may be brief, what property every inhabitant of 
all England possessed in land or in cattle, and how much 
money this was worth. So very narrowly did he cause the 
survey to be made, that there was not a single hide nor a 
rood of land, nor — -it is shameful to relate that which he 
thought no shame to do — was there an ox, or a cow, or a 
pig passed by, and that was not set down in the accounts, 
and then all these writings were brought to him. 

A. 1086. This year the king wore his crown and held his 
court at Winchester at Easter, and he so journeyed forward 
that he was at "Westminster during Pentecost, and there he 
dubbed his son Henry a knight. And afterwards he trav- 
elled about, so that he came to Salisbury at Lammas ; and 
his witan, and all the land-holders of substance in England, 
whose vassals soever they were, repaired to him there, and 
they all submitted to him, and became his men, and swore 



England under the Conqueror 45 



oaths of allegiance, that they would be faithful to him 
against all others. Thence he proceeded to the Isle of 
Wight because he was to cross over to Normandy ; and this 
he afterwards did ; but first according to his custom, he 
extorted immense sums from his subjects, upon every pre- 
text he could find, whether just or otherwise. . . . And the 
same was a very heavy year, and very disastrous and sor- 
rowful ; for there was a pestilence among the cattle, and 
the corns and fruits were checked ; and the weather was 
worse than may easily be conceived : so violent was the 
thunder and lightning, that many persons were killed : and 
things ever grew worse and worse with the people. May 
Almighty God mend them, when such is his will ! 

A. 1087. The year 1087 after the birth of Christ our 
Saviour, and the one and twentieth of king William's reign, 
during which he governed and disposed of the realm of 
England even as God permitted him, was a very grievous time 
of scarcity in this land. There was also so much illness, that 
almost every other man was afflicted with the worst of evils, 
that is, a fever ; and this so severe, that many died of it. 
And afterwards, from the badness of the weather which we 
have mentioned before, there was so great a famine through- 
out England, that many hundreds died of hunger. Oh, how 
disastrous, how rueful were those times ! when the wretched 
people were brought to the point of death by the fever, then 
the cruel famine came on and finished them. Who would 
not deplore such times, or who is so hard-hearted that he 
will not weep for so much misery? But such things are, on 
account of the sins of the people, and because they will not 
love God and righteousness. Even so was it in those days; 
there was little righteousness in this land amongst any, 
excepting the monks alone, who fared well. The king and 
the chief men loved much, and over much, to amass gold 
and silver, and cared not how sinfully it was gotten, so that 
it came into their hands. The kins sold out his lands as 



The meeting 
at Salisbury 
followed 
upon the 
completion of 
the Survey. 
The number 
present is put 
by tradition 
at 60,000. 
William's 
policy of 
exacting the 
oath of fealty 
from all free- 
men shows 
his determi- 
nationtobein 
truth king of 
the English 
people and 
not merely 
England's 
feudal over- 
lord. 

William 

returned to 
England. 



4 6 



Norman England 



Many of 
William's 
sheriffs were 
Englishmen. 



dear as dearest he might, and then some other man came 
and bid more than the first had given, and the king granted 
them to him who offered the larger sum ; then came a third 
and bid yet more, and the king made over the lands to him 
who offered most of all ; and he cared not how iniquitously 
his sheriffs extorted money from the miserable people, nor 
how many unlawful things they did. And the more men 
spake of rightful laws, the more lawlessly did they act. 
They raised oppressive taxes, and so many were their unjust 
deeds, it were hard to number them. 

The Saxon Chronicle (translated by J. A. Giles, London, 1847), 
458-460. 



From the 
Saxon 
Chronicle. 
See No. 11. 
The follow- 
ing estimate 
ot the Con- 
queror is of 
especial 
interest as 
coming from 
one ot the 
conquered. 
It should, 
however, be 
kept in mind 
that William 
was a gener- 
ous supporter 
of the church. 
— On Will- 
iam, see 
Edward 
Freeman, 
! I 'illiam the 
Conqueror. 



16. William the Great (1087) 

.... Rueful deeds he did, and ruefully he suffered. 
Wherefore ruefully? He fell sick and became grievously ill. 
What can I say? The sharpness of death, that spareth 
neither rich nor poor, seized upon him. He died in Nor- 
mandy, the day after the nativity of St. Mary, and he was 
buried in Caen, at St. Stephen's monastery, which he had 
built and had richly endowed. Oh, how false, how unstable, 
is the good of this world ! He, who had been a powerful 
king and the lord of many territories, possessed not then, 
of all his lands, more than seven feet of ground; and he, 
who was erewhile adorned with gold and with gems, lay then 
covered with mould. He left three sons : Robert, the eld- 
est, was earl of Normandy after him ; the second, named 
William, wore the crown of England after his father's 
death ; and his third son was Henry, to whom he be- 
queathed immense treasures. 

If any would know what manner of man king William 
was, the glory that he obtained, and of how many lands he 



William the Great 



47 



was lord ; then will we describe him as we have known him, 
we, who have looked upon him, and who once lived in his 
court. This king William, of whom we are speaking, was a 
very wise and a great man, and more honoured and more 
powerful than any of his predecessors. He was mild to 
those good men who loved God, but severe beyond meas- 
ure towards those who withstood his will. He founded a 
noble monastery on the spot where God permitted him to 
conquer England, and he established monks in it, and he 
made it very rich. In his days the great monastery at Can- 
terbury was built, and many others also throughout Eng- 
land ; moreover this land was filled with monks who lived 
after the rule of St. Benedict ; and such was the state of 
religion in his days that all that would, might observe that 
which was prescribed by their respective orders. King 
William was also held in much reverence : he wore his 
crown three times every year when he was in England : at 
Easter he wore it at Winchester, at Pentecost at Westmin- 
ster, and at Christmas at Gloucester. And at these times, 
all the men of England were with him, archbishops, bishops, 
abbats, and earls, thanes, and knights. So also was he a 
very stern and a wrathful man, so that none durst do any- 
thing against his will, and he kept in prison those earls who 
acted against his pleasure. He removed bishops from their 
sees, and abbats from their offices, and he imprisoned 
thanes, and at length he spared not his own brother Odo. 
This Odo was a very powerful bishop in Normandy, his see 
was that of Bayeux, and he was foremost to serve the king. 
He had an earldom in England, and when William was in 
Normandy he was the first man in this country, and him 
did he cast into prison. Amongst other things the good 
order that William established is not to be forgotten ; it was 
such that any man, who was himself aught, might travel 
over the kingdom with a bosom-full of gold unmolested ; 
and no man durst kill another, however great the injury he 



The conspir- 
ators of 1074. 



To Odo next 
to the Con- 
queror was 
due the suc- 
cess of the 
Norman 
invasion. 
Because of 
oppressive 
acts and 
ambitious 
designs he 
was thrown 
into prison in 



4 8 



Norman England 



1082 and kept 
confined 
until 1087. 



I.e. Wales. 



In 1072 
Malcolm, 
KingofScots, 
took oaths to 
William and 
became his 
man. 



The progress 
of the Con- 
quest was 
marked by 
the building 
of castles with 
which Will- 
iam chained 
the land. 

William laid 
waste Hamp- 
shire for 30 
miles to make 
New Forest. 



might have received from him. He reigned over England 
and being sharp-sighted to his own interest, he surveyed 
the kingdom so thoroughly that there was not a single hide 
of land throughout the whole, of which he knew not the 
possessor, and how much it was worth, and this he after- 
wards entered in his register. The land of the Britons was 
under his sway, and he built castles therein ; moreover he 
had full dominion over the Isle of Man (Anglesey) : Scot- 
land also was subject to him from his great strength; the 
land of Normandy was his inheritance, and he possessed the 
earldom of Maine ; and had he lived two years longer he 
would have subdued Ireland by his prowess, and that with- 
out a battle. Truly there was much trouble in these times, 
and very great distress ; he caused castles to be built, and 
oppressed the poor. The king was also of great sternness, 
and he took from his subjects many marks of gold and 
many hundred pounds of silver, and this, either with or 
without right, and with little need. He was given to ava- 
rice, and greedily loved gain. He made large forests for the 
deer, and enacted laws therewith, so that whoever killed a 
hart or a hind should be blinded. As he forbade killing 
the deer, so also the boars ; and he loved the tall stags as 
if he were their father. He also appointed concerning the 
hares, that they should go free. The rich complained and 
the poor murmured, but he was so sturdy that he recked 
nought of them ; they must will all that the king willed, if 
they would live ; or would keep their lands ; or would hold 
their possessions ; or would be maintained in their rights. 



The Saxon Oironiclc (translated by J. A. Giles, London, 1847), 
460-463. 



Charter of Henry I 49 



17. The Charter of Henry I (1100) 

" Henry by the grace of God king of England, to Hugh 
de Boclande justiciary of England, and all his faithful sub- 
jects, as well French as English, in Hertfordshire, greet- 
ing. — Know that I, by the Lord's mercy, have been crowned 
king by common consent of the barons of the kingdom 
of England ; and because the kingdom has been oppressed 
by unjust exactions, I, out of respect to God, and the love 
which I feel towards you, in the first place constitute the 
holy church of God a free church, so that I will not sell it, 
nor farm it out, nor will I, on the death of any archbishop, 
bishop, or abbat, take anything from the domain of the 
church or its people, until his successor takes his place. 
And I from this time do away with all the evil practices, by 
which the kingdom of England is now unjustly oppressed, 
and these evil practices I here in part mention : If any 
baron, earl, or other subject of mine, who holds possession 
from me, shall die, his heir shall not redeem his land, as was 
the custom in my father's time, but shall pay a just and law- 
ful relief for the same ; and in like manner too, the depend- 
ants of my barons shall pay a like relief for their land to 
their lords. And if any baron or other subject of mine shall 
wish to give his daughter, his sister, his niece, or other female 
relative, in marriage, let him ask my permission on the mat- 
ter ; but I will not take any of his property for granting my 
permission, nor will I forbid his giving her in marriage ex- 
cept he wishes to give her to an enemy of mine ; and if on 
the death of a baron or other subject of mine the daughter 
is left heiress, I, by the advice of my barons, will give her 
in marriage together with her land ; and if on the death of 
a husband the wife is surviving and is childless, she shall 
have her dowry for a marriage portion, and I will not give 
her away to another husband unless with her consent ; but 



Henry I. 
(1068-1135) 
issued the 
Charter of 
Liberties at 
his corona- 
tion in iioo, 
with the hope 
of winning 
the support 
of the people 
against the 
rival claims 
of his brother 
Robert, and 
the opposi- 
tion of the 
feudal bar- 
ons. By this 
act Henry 
deliberately 
limited his 
power over 
his subjects, 
promising a 
restoration of 
the ancient 
customs 
which pre- 
vailed before 
the conquest. 
— See in this 
connection 

Nils. IO, 18, 
and 24, and 
Magna Carta, 

Old South 
Leaflets, 
No. 5. 

Relief = 
payment 
made by the 
feudal tenant 
to his lord on 
taking pos- 
session of 
the land. 

These sec- 
tions illus- 
trate the 
constant in- 
terference in 
social and 



^o Norman England 



family rela- 
tions under 
the feudal 
system. 



" A payment 
bylhemoney- 
ers for the 
privilege of 
coining; 
otherwise 
explained as 
a payment by 
the subjects 
to prevent 
loss by the 
depreciation 
or change of 
coinage." 
Stubbs. 

Ferm = 
" profits of 
the county 
jurisdiction 
let at fixed 
sums to the 
sheriffs." 
Stubbs. 



if a wife survives, having children, she shall have her dowry 
as a marriage portion, as long as she shall keep herself 
according to law, and I will not give her to a husband unless 
with her consent ; and the guardian of the children's land 
shall be either the wife, or some other nearer relation, who 
ought more rightly to be so ; and I enjoin on my barons to 
act in the same way towards the sons and daughters and 
wives of their dependants. Moreover the common mone- 
tage, as taken throughout the cities and counties, such as 
was not in use in king Edward's time, is hereby forbidden ; 
and if any one, whether a coiner or any other person, be 
taken with false money, let strict justice be done to him for 
it. All pleas and all debts, which were due to the king my 
brother, I forgive, except my farms, and those debts which 
were contracted for the inheritances of others, or for those 
things which more justly belong to others. And if any one 
shall have covenanted anything for his inheritance, I forgive 
it, and all reliefs which were contracted for just inheritances. 
And if any baron or subject of mine shall be ill, I hereby 
ratify all such disposition as he shall have made of his 
money ; but if through service in war or sickness he shall 
have made no disposition of his money, his wife, or children, 
or parents, and legitimate dependants, shall distribute it for 
the good of his soul, as shall seem best to them. If any 
baron or other subject of mine shall have made forfeiture, 
he shall not give bail to save his money, as was done in the 
time of my father and my brother, but according to the 
degree of the forfeiture ; nor shall he make amends for his 
fault as he did in the time of my father or of my other 
ancestors; and if any one shall be convicted of treason or 
other crime, his punishment shall be according to his fault. 
I forgive all murders committed previous to the day on 
which I was crowned king ; but those which have been since 
committed, shall be justly punished, according to the law of 
king Edward. By the common advice of my barons, I have 



The Anarchy 



5 1 



retained the forests in my possession as my father held them. Henry actu- 
AU knights, moreover, who hold their lands by service, are fte^imits of 
hereby allowed to have their domains free from all amerce- the forests - 
ments and from all peculiar service, that as they are thus Le - fines - 
relieved from a great burden, they may provide themselves 
properly with horse and arms, so that they may be fit and 
ready for my service and for the defence of my kingdom. 
I bestow confirmed peace in all my kingdom, and I order it 
be preserved from henceforth. I restore to you the law of 
king Edward, with the amendments which my father, by the 
advice of his barons, made in it. If any one has taken any- 
thing of mine, or of any one else's property, since the death 
of my brother king William, let it all be soon restored with- 
out alteration ; and if any one shall retain anything of it, he 
shall, on being discovered, atone to me for it heavily. Wit- 
ness Maurice bishop of London, William elect of Win- 
chester, Gerard of Hereford, earl Henry, earl Simon, earl 
Walter Gifford, Robert de Montfort, Roger Bigod, and many 
others." 

Roger of Wendover, History of England (translated by J. A. 
Giles, London, 1849), H> 276^278. 



18. The Anarchy 

A. 1 135. This year, at Lammas, king Henry went over From the 

sea: and on the second day, as he lay asleep in the ship, S^*^,,,, ,, 

j * i » chronicle. 

the day was darkened universally, and the sun became as if See No. n. 
it were a moon three nights old, with the stars shining round Henry I. 
it at mid-day. Men greatly marvelled, and great fear fell 
on them, and they said that some great event should follow 
thereafter — and so it was, for the same year the king died 
in Normandy, on the day after the feast of St. Andrew. Soon 
did this land fall into trouble, for every man greatly began 



Norman England 



Henry I. had 
no legitimate 
sons who sur- 
vived him. 

Archbishop 
of Canter- 
bury. 



After the con- 
quest the 
Norman 
castle plays 
an important 
part in Eng- 
lish history. 
It was a 
stronghold 
which was 
seldom re- 
duced, save 
by starvation 
of the 
garrison. 



to rob his neighbor as he might. Then king Henry's sons 
and his friends took his body, and brought it to England, 
and buried it at Reading. He was a good man, and great 
was the awe of him ; no man durst ill treat another in his 
time : he made peace for men and deer. Whoso bare his 
burden of gold and silver, no man durst say to him ought 
but good, in the meantime his nephew Stephen de Blois 
had arrived in England, and he came to London, and the 
inhabitants received him, and sent for the archbishop, Will- 
iam Corboil, who consecrated him king on midwinter-day. 
In this king's time was all discord, and evil-doing, and rob- 
bery ; for the powerful men who had kept aloof soon rose up 
against him ; . . . 

A. 1 137. This year King Stephen went over sea to 
Normandy, and he was received there because it was ex- 
pected that he would be altogether like his uncle, and 
because he had gotten possession of his treasure, but this 
he distributed and scattered foolishly. King Henry had 
gathered together much gold and silver, yet did he no good 
for his soul's sake with the same. When king Stephen came 
to England, he held an assembly at Oxford ; and there he 
seized Roger bishop of Salisbury, and Alexander bishop of 
Lincoln, and Roger the chancellor, his nephew, and he kept 
them all in prison till they gave up their castles. When 
the traitors perceived that he was "a mild man, and a soft, 
and a good, and that he did not enforce justice, they did all 
wonder. They had done homage to him, and sworn oaths, 
but they no faith kept ; all became forsworn, and broke their 
allegiance, for every rich man built his castles, and defended 
them against him, and they filled the land full of castles. 
They greatly oppressed the wretched people by making them 
work at these castles, and when the castles were finished they 
filled them with devils and evil men. Then they took those 
whom they suspected to have any goods, by night and by 
day, seizing both men and women, and they put them in 



The Anarchy 53 

prison for their gold and silver, and tortured them with 
pains unspeakable, for never were any martyrs tormented 
as these were. . . . Many thousands they exhausted with 
hunger. I cannot and I may not tell of all the wounds, 
and all the tortures that they inflicted upon the wretched 
men of this land ; and this state of things lasted the nine- 
teen years that Stephen was king, and ever grew worse and 
worse. They were continually levying an exaction from the 
towns, which they called Tenserie, and when the miserable Chief rent 
inhabitants had no more to give, then plundered they, and 
burnt all the towns, so that well mightest thou walk a whole 
day's journey nor ever shouldest thou find a man seated in 
a town, or its lands tilled. 

Then was corn dear, and flesh, and cheese, and butter, 
for there was none in the land — wretched men starved with 
hunger — some lived on alms who had been erewhile rich : 
some fled the country — never was there more misery, and 
never acted heathens worse than these. At length they 
spared neither church nor churchyard, but they took all 
that was valuable therein, and then burned the church and 
all together. Neither did they spare the lands of bishops, 
nor of abbats, nor of priests ; but they robbed the monks 
and the clergy, and every man plundered his neighbour as 
much as he could. If two or three men came riding to a 
town, all the township fled before them, and thought that 
they were robbers. The bishops and clergy were ever 
cursing them, but this to them was nothing, for they were 
all accursed and forsworn, and reprobate. The earth bare 
no corn, you might as well have tilled the sea, for the land 
was all ruined by such deeds, and it was said openly that 
Christ and his saints slept. These things, and more than 
we can say, did we suffer during nineteen years because of 
our sins. . . . 

A. 1 140. . . . Then there arose a very great war between 
the king and Randolph earl of Chester, not because the king 



54 Norman England 



did not give him all that he could ask, even as he did to all 
others, but that the more he gave them, the worse they 
always carried themselves to him. The earl held Lincoln 
against the king, and seized all that belonged to the king 
there, and the king went thither, and besieged him and his 
brother William de Romare in the castle : and the earl stole 
out and went for Robert earl of Gloucester, and brought 
him thither with a large army ; and they fought furiously 
against their lord on Candlemas-day, and they took him 
captive, for his men betrayed him and fled, and they led 
him to Bristol, and there they put him into prison and close 
confinement. Now was all England more disturbed than 
before, and all evil was in the land. After this, king Henry's 
daughter, who had been empress of Germany, and was now 
countess of Anjou, arrived, and she came to London, and 
the citizens would have seized her, but she fled with much loss. 
Then Henry bishop of Winchester, King Stephen's brother, 
spake with earl Robert and with the empress, and swore 
them oaths that he never more would hold with the king 
his brother, and he cursed all those that did hold with him, 
and he said that he would give up Winchester to them, and 
he made them come thither. . . . Now was England much 
divided, some held with the king and some with the empress, 
for when the king was in prison the earls and the great men 
thought that he would never more come out, and they 
treated with the empress, and brought her to Oxford, and 
gave her the town. When the king was out of prison he 
heard this, and he took his army and besieged her in the 
tower, and they let her down from the tower by night with 
ropes, and she stole away, and she fled : and she went on 
foot to Wallingford. After this she went over sea, and all 
the Normans turned from the king to the earl of Anjou, 
some willingly, and some against their will ; for he besieged 
them till they gave up their castles, and they had no help 
from the king. . . . And the earl of Anjou died, and his 



The Anarchy 



55 



son Henry succeeded him ; and the queen of France was 
divorced from the king, and she went to the young earl 
Henry, and he took her to wife, and received all Poitou 
with her. Then he came into England with a great army 
and won castles ; and the king inarched against him with a 
much larger army, howbeit they did not fight, but the arch- 
bishop and wise men went between them and made a treaty 
on these terms : that the king should be lord and king while 
he lived, and that Henry should be king after his death, and 
that he should consider him as his father, and the king him 
as his son, and that peace and concord should be between 
them, and in all England. The king, and the earl, and the 
bishop, and the earls, and all the great men swore to observe 
these and the other conditions that were then made. The 
earl was received with much honour at Winchester and at 
London, and all did homage to him, and swore to keep the 
peace, and it soon became a very good peace, such as never 
was in this land. Then the king was more powerful here 
than ever he was; and the earl went over sea, and all the 
people loved him, because he did good justice, and made 
peace. 

The Saxon Chronicle (translated by J. A. Giles, 1847), 501-507. 



Later 
Henry II. 



Treaty of 
W'allingford, 
1153, brought 
about by the 
leaders of the 
church, who 
were all- 
powerful in 
the crisis. 



By Peter of 
Blois 

(T1200 ?), 

secretary to 
Henry II. 
The com- 
plaints of 
Peter, which 
reappear 
often in his 
letters, are 
supported by 
other con- 
temporary 
statements. — 
On Henry 11 
see A. S. 
Green, 
Henry II; 
K. Norgate, 
England 
under the 
Angevin 
Kings. 

Henry re- 
tained the 
habit of con- 
stantly mov- 
ing .ihout 
until the end 
of his days. 
It was 

through these 
incessant 
journeyings 
that he be- 
came ac- 
quainted with 
the different 
parts of his 
great empire, 
and learned 
the needs of 
the various 
peoples sub- 
ject to his 
rule. 



CHAPTER IV — UNDER ANGEVIN 
RULE 



19. 



H< 



:nry 



the Second 



IF the king has promised to spend the day anywhere, es- 
pecially if a herald has publicly proclaimed that such is 
his royal will, you may be sure that he will start off early in 
the morning and by his sudden change of mind will throw 
everybody's plans into confusion. You may see men run- 
ning about as if they were mad, urging on the pack-horses, 
driving chariots one into another, and everything in a state 
of confusion. The tumult is such as to give you a vivid 
picture of the infernal regions. But if the king declares his 
intention of going to a certain place early the next morning, 
he will undoubtedly change his mind, and you may be sure 
that he will sleep till midday. You will see the pack-horses 
waiting under their loads, the chariots standing ready, the 
couriers falling asleep, the purveyors uneasy and everybody 
grumbling. . . . 

After the weariness of long uncertainty we would have the 
comfort of learning that we were to stay in a place where 
there was prospect of food and lodging. Then there would 
be such confusion and running about of footmen and horse- 
men that you would think the infernal regions had broken 
open. But when our couriers had already gone the whole 
day's journey or almost the whole, the king would change 
his mind and turn aside to some other place, where perhaps 
he had only one house and provisions enough for himself, 

56 



Henry the Second 57 

but not enough to share : and I believe, if I dared to say it, 
that his pleasure was increased by the straits to which we 
were put. After wandering about three or four miles through 
an unknown forest and frequently in the dark, we would 
think our prayers were answered if we found by chance 
some mean, filthy hut. There was often fierce and bitter 
contention over these hovels, and courtiers fought with 
drawn swords for a lodging that it would have been dis- 
graceful for pigs to fight for. I sometimes became sep- 
arated from my own people and could hardly get them 
together again in three days. O God almighty, thou art 
king of kings and lord of lords, who art terrible to the kings 
of the earth, who dost take away the breath of princes and 
dost give health to kings, in thy power is the heart of the 
king to turn whithersoever thou dost will. Turn and con- 
vert the heart of this king from this unwholesome manner 
of life, that he may know that he is a man, and may learn 
to show royal grace and consideration and human compas- 
sion to the men who are drawn after him not by ambition 
but by necessity. . . . 

You ask me to send you an accurate description of the 
appearance and character of the king of England. That 
surpasses my powers, for the genius of a Vergil would hardly 
be equal to it. That which I know however I will ungrudg- 
ingly share with you. Concerning David we read that it 
was said of him, as evidence for his beauty that he was 
ruddy. You may know then that our king is still ruddy, 
except as old age and whitening hair have changed his 
colour a little. He is of medium stature so that among 
small men he does not seem large, nor yet among large men 
does he seem small. His head is spherical, as if the abode 
of great wisdom and the special sanctuary of lofty intelli- 
gence. The size of his head is in proportion to the neck 
and the whole body. His eyes are full, guileless and dove- 
like when he is at peace, gleaming like fire when his temper 



58 Under Angevin Rule 

is aroused, and in bursts of passion they flash like lightning. 
As to his hair he is in no danger of baldness, but his head 
has been closely shaved. He has a broad, square, lion-like 
face. His feet are arched and he has the legs of a horse- 
man. His broad chest and muscular arms show him to be 
a strong, bold, active man. His hands show by their coarse- 
ness that he is careless and pays little attention to his person, 
for he never wears gloves except when he goes hawking. . . . 
Although his legs are bruised and livid from hard riding, he 
never sits down except when on horseback or at meals. On 
a single day, if necessary, he travels a journey of four or five 
days, and thus anticipating the plans of his enemies he baf- 
fles their devices by his sudden movements. . . . He is a 
passionate lover of the woods, and when not engaged in war 
he exercises with birds and dogs. . . . He does not loiter 
in his palace like other kings, but hurrying through the prov- 
inces he investigates what is being done everywhere, and is 
especially strict in his judgment of those whom he has 
appointed as judges of others. There is no one keener in 
counsel, of more fluent eloquence, no one who has less anxi- 
ety in danger or more in prosperity, or who is more coura- 
geous in adversity. If he has once loved any one, he rarely 
ceases to love him, while one for whom he has once taken a 
dislike he seldom admits to his favour. He always has his 
weapons in his hands when not engaged in consultation or 
at his books. When his cares and anxieties allow him to 
breathe he occupies himself with reading, or in a circle of 
clerks tries to solve some knotty question. . . . 

Peter of Blois, Efiistolce (edited by J. A. Giles, Oxford, 1847), I, 
50, 51, 193-195. Translation by A. B. Hawes. 



Friendship of King Henry 59 



20. The Friendship of King Henry and 
his Chancellor 

The chancellor therefore because of his virtue, his noble 
spirit, and his eminent merits, was in great favour with the 
king, the clergy, the army and the people. After business 
was done with, the king and the chancellor used to play 
together like two little boys, whether in the palace, in 
church, in public, or while riding. One day they rode 
together in the streets of London. A strong wind was blow- 
ing, and the king saw a poor old man approaching in thin 
and worn out clothes. He said to the chancellor, " Do you 
see that man?" " Yes," said the chancellor. " How poor, 
how weak he is," said the king, " and how very thinly clad ! 
Would it not be great charity to give him a thick warm 
cloak?" "Most certainly," replied the chancellor, "and 
your majesty ought to have the spirit to do it." In the mean 
time the poor man came up to them, and the king stopped 
and the chancellor with him. The king quietly addressed 
the beggar and asked him if he would like to have a good 
cloak. The beggar, not knowing who they were, supposed 
they were not in earnest but joking. But the king said to 
the chancellor, "You are the one to show this great charity," 
and laying his hands upon him he tried to pull off a fine new 
cloak made of thick scarlet cloth which the chancellor wore, 
while the chancellor on the other hand tried to prevent him. 
Thereupon there was a great commotion and struggle. The 
courtiers who were following them ran up in astonishment 
to learn the reason for this unexpected contest. There 
was no one to tell them, for both king and chancellor were 
fully occupied with their hands, and seemed to be in danger 
of falling off their horses. At length the chancellor reluc- 
tantly allowed the king to conquer, to draw off his cloak and 
give it to the beggar. Then the king told his followers the 



By William 
Fitz- 
Stephen 
(fugo?), 
friend and 
best of the 
biographers 
of Arch- 
bishop 

Thomas. He 
says of him- 
self, " I was 
the fellow- 
citizen of my 
lord, his 
chaplain, and 
of his house- 
hold, called 
by his mouth 
to be the 
sharer of 
his cares." 
Fitz-Stephen, 
although not 
always ap- 
proving, did 
not swerve in 
his loyalty, 
and was pres- 
ent at the 
murder of the 
Archbishop. 
Later he 
passed into 
the service of 
the king, and 
became sher- 
iff of Glouces- 
ter, and an 
itinerant 
justice. 

The unre- 
strained 
friendship 
between 
Henry and 
his chancel- 
lor was one 
of the most 
beautiful epi- 
sodes in the 
king's stormy 
career. 



The chancel- 
lor was noted 
for his dainty 
attire, which 
was in sharp 
contrast with 
the careless 
dress of the 
king. 



60 Under Angevin Rule 

whole story. There was a great laugh and some of the 
courtiers offered the chancellor their own cloaks and capes. 
The poor old man went away happy with the chancellor's 
cloak, enriched beyond his expectation and giving thanks 
to (lod. 

Sometimes the king was the chancellor's guest, either 
simply for his own enjoyment, or in order to learn what 
was talked about in the chancellor's home and at his table. 
The king would sometimes stud away his horse and come 
in when the chancellor was already at the table : sometimes 
he would come with his arrows in his hand, either returning 
from the hunt or on his way to the wood. At one time he 
would drink and, after seeing the chancellor, go away again. 
At another he would leap over the table, sit down and eat. 
Never have there been two men more harmonious and 
friendly in christian times. 

William Fitz-Stephen, Vita Sancti Thomce {Materials for tJie 
History of Thomas Bcckct, edited by J. Robertson, London, 
1877, III, 24. 25). 



By Herbert 
Bosham, 

the chosen 
li lend and 
adviser of 
Archbishop 
Thomas. 
Unfortu- 
nately, his 
counsel was 
never on the 

side of 

moderation. 



21. Thomas and the Primacy (1162) 

The king was living at that time outside the kingdom be- 
yond the seas and the chancellor was with him. On account 
of frequent hostilities on the part of the Welsh and other 
difficulties in the realm the king determined to send the 
chancellor to England. This mission he entrusted to the 
chancellor because the reasons for it were many and impor- 
tant and no one of his own men was so well fitted. Now 
the chancellor, after some days had been spent in making 
arrangements for the embassy, just before his departure 
went to the court at that time abiding in that stronghold of 
Normandy which is called Falaise, intending to simply take 



Thomas and the Primacy 61 



leave of the king and then set out upon his journey. But 
the king called him aside and said to him in secret, " You 
do not yet know in full the reason for your mission. It is 
my will that you should be archbishop of Canterbury." 
The chancellor, pointing to the gay fashion in which he 
was attired, said with a smile, " What a religious man, what a 
holy man you desire to place in the sacred seat and over 
that celebrated and sacred assembly of monks ! Know surely 
that if by the will of God this should happen, you would 
speedily turn away your favour from me, and our friendship 
which is now so great would be changed into bitter hatred. 
For I am sure that you would assert many claims in ecclesi- 
astical matters and you would demand some things which 
I could not quietly endure. Then jealous persons would 
seize the opportunity to interpose and not only would our 
friendship be destroyed but they would arouse perpetual 
hatred between us." . . . 

But the king, not at all moved by these warnings of the 
chancellor which were prompted by his very affection, re- 
mained fixed in his purpose, and presently he gave careful 
and specific directions to the other envoys, men of impor- 
tance, to make known his wish and desire in regard to the 
chancellor's promotion, to the sacred assembly of the metro- 
politan church and to the clergy of the kingdom. This he 
did in the chancellor's presence and addressing one of the 
envoys especially he said, " Richard " (it was Richard de 
Lucy), " if I were lying dead in my shroud, would you 
strive to have Henry, my firstdiorn, exalted to the throne?" 
" Verily your majesty, I should do my utmost." And the 
king replied, " I wish you to use the same endeavour for 
the promotion of the chancellor to the seat of Canterbury." 

Herbert Bosham. Vita S. Thomce {Materials for the History of 
Thomas Bec/cet, edited by J. Robertson. London, 1S77, III, 
180-182). 



The primacy- 
became va- 
cant in 1 161 
by the death 
of Arch- 
bishop 
Theobald. 



" The words 

were pro- 
phetic: they 
sum up the 
whole history 
of the pon- 
tificate of 
Thomas 
Becket."— 
Norgate. 



Richard de 
Lui y the 
Loyal, for 
twenty-five 
years justi- 
ciar, under 
Henry II. 

It was the 
arguments of 

de Lucy com- 
bined with 
feat 1 i the 
kins 'hat 
induced the 
monks of 
< '.int''i bury 
to elect 
Thomas to 
the primacy. 



62 Under Angevin Rule 



By Gerald 

DE BARRI 

( 1 147-1220?), 
a kinsman of 
the Fitz-Ger- 
alds and 
Fitz- 

Stephens, the 
leaders in the 
opening 
years of the 
invasion of 
Ireland. 
Gerald was 
born in 
Wales, and 
trained for 
the church 
at St. Da- 
vid's, and at 
the Univer- 
sity of Paris. 
Twice he vis- 
ited Ireland, 
once in 1183, 
and again in 
1 185 as chap- 
lain and tu- 
tor to Prince 
John. A little 
later he pub- 
lished two 
works on Ire- 
land, the To- 
pographia, 
and the 
Expugnatio, 
which form 
our principal 
source of in- 
formation on 
Irish affairs 
of that time. 
Gerald wrote 
as a partisan, 
and his state- 
ments cannot 
be accepted 
implicitly, 
especially in 
matters 
which con- 
cerned his 
kinsmen, but 
he was mas- 



22. The Conquest of Ireland in the 
Reign of Henry the Second 

Happy would this island have been, long since would it 
have been vigorously and successfully subdued from end to 
end, long since reduced without difficulty to systematic order 
and kept well in hand by the building of castles from sea to 
sea in commanding situations on every side, had it not been 
for the royal edict which cut off the supplies of the first 
invaders ; or rather, perhaps, I should say if domestic plots 
had not so prematurely recalled the king from that proud 
and noble expedition which he conducted himself in person. 

Happy, too, if the worth of the original conquerors had 
been only appreciated as it deserved, and the care and 
conduct of the government been committed to the strong 
hands of those brave and trusty men. 

For the natives of the land at our first coming had been 
astounded and thrown into consternation by the startling 
novelty of the event, and were terrified at the speed with 
which the archers shot and at the might of the heavy men- 
at-arms. Hut delay — which ever brings danger in its train 
— , the protracted, dilatory, and feeble character of the 
conquest, and the unskilful ness and cowardice of procura- 
tors and governors who only lulled their own side into a 
false security, all combined to give them heart. Moreover, 
by gradual and careful training in the use of the bow and 
other weapons, by learning caution and studying the art of 
ambuscade, by the confidence gained from frequently en- 
gaging in conflict with our troops, lastly taught by our very 
successes, these Irishmen whom at first we could rout with 
ease, became able to offer a stout resistance. . . . 

The Irish have four prophets, Moling, Berchan, Patrick, 
and Columba, whose writings are in Irish and still extant 
among them. They speak of this conquest, and all pro- 



Conquest of Ireland 63 



nounce that it will be terrible, entailing many battles, a 
long struggle, and much bloodshed, which will continue 
into the times of far-distant generations. Indeed, they 
hardly allow that complete victory will be attained by the 
English, and the island be entirely subjugated from sea to sea 
and planted with castles, before the Day of Judgment. . . . 

I speak from my own knowledge ; and to the truth of 
what I say I .can bear witness from personal experience. 
Inasmuch as we insolently spurned the loyal advances made 
to us by the natives who met us first, since God at all times 
shatters the proud, by our conduct on that occasion we 
deterred not only them but all the chief men of the island 
from uniting with us in the ties of friendship. . . . 

In addition to the above reasons, the lands of the friendly 
Irish, who from the first arrival of Fitz-Stephen and the 
earl had faithfully stood by us, contrary to our promises we 
took away and gave to new-comers from England ; while 
the ejected natives at once joined our enemies and became 
hostile spies, guides for them instead of as formerly guides 
for us, all the more dangerous from our previous intercourse. 

The custody, too, of the castles and maritime towns with 
their adjacent lands, and the control of tribute therefrom 
which should have been expended for the public good and 
to the detriment of our adversaries, were entrusted to mere 
lucre-hunters, who skulked behind their stone walls, gave 
themselves up to continual drunkenness, and aimlessly 
squandered and wasted right and left to the ruin of the 
burghers and the advantage of the foe. 

There was this also besides the other mischiefs, that 
directly the king's son appeared in the land, among a people 
who were warlike, hostile, rebellious, and savage, a people 
in short in no mood to yield obedience, both the civil 
government and the military command got into the clutches 
of men who had in their composition more of the thief 
than the soldier, knights of the carpet rather than knights 



ter of a popu- 
lar, vivacious 
style, and 
gives a 
graphic and 
fairly com- 
plete account 
of Ireland, 
and of its 
invasion by 
the Norman 
English. — 
On the inva- 
sion, see 
F. P. Bar- 
nard, Strong- 
bow's Con- 
quest of 
belaud. 

Domestic 
plots = the 
rebellion of 
Henry II's 
sons in 1173. 

Moling flour- 
ished in the 
seventh cen- 
tury, and 
Berchan in 
the eighth. 
S. Patrick, 
the founder 
of the Irish 
church, was 
brought to 
Ireland as a 
slave, prob- 
ably from 
< Jaul, in the 
fifth century. 
S. Coluniba 
belonged to 
the sixth 
century. 

" The earl " 
= Strong- 
bow. 

The king's 
son = John, 
later king of 
England, 
who came to 
Ireland in 



64 Under Angevin Rule 



John was in 
his nine- 
teenth year. 



of the field, rascals intent less on attacking the enemy than 
on looting the good citizens. Men, I say and marchers, 
forsooth, such as Fitz-Aldelm and his like, under whom 
both Wales and Ireland — since he was governor in each — 
had to bewail their decay. For they were fellows who 
neither kept faith with the subdued nor struck the slightest 
fear into their opponents ; strangers to that noble sentiment 
of higher minds which prompts us "To spare the humbled 
and beat down the proud," but rather on the contrary, 
their way was " leaving the foe unharmed, the vanquished to 
despoil." Whence it happens that nothing has been done 
to establish a settled state of things in the island, either by 
making incursions into the hostile districts, by the erection 
of castles, or by the opening up of the forest-roads — the 
"ill ways," as they are commonly called — for the security 
of passengers by felling and removing the trees. 

The bands of mercenaries followed the example set by 
their betters, and behaved in the same way as their masters, 
giving themselves up to wine and women and taking good 
care to keep inside the towns on the seaboard. Thus the 
inland parts, which lay nearer to the enemy, and are called 
march-lands (perhaps Mars' lands, from Mars, would have 
been a better name for them) were left entirely deserted 
and unprotected, and the undefended villages and fortified 
posts situated between the marches and the coast were 
abandoned to rapine, slaughter and fire. In the growing 
insolence of the new-comers, the veteran soldiers of the 
early leaders were slighted and regarded with scant favour ; 
but kept in the background and held their peace, waiting 
quietly to see to what all this extravagance and disorder 
would eventually lead. . . . 

Now all these grave disorders, though due in a measure 
to both causes, still are to be imputed to evil counsels even 
more than to the tender years of the king's son John. For 
this, which had always been a rude and savage land, required 



A Picture of London 65 



trained and experienced minds to mould it into shape. To 
any realm you will, no matter though it may long have 
enjoyed a healthy state, with a child-king comes woe ; how Eccies. x. 16. 
much the more then if an ignorant and untaught people be 
committed to an ignorant and untaught stripling prince ! 

Giraldus Cambrensis, Expugnatio Hibernitz, Lib. II, cc. xxxiv, 
xxxvi. Translation by F. Barnard, St?-ongboiv' [ s Conquest of 
Ireland (London, 1888), 123-133. 



23. A Picture of London (circ. 1 1 73) 

Of the Site thereof 

Among the noble cities of the world that Fame celebrates 
the City of London of the Kingdom of the English, is the 
one seat that pours out its fame more widely, sends to 
farther lands its wealth and trade, lifts its head higher than 
the rest. It is happy in the healthiness of its air, in the 
Christian religion, in the strength of its defences, the nature 
of its site, the honour of its citizens, the modesty of its 
matrons ; pleasant in sports ; fruitful of noble men. Let 
us look into these things separately. . . . 

Of Religion 

There is in the church there the Episcopal Seat of St. 
Paul ; once it was Metropolitan, and it is thought will again 
become so if the citizens return into the island, unless per- 
haps the archiepiscopal title of Saint Thomas the Martyr, 
and his bodily presence, preserve to Canterbury where it is 
now, a perpetual dignity. But as Saint Thomas has made 
both cities illustrious, London by his rising, Canterbury by 
his setting, in regard of that saint, with admitted justice, 
each can claim advantage of the other. There are also, as 

F 



Rv William 
Frrz- 
Stephen. 
See No. 20. 
Fitz-Stephen 
was a native 
of London 
and lived 
there much 
of his life, and 
he wrote with 
the love and 
exaggeration 
of a citizen. 

The begin- 
nings of Lon- 
don go back 
to an early- 
date. Even 
before the 
Roman con- 
quest there 
was probably 
a British 
settlement at 
the place 
w here Lon- 
don now 
stands. Dur- 
ing the firsl 
centuries of 
the present 
era it became 
a place of 
importance. 
After the 
coming of the 



66 Under Angevin Rule 



Saxons Lon- 
don almost 
disappears 
from history. 
Although not 
destroyed it is 
rarely men- 
tioned in the 
records. 
Gradually 
it grew in 
importance, 
and in the 
eleventh 
century it 
became the 
capital and 
the leading 
city of the 
realm. — For 
map and de- 
scription see 
Norgate, 
England 
under the 
Angevin 
Kings. 

In 1083 the 
church of St. 
Paul was be- 
gun on the 
site ot the 
church said 
to have been 
founded by 
Ethelbert in 
610. " s. 
Paul's was 
the rallying 
point as it 
had been the 
nucleus of the 
municipal 
life in Lon- 
don." — Nor- 
gate. This 
was true for 
many cen- 
turies. 

The White 
Tower, keep 
of the Tower 
of London, 
was begun 
about 1078. 



regards the cultivation of the Christian faith, in London and 
the suburbs, thirteen larger conventual churches, besides 
lesser parish churches one hundred and twenty-six. 

Of the Strength of the City 

It has on the east the Palatine Castle, very great and 
strong, of which the ground plan and the walls rise from a 
very deep foundation, fixed with a mortar tempered by the 
blood of animals. On the west are two towers very strongly 
fortified, with the high and great wall of the city having 
seven double gates, and towered to the north at intervals. 
London was walled and towered in like manner on the 
south, but the great fish-bearing Thames river which there 
glides, with ebb and flow from the sea, by course of time 
has washed against, loosened, and thrown down those walls. 
Also upwards to the west the royal palace is conspicuous 
above the same river, an incomparable building with ram- 
parts and bulwarks, two miles from the city, joined to it by a 
populous suburb. 

Of Gardens 

Everywhere outside the houses of those living in the sub- 
urbs are joined to them, planted with trees, the spacious 
and beautiful gardens of the citizens. 

Of Pasture and Tilth 

Also there are, on the north side, pastures and a pleasant 
meadow land, through which flow river streams, where the 
turning wheels of mills are put in motion with a cheerful 
sound. Very near lies a great forest, with woodland pas- 
tures, coverts of wild animals, stags, fallow deer, boars and 
wild bulls. The tilled lands of the city are not of barren 
gravel but fat plains of Asia, that make crops luxuriant, and 
fill their tillers' barns with Ceres' sheaves. 



A Picture of London 67 



Of Springs 

There are also about London, on the north side, excellent 
suburban springs, with sweet, wholesome, and clear water that 
flows rippling over the bright stones ; among which Holy 
Well, Clerken Well, and Saint Clements are frequented by 
greater numbers, and visited more by scholars and youth of 
the city when they go out for fresh air on summer evenings. 
It is a good city indeed when it has a good master. 



The walls 
built by the 
Normans 
were prob- 
ably on the 
lines of the 
ancient 
Roman walls. 

The royal 
palace at 
Westminster 
built by Will- 
iam Rufus. 



Of Honour of the Citizens 

That City is honoured by her men, adorned by her arms, 
populous with many inhabitants, so that in the time of 
slaughter of war under King Stephen, of those going out to 
muster twenty thousand horsemen and sixty thousand men 
on foot were estimated to be fit for war. Above all other 
citizens, everywhere, the citizens of London are regarded as 
conspicuous and noteworthy for handsomeness of manners 
and of dress, at table, and in way of speaking. . . . 



Of Schools 

In London three principal churches have by privilege and st. Paul, St. 
ancient dignity, famous schools; yet very often by support K. et Tjt nd f 
of some personage, or of some teachers who are considered our Lady at 
notable and famous in philosophy, there are also other crmon 
schools by favour and permission. On feast days the mas- 
ters have festival meetings in the churches. Their scholars 
dispute, some by demonstration, others by dialectics ; some 
recite enthymemes, others do better in using perfect syllo- 
gisms. Some are exercised in disputation for display, as 
wrestling with opponents ; others for truth, which is the 
grace of perfectness. Sophists who feign are judged happy 
in their heap and flood of words. Others paralogize. Some 
orators, now and then, say in their rhetorical speeches some- 



68 Under Angevin Rule 

thing apt for persuasion, careful to observe rules of their art, 
and to omit none of the contingents. Boys of different 
schools strive against one another in verses, and contend 
about the principles of grammar and rules of the past and 
future tenses. . . . 

Of the ordering of tJic City 

Those engaged in the several kinds of business, sellers of 
several things, contractors for several kinds of work, are 
distributed every morning into their several localities and 
shops. Besides, there is in London on the river bank, among 
the wines in ships and cellars sold by the vintners, a public 
cook shop ; there eatables are to be found every day, accord- 
ing to the season, dishes of meat, roast, fried and boiled, 
great and small fish, coarser meats for the poor, more deli- 
cate for the rich, of game, fowls, and small birds. If there 
should come suddenly to any of the citizens friends, weary 
from a journey and too hungry to like waiting till fresh food 
is bought and cooked, with water to their hands comes 
bread, while one runs to the river bank, and there is all that 
can be wanted. However great the multitude of soldiers or 
travellers entering the city, or preparing to go out of it, at 
any hour of the day or night, — that these may not fast too 
long and those may not go supperless, — they turn hither, if 
they please, where every man can refresh himself in his own 
way. . . . Outside one of the gates there, immediately in the 
suburb, is a certain field, smooth (Smith) field in fact and 
name. Every Friday, unless it be a higher day of appointed 
solemnity, there is in it a famous show of noble horses for sale. 
Earls, barons, knights, and many citizens who are in town, 
come to see or buy. ... In another part of the field stand 
by themselves the goods proper to rustics, implements of 
husbandry, swine with long flanks, cows with full udders, 
oxen of bulk immense, and woolly flocks. . . . To this city 
from every nation under heaven merchants delight to bring 



A Picture of London 69 

their trade by sea — .... This city . . is divided into 
wards, has annual sheriffs for its consuls, has senatorial and 
lower magistrates, sewers and aqueducts in its streets, its 
proper places and separate courts for cases of each kind, 
deliberative, demonstrative, judicial ; has assemblies on 
appointed days. I do not think there is a city with more 
commendable customs of church attendance, honour to 
God's ordinances, keeping sacred festivals, almsgiving, hos- 
pitality, confirming betrothals, contracting marriages, cele- 
bration of nuptials, preparing feasts, cheering the guests, 
and also in care for funerals and the interment of the dead. 
The only pests of London are the immoderate drinking of 
fools and the frequency of fires. To this may be added 
that nearly all the bishops, abbots, and magnates of England 
are, as it were, citizens and freemen of London ; having 
there their own splendid houses, to which they resort, where 
they spend largely when summoned to great councils by the 
king or by their metropolitan, or drawn thither by their own 
private affairs. 

Of Sports 

Let us now come to the sports and pastimes, seeing it is 
fit that a city should not only be commodious and serious, 
but also merry and sportful ; . . . But London . . . hath 
holy plays, representations of miracles which holy confessors 
have wrought, or representations of torments wherein the 
constancy of martyrs appeared. Every year also at Shrove 
Tuesday, that we may begin with children's sports, seeing 
we all have been children, the schoolboys do bring cocks 
of the game to their master, and all the forenoon they 
delight themselves in cock-fighting : after dinner, all the 
youths go into the fields to play at the ball. 

The scholars of every school have their ball, or baton, in 
their hands ; the ancient and wealthy men of the city come 
forth on horseback to see the sport of the young men, 



70 Under Angevin Rule 

and to take part of the pleasure in beholding their agility. 
Every Friday in Lent a fresh company of young men 
comes into the field on horseback, and the best horseman 
conducteth the rest. Then march forth the citizens' sons, 
and other young men, with disarmed lances and shields, 
and there they practise feats of war. Many courtiers like- 
wise, when the king lieth near, and attendants of noblemen, 
do repair to these exercises ; and while the hope of victory 
doth inflame their minds, do show good proof how service- 
able they would be in martial affairs. 

In Easter holidays they fight battles on the water ; a shield 
is hung upon a pole, fixed in the midst of the stream, a 
boat is prepared without oars, to be carried by violence of 
the water, and in the fore part thereof standeth a young 
man, ready to give charge upon the shield with his lance ; 
if so be he breaketh his lance against the shield, and doth 
not fall, he is thought to have performed a worthy deed ; 
if so be, without breaking his lance, he runneth strongly 
against the shield, down he falleth into the water, for the 
boat is violently forced with the tide ; but on each side of 
the shield ride two boats, furnished with young men, which 
recover him that falleth as soon as they may. Upon the 
bridge, wharfs, and houses, by the river's side, stand great 
numbers to see and laugh thereat. 

In the holidays all the summer the youths are exercised 
in leaping, dancing, shooting, wrestling, casting the stone, 
and practising their shields ; the maidens trip in their tim- 
brels, and dance as long as they can well see. In winter, 
every holiday before dinner, the boars prepared for brawn 
are set to fight, or else bulls and bears are baited. 

When the great fen, or moor, which watereth the walls of 
the city on the north side, is frozen, many young men play 
upon the ice ; some, striding as wide as they may, do slide 
swiftly ; others make themselves seats of ice, as great as 
rJUstones ; one sits down, many hand in hand to draw 



A Picture of London 71 

him, and one slipping on a sudden, all fall together ; some 
tie bones to their feet and under their heels ; and shoving 
themselves by a little picked staff, do slide as swiftly as a 
bird flieth in the air, or an arrow out of a cross-bow. 
Sometime two run together with poles, and hitting one the 
other, either one or both do fall, not without hurt ; some 
break their arms, some their legs, but youth desirous of 
glory in this sort exerciseth itself against the time of war. 
Many of the citizens do delight themselves in hawks and 
hounds ; for they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex, 
Hertfordshire, all Chiltern, and in Kent to the water of 
Cray. . . . 

William Fitz-Stephen, Descriptio Nobilissimce Civitatis Lon- 
doner (translation found in Henry Morley's edition of Stow's 
Survey of London. London, 1890, 22-28, 117-119). 



CHAPTER V — THE STRUGGLE FOR 
CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY 



By Roger 
of Wend- 
over 

( ti2 3 S?). 
a monk of 
St. Albans, 
and one of 
the remark- 
able group of 
historical 
writers asso- 
ciated with 
that monas- 
tery in the 
13th century. 
The following 
extract is 
taken from 
the Chronica 
Major a, 
which, 
although 
often appear- 
ing under the 
name of 
Matthew 
Paris, are 
undoubtedly 
the work of 
Roger of 
Wendover 
for the years 
from 1 1 89 to 
1235. For 
this period he 
forms the 
chief author- 
ity. 

" About this 
time " = 
summer of 
1214. 



24. The Winning of Magna Carta (121 5) 

Of a conference Jield by the barons against king John 

ABOUT this time the earls and barons of England as- 
sembled at St. Edmund's, as if for religious duties, 
although it was for some other reason ; for after they had 
discoursed together secretly for a time, there was placed 
before them the charter of king Henry the First, which they 
had received, as mentioned before, in the city of London 
from Stephen archbishop of Canterbury. This charter con- 
tained certain liberties and laws granted to the holy church 
as well as to the nobles of the kingdom besides some liber- 
ties which the king added of his own accord. All therefore 
assembled in the church of St. Edmund, the king and mar- 
tyr, and, commencing from those of the highest rank, they 
all swore on the great altar that, if the king refused to grant 
these liberties and laws, they themselves would withdraw 
from their allegiance to him, and make war on him, till he 
should, by a charter under his own seal, confirm to them 
every thing they required ; and finally it was unanimously 
agreed that, after Christmas, they should all go together to 
the king and demand the confirmation of the aforesaid lib- 
erties to them, and that they should in the meantime pro- 
vide themselves with horses and arms, so that if the king 
should endeavour to depart from his oath, they might by 
taking his castles, compel him to satisfy their demands ; and 
having arranged this, each man returned home. . . . 

72 



Magna Carta 73 



Of the demand made by the barons of England for 
their rights 

A.D. 1 2 15 ; which was the seventeenth year of the reign 
of king John ; he held his court at Winchester at Christmas 
for one day, after which he hurried to London, and took up 
his abode at the New Temple ; and at that place the above- 
mentioned nobles came to him in gay military array, and Jan. 16, 1215 
demanded the confirmation of the liberties and laws of 
king Edward, with other liberties granted to them and to 
the kingdom and church of England, as were contained in 
the charter, and above-mentioned laws of Henry the First ; 
they also asserted that, at the time of his absolution at Win- 
chester, he had promised to restore those laws and ancient 
liberties, and was bound by his own oath to observe them. 
The king, hearing the bold tone of the barons in making 
this demand, much feared an attack from them, as he saw 
that they were prepared for battle ; he however made an- 
swer that their demands were a matter of importance and 
difficulty, and he therefore asked a truce till the end of 
Easter, that he might, after due deliberation, be able to sat- 
isfy them as well as the dignity of his crown. After much 
discussion on both sides, the king at length, although un- 
willingly, procured the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop 
of Ely, and William Marshal, as his sureties, that on the day 
pre-agreed on he would, in all reason, satisfy them all, on 
which the nobles returned to their homes. The king how- 
ever, wishing to take precautions against the future, caused 
all the nobles throughout England to swear fealty to him 
alone against all men, and to renew their homage to him ; The cru- 
and, the better to take care of himself, he, on the day of which 
St. Mary's purification, assumed the cross of our Lord, conferred 

«....,. m special 

being induced to this more by fear than devotion. . . . sanctity. 



74 Constitutional Liberty 

Of the principal persons who compelled the king to 
grant the lazus and liberties 

In Easter week of this same year, the above-mentioned 
nobles assembled at Stamford, with horses and arms ; for 
they had now induced almost all the nobility of the whole 
kingdom to join them, and constituted a very large army ; 
for in their army there were computed to be two thousand 
knights, besides horse soldiers, attendants, and foot soldiers, 
who were variously equipped. . . . The king at this time 
was awaiting the arrival of his nobles at Oxford. On the 
Monday next after the octaves of Easter, the said barons 
assembled in the town of Brackley : and when the king 
learned this, he sent the archbishop of Canterbury, and 
William Marshal earl of Pembroke, with some other pru- 
dent men, to them to inquire what the laws and liberties 
were which they demanded. The barons then delivered to 
the messengers a paper, containing in great measure the 
laws and ancient customs of the kingdom, and declared 
that, unless the king immediately granted them and con- 
firmed them under his own seal, they would, by taking pos- 
session of his fortresses, force him to give them sufficient 
satisfaction as to their before-named demands. The arch- 
bishop with his fellow messengers then carried the paper to 
the king, and read to him the heads of the paper one by 
one throughout. The king when he heard the purport of 
these heads, derisively said, with the greatest indignation, 
"Why, amongst these unjust demands, did not the barons 
ask for my kingdom also? Their demands are vain and 
visionary, and are unsupported by any plea of reason what- 
ever." And at length he angrily declared with an oath, 
that he would never grant them such liberties as would ren- 
der him their slave. The principal of these laws and liber- 
ties, which the nobles require 1 to be confirmed to them, are 
See No. 17. partly described above in the charter of king Henry, and 



Magna 



Carta 



75 



partly are extracted from the old laws of king Edward, as King 
the following history will show in due time. Confessor! 6 



The castle of Northampton besieged by the barons 

As the archbishop and William Marshal could not by 
any persuasions induce the king to agree to their demands, 
they returned by the king's order to the barons, and duly 
reported all they had heard from the king to them ; and 
when the nobles heard what John said, they appointed Rob- 
ert Fitz-Walter commander of their soldiers, giving him the 
title of " Marshal of the army of God and the holy church," 
and then, one and all flying to arms, they directed their 
forces towards Northampton. On their arrival there they 
at once laid siege to the castle, but after having stayed there 
for fifteen days, and having gained little or no advantage, 
they determined to move their camp ; for having come with- 
out petrarise and other engines of war, they, without accom- 
plishing their purpose, proceeded in confusion to the castle 
of Bedford. . . . 

Hoiv the city of London was given up to the barons 

When the army of the barons arrived at Bedford, they 
were received with all respect by William de Beauchamp. 
There also came to them there messengers from the city of 
London, secretly telling them, if they wished to get into that 
city, to come there immediately. The barons, inspirited 
by the arrival of this agreeable message, immediately moved 
their camp and arrived at Ware ; after this they marched 
the whole night, and arrived early in the morning at the city 
of London, and, finding the gates open, they, on the 24th of 
May, which was the Sunday next before our Lord's ascension, 
entered the city without any tumult whilst the inhabitants 
were performing divine service ; for the rich citizens were 
favourable to the barons, and the poor ones were afraid to 



Engines for 

throwing 

stones. 



The adhesion 
of London 
turned the 
scale, and 
was followed 
by a great 
defection 
from the 
king's 
followers. 



76 Constitutional Liberty 

murmur against them. The barons having thus got into the 
city, placed their own guards in charge of each of the gates, 
and then arranged all matters in the city at will. They then 
took security from the citizens, and sent letters through Eng- 
land to those earls, barons, and knights, who appeared to be 
still faithful to the king, though they only pretended to be 
so, and advised them with threats, as they regarded the 
safety of all their property and possessions, to abandon a 
king who was perjured and who warred against his barons, 
and together with them to stand firm and fight against the 
king for their rights and for peace ; and that, if they refused 
to do this, they, the barons, would make war against them 
all, as against open enemies, and would destroy their castles, 
burn their houses and other buildings, and destroy their 
warrens, parks, and orchards. . . . The greatest part of 
these, on receiving the message of the barons, set out to 
London and joined them, abandoning the king entirely. . . . 

The confcvcnce between the king and the barons 

King John, when he saw that he was deserted by almost 
all, so that out of his regal superabundance of followers 
he scarcely retained seven knights, was much alarmed lest 
the barons would attack his castles and reduce them without 
difficulty, as they would find no obstacle to their so doing ; 
and he deceitfully pretended to make peace for a time with 
the aforesaid barons, and sent William Marshal earl of 
Pembroke, with other trustworthy messengers, to them, and 
told them that, for the sake of peace, and for the exaltation 
and honour of the kingdom, he would willingly grant them 
the laws and liberties they required ; he also sent word to 
the barons by these same messengers, to appoint a fitting 
day and place to meet and carry all these matters into effect. 
The king's messengers then came in all haste to London, 
and without deceit reported to the barons all that had been 



Magna Carta 77 



deceitfully imposed on them ; they in their great joy 
appointed the fifteenth of June for the king to meet them, 
at a field lying between Staines and Windsor. Accordingly, Runnymede 
at the time and place pre-agreed on, the king and nobles Thames, 
came to the appointed conference, and when each party 
had stationed themselves apart from the other, they began 
a long discussion about terms of peace and the aforesaid 
liberties. ... At length, after various points on both sides For text of 
had been discussed, king John, seeing that he was inferior Latin : ' 
in strength to the barons, without raising any difficulty, W } S ! U J?? S ' 
granted the underwritten laws and liberties, and confirmed ters; Eng- 
them by his charter as follows : — ^uihUaf- 

lets, No. 5. 
(Here follows the Great Charter.) 



How the king of England by letters fatejit ordered 
the aforesaid liberties to be observed 

After this king John sent his letters patent throughout 
all the English territories, strictly ordering all the sheriffs of 
the whole kingdom to make the inhabitants in their jurisdic- 
tions of every rank, swear to observe the above-written laws 
and liberties, and also, as far as lay in their power, to annoy 
and harass him, the king, by taking his castles till he fulfilled 
all the above-mentioned terms, as contained in the charter. 
After which, many nobles of the kingdom came to the king 
asking him for their rights of land and possessions, and the 
custody of the castles, which, as they said, belonged to them 
by hereditary right ; but the king delayed this matter till it 
was proved on the oath of liege men, what of right was due 
to each ; and, the more fully to effect this, he fixed the 
1 6th of August as a day for them all to come to Westmin- 
ster. Nevertheless he restored to Stephen archbishop of 
Canterbury the castle of Rochester and the Tower of Lon- 
don, which by old right belonged to his custody : and then 



7 8 Constitutional Liberty 

breaking up the conference, the barons returned with the 
above-named charter to London. 

Roger of Wendover, Chronica Majora (translated by J. A. Giles, 
London, 1849), H> 3°3 _ 3 2 4« 



By Mat- 
tiiew Paris 
(1-1259), 
monk, travel- 
ler, courtier, 
and most 
famous 
member of 
the group of 
historians 
connected 
with the 
abbey of 
St. Albans. 
Through his 
constant 
intercourse 
with the lead- 
ing men in 
Church and 
State, Mat- 
thew was in 
the centre of 
public activi- 
ties. His 
Chronicle is 
the best 
authority on 
affairs in 
England, and 
affords much 
information 
concerning 
continental 
matters. 
Matthew's 
sympathies 
were with the 
national 
movement 
against 
Henry III 



25. England in 1257 

How the abbats of the Cistercian order were convoked 
by royal warrant 

At the Epiphany of our Lord, the king, little heeding the 
heavy rains, the violence of the winds, the turbid state of 
the rivers, or the trouble and fatigue that would be incurred, 
convoked the abbats of the Cistercian order to assemble at 
London, to hear his royal commands. They therefore came, 
as they were obliged so to do, although wretchedly harassed, 
and hopeless of mercy ; and on their coming before the 
king, he at once urgently demanded of them pecuniary 
assistance to a large amount. To this demand they all, as 
if animated by one spirit, unanimously replied that they 
would not and could not do so without the general consent 
of their chapter, or at least without the common consent of 
all the abbats of the Cistercian order in England, who were 
not then present. As they all departed without fixing a 
day on which all could meet together, the king, with great 
rancour, gave orders that no favour should be shown to the 
Cistercian abbats ; and thus he gave tacit permission to the 
sheriffs, foresters, and other royal agents (who were ready 
enough at extortion, without any order from the king), to 
injure and harass all the abbats of the Cistercian order in 
their vicinity, on any pretence they could devise. 



England in 1257 79 

How the king refused to accept of the elected bishop of p^ e th | nd he 

pi gives a vivid 

■ L ^ l J f picture of the 

. . , misrule of the 

About this time, the monks of Ely duly elected their sub- time. This 
prior, a proper and irreproachable man, to the office of 2£j^J m 
bishop of Ely and as pastor of their souls, refusing to comply the Chronica 

, - . , . ,11 ii- ..• Majora, or 

with the wishes of the king, who had urged his entreaties, the Hlslo)ia 
both by letter and by special messengers, in favour of tjfi&jj 1 
another person. The king therefore, being highly incensed, chronicles 
gave the charge of that church to John Walerann, which was ofvlrious* 
like intrusting a lamb to a famishing wolf ; and he at once hands, but 

.... , , i from 1235 to 

felled their woods, impoverished their dependants, ana I259 they are 

injured the monks themselves to such a degree, that all Matthew? 

fear of God and reverence for the saints was laid aside, and production. 

everything was exposed to peril and ruin, and the church period. 

was reduced to the most abject state of slavery, and was W. H^Jj*^ 

open to the attacks of invading plunderers. rule of 

Henry III. 
The king = 

Of the arrival of the archbishop of Messina, and of Henry in. 
the poivers with which he was invested Sns^-ST 

In this year, on the approach of Lent, the archbishop of tne ; r we aith. 
Messina was sent by the pope (for what reason it was not preacher 
known), and arrived with a large retinue of brethren of the y^ r im : can> 
Preacher order, mounted on horses. As he had letters 
from the pope authorizing him to levy and receive procura- 
tions, and to inflict heavy punishment on all gainsayers and 
opposers, he sent an imperious letter to each of the prelates, 
ordering them to furnish him with procurations to the 
amount fixed on by him ; and from the house of St. Alban's, 
and a monastery dependent on it, he extorted twenty-one 
marks. The monks of St. Alban's, too, having gone with all 
civility to visit him at his abode, he would not allow them 
to leave, but detained them like prisoners, to force them to 
satisfy his avaricious demands ; and on the monks modestly 



80 Constitutional Liberty 

replying that they had not a penny with them, the enraged 
archbishop insolently replied, " Why are you so beggarly ? 
send, then, for some merchant who will lend you some 
money." And this they did, as they were under compul- 
sion ; for these monks were not allowed to leave the house, 
although they were the select brethren of the convent ; 
namely, the arch-deacon of St. Alban's, and John, the 
abbat's seal-bearer and proctor. This archbishop of Mes- 
sina was a brother of the order of Preachers, in whom we 
hoped to have found more humility than he showed. . . . 



In 1257, 
Richard, 
Earl of Corn- 
wall, and 
brother of 
Henry III, 
was chosen 
king of die 
Romans by 
the German 
electors. 



One of the 
complaints 
against 
Henry was 
that he had 
foolishly in- 
volved Eng- 
land in the 
Pope's 
quarrels by 
accepting for 
his son 
Edmund the 
crown of 
Sicily. 



Of the great parliament, at which Earl Richard bade 
farewell to the English 

At Mid-Lent of this same year, a great parliament was 
held, . . . Earl Richard, the newly-elected king of Ger- 
many, was also present at this parliament for the purpose 
of bidding farewell to the general community of England ; 
in fact almost the whole of the nobility of England were 
present thereat. . . . 

How the king asked assistance for his son Edmund 

Before the aforesaid parliament broke up, the king 
brought his son Edmund, dressed in the Apulian fashion, 
before the assembly, and pointing him out to them, said in 
the hearing of all, " You see, my faithful subjects, my son 
Edmund, whom the Lord, of his spontaneous favour, has 
called to the kingly dignity. How evidently worthy he is 
of the favour of all of you ! and how inhuman, how tyran- 
nical would he be, who could refuse him seasonable and 
effectual aid and counsel in this crisis ! " and he added 
that, by the advice and good-will of the pope and the 
English church, he had, for the sake of obtaining the king- 
dom of Sicily, bound himself, under penalty of losing his 



England in i 257 81 

kingdom, to the payment of a hundred and forty thousand 
marks, exclusive of interest, which daily increased, although 
without being apparent. Also, that he had obtained, for 
five ensuing years, the tithes to be levied from all the clergy 
in general, that is to say, from all their benefices, which 
were to be computed according to the new mode of taxation, 
without deducting any expenses save those which were in- 
curred necessarily. Also, the profits of all ecclesiastical 
benefices vacated during the first year, and till the comple- 
tion of the five years. This speech made the ears of all 
tingle, and struck fear to their hearts, especially as they 
knew that this tyranny took its rise from the pope. Although 
they set forth excuses and asked for time to be allowed 
them, they could not even obtain that favour, and were at 
length compelled to give a promise of relieving the king's 
pressing necessities, on the condition, however, that he 
would from that time forth observe inviolate the great 
charter, which he had so often promised to do, and which 
had been so often bought and rebought by fhem ; and that 
he would refrain from injuring and impoverishing them on 
so many specious pretexts. On these conditions they prom- 
ised the king fifty-two thousand marks, though to the irrepar- 
able injury of the English church ; yet the king is said not 
to have accepted of such a rich gift even as this. 

A calculation of the money uselessly expended by the 

king 

At this time the clerks of the king's chamber examined 
all the finance registers, and having made a strict calcula- 
tion of the amount expended, it was proved by them, and 
they were worthy of belief, that since the king had com- 
menced plundering and wasting the wealth of his kingdom, 
he had expended nine hundred and fifty thousand marks, 
which it was dreadful to think of j . . . 



82 Constitutional Liberty 

Hoiv the prelates of England promised a large sum 
of money to the king on certain conditions 

About this same time the prelates of England, who had 
become weak and timid (not imitating the constancy of the 
Cistercians, who gave a flat refusal to the king in person 
when he demanded a large sum of money), granted to the 
king the sum of forty-two thousand marks, to the enormous 
and irreparable injury of the Church and the kingdom ; and 
this sum was granted to the king or to his son Edmund, 
for the purpose of obtaining possession of the kingdom of 
Apulia ; though the acquisition of that kingdom was more 
and more despaired of every day. The king, who was but 
little satisfied with this gift, promised that he would, as soon 
as possible, moderate the Church's oppressions, and restore 
her to her proper state of liberty. . . . 

How the king of England made preparations for an 
expedition to Wales 

About the same time the king issued his warrants through- 
out all England, calling on each and every one who owed 
knightly service to their lord and king to be ready and pre- 
pared, provided with horses and arms, to follow him into 
Wales, on the feast of St. Mary Magdalen, whither he was 
about to proceed on an expedition to check their violence ; 
as they were roving about at will, seizing the castles of the 
frontier nobles, and even those of the English, with impunity, 
putting the garrisons to death, and spreading fire, slaughter, 
and incendiarism in all directions. The Welsh, thereon, 
learning that the king intended to take the field against 
them with his army, prudently sent away their wives, chil- 
dren, and flocks into the interior of the country, about 
Snowdon and other mountainous places inaccessible to the 
English, ploughed up their fields, destroyed the mills in the 
road which the English would take, carried away all kinds 



England in 1257 83 

of provisions, broke down the bridges, and rendered the 
fords impassable by digging holes, in order that, if the 
enemy attempted to cross, they might be drowned. For- 
tune favoured them in this war ; for their cause appeared, 
even to their enemies, to be just ; and what chiefly sup- 
ported and encouraged them was the thought that, like 
the Trojans (from whom they were descended), they were 
struggling, with a firmness worthy of their descent, for their 
ancestral laws and liberties. Woe to the wretched English, 
who, trodden underfoot by every foreigner, allowed the 
ancient liberties of their kingdom to be extinguished, and 
were not put to shame by the example of the Welsh. . . . 

How the kifig returned from Wales without having 
performed any remarkable achievement 

At the decline of autumn, as the approaching winter had 
shortened the days and brought on cold, and as the greatest 
scarcity prevailed in his army, the king, by the advice of 
his especial counsellors, who could ill bear this state of want, 
took his departure from Chester, and returned towards 
London, to be present at the festival of the Translation of 
St. Edward. Llewellyn, on hearing of this, followed him in Llewellyn, 
pursuit for a long time, for the purpose of attacking and ^"] ce of 
slaying any stragglers from the king's army. Thus, after 
expending a great deal of money, the king returned inglori- 
ously, and followed by the derisive sneers of the enemy to 
his own country, which was a place of greater safety for 
him. . . . 

The summary of the year 

This year throughout was barren and meagre ; for what- 
ever had been sown in winter, had budded in spring, and 
grown ripe in summer, was stifled and destroyed by the 
autumnal inundations. The scarcity of money, brought on 



84 Constitutional Liberty 

by the spoliation practised by the king and the pope in 
England, brought on unusual poverty. The land lay un- 
cultivated, and great numbers of people died from starva- 
tion. About Christmas, the price of a measure of wheat 
rose to ten shillings. Apples were scarce, pears more so ; 
figs, beechnuts, cherries, plums — in short, all fruits which 
are preserved in jars, were completely spoiled. This pestif- 
erous year, moreover, gave rise to mortal fevers, which raged 
to such an extent that, not to mention other cases, at 
St. Edmund's alone more than two thousand dead bodies 
were placed in the large cemetery during the summer, the 
largest portion of them during the dog-days. There were 
old men, who had formerly seen a measure of wheat sold 
for a mark, and even twenty shillings, without the people 
being starved to death. . . . 

Matthew Paris. Chronica Majora (translated by J. A. Giles, 
London, 1854), III, 214-256. 



Probably by 
William 
Rishangek 
(ti3ia?), a 
monk of St. 
Albans. The 
work from 
which the 
following 
extract was 
taken was 
doubtless in- 
tended as a 
continuation 
of the Chron- 
icle of Mat- 
thew Paris, 
and covers 
the period 
from 125*1 tn 
1306. 



26. The Battle of Evesham 1265) 

. . . Simon, earl of Leicester, always keeping the king in 
his company, returned from the south of Wales, and on 
the festival of St. Peter ad Vincula, arrived at Kempsey, a 
manor of the bishop of Worcester, and stayed there on the 
day following. Edward then returned from Kenilworth to 
Worcester, which is only three miles distant from the above- 
named manor ; and Simon, on hearing of his arrival there, 
went away with the king at nightfall, and took up his 
quarters in the town of Evesham, where he awaited his 
unhappy destiny. For on the morrow, which was the day 
of the Finding of St. Stephen, Edward moved from Worces- 
ter, crossed the river near the town of Claines, and cut off 
the approach of the earl to his son, who was in the castle 



Battle of Evesham 



85 



of Kenilworth, and prevented all chance of the father and 
son meeting. On the following day he drew near the town 
of Evesham on one side, and the earl of Gloucester and 
Roger Mortimer came up with their respective forces in 
two other directions ; and thus the earl of Leicester was 
hemmed in on all sides, and was under the necessity either 
of voluntarily surrendering, or of giving them battle. On 
the 5th of August, which fell on the third day of the week, 
both armies met in a large plain outside the town, where a 
most severe conflict ensued, till the partisans of the earl 
began to give way, and the whole weight of the battle falling 
upon him he was slain on the field of battle. At the time 
of his death, a storm of thunder and lightning occurred, 
and darkness prevailed to such an extent, that all were 
struck with amazement. Besides the earl, there fell, in 
that battle, twelve knights bannerets ; namely, Henry, his 
son ; Peter de Montfort ; Hugh Despenser, justiciary of 
England ; William de Mandeville ; Ralph Basset ; Walter 
de Crespigny ; William York ; Robert Tregor ; Thomas 
Hostelee ; John Beauchamp ; Guy Balliol ; Roger de 
Roulee ; and a great number of others of inferior rank, 
such as esquires and foot-soldiers ; the greatest loss being 
amongst the Welsh. Thus ended the labours of that noble 
man Earl Simon, who gave up not only his property, but 
also his person, to defend the poor from oppression, and 
for the maintenance of justice and the rights of the kingdom. 
He was distinguished for his learning ; to him an assiduous 
attention to divine duties was a pleasure ; he was moderate 
and frugal ; and it was a usual practice of his to watch by 
night, in preference to sleeping. He was bold in speech, 
and of a severe aspect ; he put great confidence in the 
prayers of religious men, and always paid great respect to 
ecclesiastics. . . . 

After gaining this lamentable victory, Edward, after the 
battle, gave orders to the monks of that place to bury the 



After Lewes 
the king was 
practically 
a prisoner. 

Prince Ed- 
ward, taken 
captive at 
Lewes, had 
made his 
escape. 



De Montfort 
had gained 
the support 
of the Welsh. 



The sympa- 
thies of the 
clergy were 
with De 
Montfort and 
he appears to 
advantage in 
the chron- 
icles of the 
time. 



86 



Constitutional Liberty 



bodies of the dead, especially those of the higher orders, 
with decency. He himself attended, in person, the obse- 
quies of Henry de Montfort, whom the king his father had 
held at the font when he was baptized, and who had been 
brought up with, and beloved by, himself from boyhood. 
Before the above battle, as some say, Simon having gone 
out of the town of Evesham, and seen with what prudence 
and skill the ranks of his adversaries were drawn up, said 
to his companions, " By St. James's arm " (such was his 
usual oath), "they are approaching with wisdom, and they 
have learned this method from me, not of themselves. 
Let us, therefore, commend our souls to God, for our bodies 
are theirs." He also urged Hugh Despenser, Ralph Basset, 
and others, to fly and save themselves for better times ; but 
they said that they would not live if he died. After he 
was killed [his enemies] rut off his head, feet, and hands, 
contrary to all the laws of the knightly order ; and his head 
was presented to the wife of Roger Mortimer, who was 
staying in the castle of Worcester. In this battle the king 
was wounded by a spear inadvertently hurled at him, and 
was in danger of losing his life. By this victory over his 
enemies, the king was re-established in his royal authority . . . 

W. Rishanger. Chronica Majora (translated by J. A. Giles, 
London, 1854), III, 354-35°- 



Anony- 

MOUS. "A 
striking fea- 
ture of the 
period of 
Henry Ill's 
misgovern- 
nu-ni and the 
Barons' War 
was the out- 



27. The Lament of Earl Simon (1265) 

1 . Sing must I now', my heart wills so, 
Altho' my tongue be rude, 
With tearful thought, this song was wrought, 
Of England's barons erood : 



Lament of Earl Simon 87 



Who for the peace, made long ago, 

Went gladly to the grave, 
Their bodies gashed and scarred and slashed, 

Our English land to save. 

Refrain — Now low there lies, the flower of price, 
That knew so much of war, 
The Earl Montfort, whose luckless sort 
The land shall long deplore. 

2. On a Tuesday, as I heard say, 

The battle it was fought, 
From horseback all they fight and fall, 

Of footmen had they nought. 
Full cruelly they struck that day 

All with the brandished brand, 
But in the end Sir Edward's men 

They got the upper hand. Refrain. 

3. But by his death earl Simon hath 

In sooth the victory won, 
Like Canterbury's martyr he 

There to the death was done. 
Thomas the good, that never would 

Let holy Church be tried, 
Like him he fought and flinching not 

The good earl like him died. Refrain. 

4. Death did they face to keep in place 

Both righteousness and peace, 
Wherefore the saint from sin and taint 

Shall give their souls release ; 
They faced the grave that they might save 

The people of this land, 
For so his will they did fulfill, 

As we do understand. Refrain. 



burst of song 
on political 
and social 
evils." Most 
of these songs 
favour the 
popular side, 
and were 
probably the 
production 
of the Grey 
Friars. The 
song given 
here was 
written 
apparently 
soon after the 
battle of 
Evesham. 



88 



Constitutional Liberty 



Set- Xo. 26. 



The voung 
Earl of 
Gloucester 

ipularly 
held respon- 
sible for 
Simon's 
overthrow 
and death. 



Next to the skin when they stripped him 

They found a shirt of hair, 
Those felons strong that wrought the wrong, 

And foully slew him there ; 
But worse their sin to mangle him, 

A man that was so good, 
That how to fight and keep the right 

So truly understood. Refrain. 

Sir Hugh the proud, Despenser good, 

That noble judge and wise, 
So wrongfully was doomed to die 

In very evil guise ; 
Sir Henry too, I tell you true, 

The earl of Lincoln's son. 
Others also earl Gloucester slew, 

As ye shall hear anon. Refrain. 



No earl or lord but sore hath erred 

And done things men must blame, 
Both squire and knight have wrought un-right, 

They all are put to shame. 
Through them, in sooth, both faith and truth 

Are perished from this land, 
The wicked men unchecked may reign 

The fool in folly stand. Refrain. 

Sir Simon now, that knight so true, 

With all his company, 
Are gone above to joy and love 

In life that cannot die ; 
But may our Lord that died on rood 

And God send succour yet 
To them that lie in misery, 

Fast in hard prison set ! Refrain. 



Summoning of Parliament 89 

9. Wherefore I pray, sweet friends alway 

Seek of Saint Mary's Son, 
That He may lead to His high meed 

Him that this rime hath done ; 
I will not name the scholar's name, 

I would not have it known 
For love of Him, that saves from sin, 

Pray for clerks all and one. Refrain. 

Political Songs (edited by T. Wright, London, 1839), 125. Ver- 
sion by F. York Powell {Simon de Mont fort and Ins Cause, 
edited by W. H. Hutton, London, 1888, 166-168). 



28. The Summoning of the Parliament By 

c Edward 1 

Of I295 (1239-1307)- 

The King to the venerable father in Christ, Robert, by 
the same grace Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all 
England, greeting. As a most just law, established by the 
careful providence of sacred princes, exhorts and decrees 
that what affects all, should be approved by all, so also, 
very evidently should common danger be met by means 
provided in common. You know sufficiently well, and it is 
now, as we believe, known through all regions of the world, 
how the King of France fraudulently and craftily deprived 
us of our land of (iascony, by withholding it unjustly from 
us. Now, however, not satisfied with the aforesaid fraud 
and injustice, having gathered together for the conquest of 
our kingdom a very great fleet, and a very large force of 
warriors, with which he has made a hostile attack on our 
kingdom and the inhabitants of the kingdom, he now pro- 



90 Constitutional Liberty 



Like sum- 
mons were 
sent to the 
Archbishop 
of York, to 
eighteen 
bishops, and, 
with the 
omission of 
the last para- 
graph, to 
seventy 
abbots and 
other great 
churchmen. 



poses to stamp out the English language altogether from 
the earth if his power should be equal to. the detestable 
task of the proposed iniquity, which God forbid. Because, 
therefore, darts seen beforehand do less injury, and your 
interest especially, as that of other fellow citizens of the 
same realm, is concerned in this affair, we command you, 
strictly enjoining you in the fidelity and love in which you 
are bound to us, that on the Lord's day next after the feast 
of St. Martin, in the approaching winter, you be present in 
person at Westminster ; citing beforehand the dean and 
chapter of your church, the archdeacons and all the clergy 
of your diocese, causing the same dean and archdeacons in 
their own persons, and the said chapter by one suitable 
proctor, and the said clergy by two, to be present along 
with you, having full and sufficient power of themselves 
from the chapter and clergy, for considering, ordaining and 
providing along with us and with the rest of the prelates 
and principal men and other inhabitants of our kingdom 
how the dangers and threatened evils of this kind are to be 
met. Witness, the King at Wengham, the thirtieth day of 
September. 



Like sum- 
mons were 
sent to seven 
earls and 
forty-one 
barons. 



The King to his beloved and faithful kinsman, Edmund, 
Earl of Cornwall, greeting. Because we wish to have a 
conference and meeting with you and with the rest of the 
principal men of our kingdom, to provide remedies for the 
dangers which in these days threaten our whole kingdom ; 
we command you, strictly enjoining you by the fidelity and 
love in which you are bound to us, that on the Lord's day 
next after the feast of St. Martin, in the approaching winter, 
you be present in person at Westminster, for considering, 
ordaining and doing with us, and with the prelates, and the 
rest of the magnates and other inhabitants of our kingdom, 
as may be necessary to meet dangers of this kind. Wit- 
ness, the King at Canterbury, on the first day of October. 



Summoning of Parliament 91 

The King to the sheriff of Northamptonshire. Since we 
purpose to have a conference and meeting, with the earls, 
barons, and other principal men of our kingdom to provide 
remedies for the dangers which in these days threaten the 
same kingdom ; and on that account, have commanded 
them to be with us, on the Lord's day next after the feast 
of St. Martin, in the approaching winter, at Westminster, to 
consider, ordain, and do, as may be necessary for the avoid- 
ance of these dangers ; we strictly require you to cause two 
knights from the aforesaid county, two citizens from each 
city in the same county, and two burgesses from each 
borough, of the more discreet and capable, to be elected 
without delay, and to cause them to come to us, at the 
aforesaid time and place. 

Moreover, the said knights are to have full and sufficient 
power, for themselves and for the commonalty of the afore- 
said county, and the said citizens and burgesses for themselves 
and for the commonalty of the aforesaid cities and boroughs 
separately, then and there to do what shall be ordained by 
the common advice in the premises ; so that the aforesaid A like sum- 
business shall not remain unfinished in any way for defect ^ntto^me 
of this power. And you shall have there the names of the sheriff of each 
knights, citizens and burgesses, and this writ. 

Witness, the King at Canterbury, on the third day of 
October. 

Select Charters (arranged and edited by W. Stubbs, London, 
1870), 484-486. Translation from Outlines and Documents 
of English Constitutional History (edited by C. Wells and 
F. Anderson, Minneapolis, 1895), 43-45. 



county. 



CHAPTER VI — THE HUNDRED 
YEARS' WAR 



By JEHAN 
FROISSART 

(I337-I410), 
a native of 
Valen- 
ciennes, who 
came to Eng- 
land in the 
service of 
Philippa of 
Hainault, 
queen of 
Edward III. 
Froissart is 
in nowiv a 
critical his- 
torian. He 
makes no 
attempt to 
weigh evi- 
dence, and 
his sympa- 
thies were 
with the Eng- 
lish. Nor is 
he always 
contempor- 
ary authority, 
although he 
must have 
talked with 
those who 
were actors in 
the scenes he 
describes. 
But in spite 
of these limi- 
tations his 
writings have 
a lasting 
value as giv- 
ing a vivid 
picture of the 
times. The 



29. The Scots in War 

THESE Scottish men are right hardy and sore travail- 
ing in harness and in wars. For when they will enter 
into England, within a day and a night they will drive their 
whole host twenty-four mile, for they are all a-horseback, 
without it be the trandals and laggers of the host, who follow 
after afoot. The knights and squires are well horsed, and the 
common people and other on little hackneys and geldings ; 
and they carry with them no carts nor chariots, for the 
diversities of the mountains that they must pass through in 
the country of Northumberland. They take with them no 
purveyance of bread nor wine, for their usage and soberness 
is such in time of war, that they will pass in the journey a 
great long time with flesh half sodden, without bread, and 
drink of the river water without wine, and they neither care 
for pots nor pans, for they seethe beasts in their own skins. 
They are ever sure to find plenty of beasts in the country 
that they will pass through : therefore they carry with them 
none other purveyance, but on their horse between the 
saddle and the panel they truss a broad plate of metal, 
and behind the saddle they will have a little sack full of 
oatmeal, to the intent that when they have eaten of the 
sodden flesh, then they lay this plate on the fire and temper 
a little of the oatmeal ; and when the plate is hot, they cast 
of the thin paste thereon, and so make a little cake in 
manner of a cracknell or biscuit, and that they eat to com- 
fort withal their stomachs. Wherefore it is no great marvel 

92 



Battle of Crecy 



93 



though they make greater journeys than other people do. 
And in this manner were the Scots entered into the said 
country, and wasted and brent all about as they went, and 
took great number of beasts. They were to the number 
of four thousand men of arms, knights and squires, mounted 
on good horses, and other ten thousand men of war were 
armed after their guise, right hardy and fierce, mounted on 
little hackneys, the which were never tied nor kept at hard 
meat, but let go to pasture in the fields and bushes. . . . 

Froissart, Chronicles (translation of Lord Berners, edited by G. C. 
Macaulay, London, 1895), Ch. XVII. 



following 
extract is 
based upon 
the chronicle 
of Jehan le 
Bel, a writer 
of whom little 
is known. 
During the 
civil troubles 
of 1327 the 
Scots in- 
vaded the 
north. Jehan 
le Bel took 
part in the 
expedition 
sent against 
them. 



30. The Battle of Crecy (1346) 

The Englishmen, who were in three battles lying on the 
ground to rest them, as soon as they saw the Frenchmen 
approach, they rose upon their feet fair and easily without any 
haste and arranged their battles. The first, which was the 
prince's battle, the archers there stood in the manner of a 
herse and the men of arms in the bottom of the battle. 
The earl of Northampton and the earl of Arundel with the 
second battle were on a wing in good order, ready to comfort 
the prince's battle, if need were. 

The lords and knights of France came not to the assem- 
bly together in good order, for some came before and some 
came after in such haste and evil order, that one of them 
did trouble another. When the French king saw the 
Englishmen, his blood changed, and said to his marshals : 
' Make the Genovvays go on before and begin the battle in 
the name of God and Saint Denis.' There were of the 
Genoways cross-bows about a fifteen thousand, but they 
were so weary of going afoot that day a six leagues armed 
with their cross-bows, that they said to their constables : 



By J F.HAN 

Froissart. 

Sic Xo. 29. 
Although 
Froissart was 
Imt a boy 
when Crecy 
was fought, 
yel he must 
have known 
men who 
took part in 
the battle, 
and his 
descriptions 
have the life- 
like touch of 
the eye- 
witness. — 
For tin- 1 lun- 
dred Years' 
War, see 
W.J.Ashley, 

' ./ /hi- 
ll/ and his 
Wars. 

Battle = divi- 
sion or line 
of battle. 

Herse = 
harrow. 



94 Hundred Years' War 



French 
king = 
Philip VI. 

Genoways = 
Genoese. 

A mistransla- 
tion of 
"esclistrc " = 
" lightning." 



Mistransla- 
tion ; should 
be " uttered 
cries." 



' We be not well ordered to fight this day, for we be not in 
the case to do any great deed of arms : we have more need 
of rest.' These words came to the earl of Alencon, who 
said : ' A man is well at ease to be charged with such a sort 
of rascals, to be faint and fail now at most need.' Also the 
same season there fell a great rain and a clipse with a terri- 
ble thunder, and before the rain there came flying over both 
battles a great number of crows, for fear of the tempest 
coming. Then anon the air began to wax clear, and the 
sun to shine fair and bright, the which was right in the 
Frenchmen's eyen and on the Englishmen's backs. When 
the Genoways were assembled together and began to 
approach, they made a great leap and cry to abash the 
Englishmen, but they stood still and stirred not for all that : 
then the Genoways again the second time made another 
leap and a fell cry, and stept forward a little, and the 
Englishmen removed not one foot : thirdly, again they leapt 
and cried, and went forth till they came within shot ; then 
they shot fiercely with their cross-bows. Then the English 
archers stept forth one pace and let fly their arrows so wholly 
[together] and so thick, that it seemed snow. When the 
Genoways felt the arrows piercing through heads, arms and 
breasts, many of them cast down their cross-bows and did 
cut their strings and returned discomfited. When the French 
king saw them fly away, he said : ' Slay these rascals, for they 
shall let and trouble us without reason.' Then ye should 
have seen the men of arms dash in among them and killed 
a great number of them : and ever still the Englishmen shot 
whereas they saw thickest press ; the sharp arrows ran into 
the men of arms and into their horses, and many fell, horse 
and men, among the Genoways, and when they were down, 
they could not relieve again, the press was so thick that one 
overthrew another. And also among the Englishmen there 
were certain rascals that went afoot with great knives, and 
they went in among the men of arms, and slew and mur- 



Battle of Crecy 95 

dered many as they lay on the ground, both earls, barons, 
knights and squires, whereof the king of England was after 
displeased, for he had rather they had been taken prisoners. 

The valiant king of Bohemia called Charles of Luxem- 
bourg, son to the noble emperor Henry of Luxembourg, for 
all that he was nigh blind, when he understood the order of 
the battle, he said to them about him : ' Where is the lord 
Charles my son ? ' His men said : ' Sir, we cannot tell ; we 
think he be fighting.' Then he said : ' Sirs, ye are my men, 
my companions and friends in this journey : I require you 
bring me so far forward, that I may strike one stroke with 
my sword.' They said they would do his commandment, 
and to the intent that they should not lose him in the press 
they tie all their reins of their bridles each to other and set 
the king before to accomplish his desire, and so they went 
on their enemies. The lord Charles of Bohemia his son, Emperor 
who wrote himself king of Almaine and bare the arms, 
he came in good order to the battle ; but when he saw that 
the matter went awry on their party, he departed, I cannot 
tell you which way. The king his father was so far forward 
that he strake a stroke with his sword, yea and more than 
four, and fought valiantly and so did his company ; and they 
adventured themselves so forward, that they were all slain, 
and the next day they were found in the place about the 
king, and all their horses tied each to other. . . . 

This battle between Broye and Cressy this Saturday was 
right cruel and fell, and many a feat of arms done that came 
not to my knowledge. In the night divers knights and 
squires lost their masters, and sometime came on the Eng- 
lishmen, who received them in such wise that they were ever 
nigh slain ; for there was none taken to mercy nor to ran- 
som, for so the Englishmen were determined. 

In the morning the day of the battle certain Frenchmen 
and Almains perforce opened the archers of the prince's 
battle and came and fought with the men of arms hand to 



Charles IV. 



9 6 



Hundred Years' War 



hand. Then the second battle of the Englishmen came to 
succour the prince's battle, the which was time, for they had 
as then much ado ; and they with the prince sent a messen- 
ger to the king, who was on a little windmill hill. Then the 
knight said to the king : ' Sir, the earl of Warwick and the 
earl of Oxford, sir Raynold Cobham and other, such as be 
about the prince your son, are fiercely fought withal and are 
sore handled ; wherefore they desire you that you and your 
battle will come and aid them ; for if the Frenchmen increase, 
as they doubt they will, your son and they shall have much 
ado.' Then the king said : ' Is my son dead or hurt or on 
the earth felled?' ' No, sir,' quoth the knight, ' but he is 
hardly matched ; wherefore he hath need of your aid.' 
' Well,' said the king, ' return to him and to them that sent 
you hither, and say to them that they send no more to me 
for any adventure that falleth, as long as my son is alive : 
and also say to them that they suffer him this day to win his 
spurs ; for if God be pleased, I will this journey be his and 
the honour thereof, and to them that be about him.' Then 
the knight returned again to them and shewed the king's 
repoined = words, the which greatly encouraged them, and repoined in 
repined. that they had sent to the king as they did. . . . 

In the evening the French king, who had left about him 
no more than a three-score persons, one and other, whereof 
Sir John of Hainault was one, who had remounted once the 
king, for his horse was slain with an arrow, then he said to 
the king : ' Sir, depart hence, for it is time ; lose not your- 
self wilfully : if ye have loss at this time, ye shall recover it 
again another season.' And so he took the king's horse by 
the bridle and led him away in a manner perforce. Then 
the king rode till he came to the castle of Broye. The gate 
was closed, because it was by that time dark : then the king 
called the captain, who came to the walls and said : ' Who 
is that calleth there this time of night ? ' Then the king 
said : ' Open your gate quickly, for this is the fortune of 



Song of Neville's Cross 97 

France.' The captain knew then it was the king, and 
opened the gate and let down the bridge. Then the king 
entered, and he had with him but five barons, sir John of 
Hainault, sir Charles of Montmorency, the lord of Beaujeu, 
the lord d'Aubigny and the lord of Montsault. The king 
would not tarry there, but drank and departed thence about 
midnight, and so rode by such guides as knew the country 
till he came in the morning to Amiens, and there he rested. 
This Saturday the Englishmen never departed from their 
battles for chasing of any man, but kept still their field, and 
ever defended themselves against all such as came to assail 
them. This battle ended about evensong time. 

Froissart, Chronicles (translation of Lord Berners, edited by G. C. 
Macaulay, London, 1895). Ch. CXXX. 



31. The Song of Neville's Cross (1346) 

Sir David had of his men great loss 
With sir Edward at Neville's Cross. 

Sir David the Bruce, 

Would strive, did he say, 
To ride through all England, 

For naught would he stay. 



By Law- 
rence 
Mi. not, a 
professional 
song-writer 
of the 
fourteenth 
century. 

David Bruce, 
King of 
Scotland. 



At Westminster Hall 
Should his steeds stand 

Whilst our king Edward 
Was out of the land. 

But now hath sir David 
Missed of his marks, 

And Philip of Valois 

With all their great clerks. 



Edward was 
in France 

Ik sieging 
Calais. 



Philip VI 
of Fiance. 



9 8 



Hundred Years' War 

Sir Philip the Valois, 

Sooth for to say, 
Sent unto Sir David 

And fair 'gan him pray, 

To ride through all England 

Their foemen to slay, 
And said " none is at home 

To hinder the way." 

None hinders his way 
To wend where he will, 

But with shepherds' staves 
Found he his fill. 

From Philip the Valois 

Was sir David sent, 
All England to win, 

From Tweed unto Trent. 

He brought many bagmen, 
Ready bent was their bow, 

They robbed and they ravaged 
And nought they let go. 



But shamed were the knaves 
And sad must they feel, 

For at Neville's Cross 
Needs must they kneel. 

The arch- Of the archbishop of York 

KKot Now will I begin, 

manded a For he may with his right hand 

division of . . , » . 

the English. Absolve us of sin. 



:->j 



Song of Neville's Cross 99 



Both Durham and Carlisle 
They would never blin 

The worship of England 
With weapons to win. 

Mickle worship they won, 
And well have they waken, 

For sir David the Bruce 
Was in that time taken. 

When sir David the Bruce 

Sat on his steed, 
He said of all England 

Had he no dread. 



I.e. cease. 



The Scottish 
king was 
taken 
prisoner. 



But brave John of Copland, 
A man gay in weed, 

Talked to sir David 

And learned him his creed. 

There was sir David, 
So doughty in deed, 

The fair town of London 
Had he as his meed. 

Soon was sir David 

Brought into the Tower, 
And William the Douglas, 

With men of honour. 



Sir David the Bruce 

Maketh his moan, 
The fair crown of Scotland 

All hath he foregone. 



LrfC 



ioo Hundred Years' War 



Eldest son of 
the French 



He looked unto France 
And help had he none 

Of sir Philip the Valois 
Nor yet of sir John. 



The Scots with their falsehood 

Thus went they about 
All for to win England 

Whilst Edward was out. 

Lawrence Minot, Song of Neville's Cross {Political Poems, edited 
by T. Wright, London, 1859, I, 83). Version by W. J. 
Ashley, Edward III, and his Wars (London, 1887), 112-115. 



The accom- 
panying 
extract is 
taken from 
a document 
of the four- 
teenth cen- 
tury, giving a 
full statement 
of the extent 
and value of 
the manor of 
Borley in 
Essex, with a 
list of the 
tenants, their 
holdings, 
dues, and 
services. 
The account 
is based on 
the testimony 
of sworn men 
of the manor. 
Through this 
document we 
have a view 
of the indus- 
trial onrani- 



32. A Customary Tenant in the Reign of 
Edward II 

Walter Johan holds from the lord in villenage one 
messuage and 10 acres of land by paying thence yearly 
at the festival of the Purification of the Blessed Mary, 
of Hunthield, 4s. 5^-d. ; and at Easter, 20^d. ; and at the 
feast of St. Michael, 263-d. ; and at the feast of Christmas, 
1 hen and a half, the hen being of the price of i-j-d. 
And from the feast of St. Michael (September 29) to the 
feast of St. Peter ad Vincula (August 1) in each week 3 
works with one man without the food of the lord, the price 
of a work being M., three weeks being excepted, that is to 
say, Christmas week, Easter week and Whitsuntide, in which 
they will not work unless it is absolutely required by the 
necessity for binding the grain in autumn and for carrying 
hay. And he shall plough with his plough, whether he has 
to join or not, 4 acres of the land of the lord without the 



Customary Tenant 101 



food of the lord, the price of each acre being S^d., of which 
2 acres are to be in the season for planting wheat and 2 for 
oats. And he shall carry the manure of the lord of the 
manor with his horse and cart at the food of the lord ; that 
is, each day a loaf and a half of rye bread, of the size of 
40 loaves to the quarter, and to weed the grain of the lord 
so long as there shall be any weeding to be done, and it 
shall be reckoned in his services. And he ought to mow the 
meadow of the lord ; that is to say, 1 acre and the third part 
of an acre, according to suitable measure. And it will be 
reckoned in his services, that is for each acre, 3 works. 

And it is to be known that whenever he, along with the 
other customary tenants of the vill, shall mow the meadow 
of Rainholm, they shall have, according to custom, 3 bushels 
of wheat for bread and 1 ram of the price of i8d., and 1 
jar of butter, and 1 cheese next to the best from the dairy 
of the lord, and salt and oatmeal for their porridge, and all 
the morning milk from all the cows of the whole dairy at 
that time. And he shall toss, carry and pile the said acre 
and a half of hay, and shall carry it to the manor, and it will 
be reckoned in his works. And he shall have for each work 
of mowing as much of the green grass, when he shall have 
mowed it, as he shall be able to carry on the point of his 
scythe. And when he has carried the said hay he shall have, 
at the end of the said carrying, the body of his' cart full of 
hay. And he shall reap in autumn from the feast of .St. 
Peter ad Vincula (August 1) to the feast of St. Michael 
(September 29) through the whole autumn, 24 works, with- 
out food from the lord, the price of one work being id. 
And he shall carry the grain of the lord and pile it, and it 
shall be accounted for in his works. And he shall have as 
often as he carries, one bundle called the mensheaf; and 
he shall haul with his horse twelve leagues around the manor 
as much as the weight of 2 bushels of salt or of 3 bushels 
of wheat, or rye, of peas, or of beans ; and of oats, 4 



zation of a 
mediaeval 
manor. The 
selected ex- 
tract shows 
the position 
of a member 
of the most 
numerous 
class of ten- 
ants, villains 
holding a 
limited ex- 
tent of land 
on condition 
of certain 
services and 
payments 
fixed by 
custom. 

The com- 
plexity and 
wastefulness 
of the 
manorial 
labour sys- 
tem is plainly 
shown here. 
— See, on 
the manor, 
University 
of Pennsyl- 
vania, Trans- 
lations and 
Reprints, 
111,5- 



I.e., yard or 

small en- 
closure. 



1 02 Hundred Years' War 

bushels. And he ought to go for the said grain and bring it 
to the granary of the lord with the aforesaid horse and his 
own sack. And he shall have as often as he hauls as much 
oats as he is able to measure and carry in the palm of his 
hand three times. And if he shall not have carried he is 
not to give anything, but there will be appointed in the place 
of each carrying one work of the price of a half penny. 
And he shall give aid and must attend the court. And he 
shall give merchet on the marriage of his daughter, at the 
will of the lord. 

The same Walter holds one toft which contains 2 acres 
of land. And he shall perform in each week, from the 
feast of the Trinity to the first of August, 2 works, the price 
of a work being a half penny. And for a half toft in each 
week during the same period, 1 work, the price as above. 
And from the first of August to the feast of St. Michael in 
each week, 1 work and a half, without the food of the lord, 
the price of a work being id. And he shall have a bundle 
called the tofsheaf, as large as he is able to bind in a band 
cut off and not uprooted nor extracted from the earth along 
with its roots. 

Contemporary Document. Translated and edited by E. P. 
Cheyney, Annals of the American Academy of Political and 
Social Science, \\\ 2S2-2S4. 



By Henry 
Knighton, 
.1 canon of 
Leicester 

in the four- 
teenth cen- 
tury. Con- 
temporary 
accounts of 
the visitation 
of the plague 
in 1348 and 



33. The Foul Death (1349) 

Then the grievous plague penetrated the seacoasts from 
Southampton, and came to Bristol, and there almost the 
whole strength of the town died, struck as it were by sudden 
death ; for there were few who kept their beds more than 
three days, or two days, or half a day ; and after this the 
fell death broke forth on every side with the course of the 



The Foul Death 



103 



sun. There died at Leicester in the small parish of 
S. Leonard more than 380, in the parish of Holy Cross 
more than 400 ; in the parish of S. Margaret of Leicester 
more than 700 ; and so in each parish a great number. 
Then the bishop of Lincoln sent through the whole bish- 
opric, and gave general power to all and every priest, both 
regular and secular, to hear confessions, and absolve with 
full and entire episcopal authority except in matters of debt, 
in which case the dying man, if he could, should pay the 
debt while he lived, or others should certainly fulfil that 
duty from his property after his death. Likewise, the pope 
granted full remission of all sins to whoever was absolved 
in peril of death, and granted that this power should last 
till next Easter, and everyone could choose a confessor 
at his will. In the same year there was a great plague of 
sheep everywhere in the realm, so that in one place there 
died in one pasturage more than 5,000 sheep, and so rotted 
that neither beast nor bird would touch them. And there 
were small prices for everything on account of the fear of 
death. For there were very few who cared about riches or 
anything else. For a man could have a horse, which before 
was worth 40s., for 6s. 8d., a fat ox for 4s., a cow for i2d., a 
heifer for 6d., a fat wether for 4d., a sheep for 3d., a lamb for 
2d., a big pig for 5d., a stone of wool for od. Sheep and cattle 
went wandering over fields and through crops, and there 
was no one to go and drive or gather them, so that the 
number cannot be reckoned which perished in the ditches 
in every district, for lack of herdsmen; for there was such 
a lack of servants that no one knew what he ought to do. 
In the following autumn no one could get a reaper for less 
than 8d. with his food, a mower for less than i2d. with his 
food. Wherefore many crops perished in the fields for 
want of some one to gather them ; but in the pestilence 
year, as is above said of other things, there was such abun- 
dance of all kinds of corn that no one troubled about it. 



1349 are ex- 
ceedingly few 
and meagre. 
Knighton's 
description 
may be 
accepted as 
correct in the 
main, and 
l;iws .[ vivid 
picture of the 
condition of 
the country. 
It is taken 
from Knigh- 
ton's great 
work, a His- 
tory of Eng- 
land. 



It is esti- 
mated that 
wages rose 
from 50 to 
100 per cent. 



104 Hundred Years' War 

The Scots, hearing of the cruel pestilence of the English, 
believed it had come to them from the avenging hand of 
God, and — as it was commonly reported in England — 
took for their oath when they wanted to swear, " By the 
foul death of England." But when the Scots, believing the 
English were under the shadow of the dread vengeance of 
God, came together in the forest of Selkirk, with purpose 
to invade the whole realm of England, the fell mortality 
came upon them, and the sudden and awful cruelty of death 
winnowed them, so that about 5,000 died in a short time. 
Then the rest, some feeble, some strong, determined to 
return home, but the English followed and overtook them 
and killed many of them. 

Master Thomas of Bradwardine was consecrated by the 
pope archbishop of Canterbury, and when he returned to 
England he came to London, but within two days was dead. 
He was famous beyond all other clerks in the whole of 
Christendom, especially in theology, but likewise in the 
other liberal sciences. At the same time priests were in 
such poverty everywhere that many churches were widowed 
and lacking the divine offices, masses, mattins, vespers, sac- 
raments, and other rites. A man could scarcely get a chap- 
lain under ^10 or 10 marks to minister to a church. And 
when a man could get a chaplain for 5 or 4 marks or even 
for two marks with his food when there was an abundance 
of priests before the pestilence, there was scarcely anyone 
now who was willing to accept a vicarage for ^20 or 20 
marks ; but within a short time a very great multitude of 
those whose wives had died in the pestilence flocked into 
orders, of whom many were illiterate and little more than 
laymen, except so far as they knew how to read although 
they could not understand. 
1111349 a Meanwhile the king sent proclamation into all the coun- 

royai ordi- t j es t | iat rea . Jers anc } other labourers should not take more 

nance to this ' 

effect was than they had been accustomed to take, under the penalty 



The Foul Death 



10 5 



appointed by statute. But the labourers were so lifted up issued. Two 
and obstinate that they would not listen to the king's com- theftref 61 
mand, but if anyone wished to have them he had to give Statute of 

i , i i i-ii i • r ■ i Labourers 

them what they wanted, and either lose his fruit and crops, was passed. 
or satisfy the lofty and covetous wishes of the workmen. 
And when it was known to the king that they had not 
observed his command, and had given greater wages to the 
labourers, he levied heavy fines upon abbots, priors, knights, 
greater and lesser, and other great folk and small folk of 
the realm, of some ioos., of some 40s., of some 20s., from 
each according to what he could give. He took from each 
carucate of the realm 20s., and, notwithstanding this, a fif- a hundred 
teenth. And afterwards the king had many labourers ar- acres - 
rested, and sent them to prison ; many withdrew themselves 
and went into the forests and woods ; and those who were 
taken were heavily fined. Their ringleaders were made to 
swear that they would not take daily wages beyond the 
ancient custom, and then were freed from prison. And in 
like manner was done with the other craftsmen in the bor- 
oughs and villages. . . . After the aforesaid pestilence, 
many buildings, great and small, fell into ruins in every city, 
borough, and village for lack of inhabitants, likewise many 
villages and hamlets became desolate, not a house being 
left in them, all having died who dwelt there ; and it was 
probable that many such villages would never be inhabited. 
In the winter following there was such a want of servants in 
work of all kinds, that one would scarcely believe that in 
times past there had been such a lack. . . . And so all 
necessaries became so much dearer that what in times past 
had been worth a penny, was then worth 4d. or 5d. 

Magnates and lesser lords of the realm who had tenants 
made abatements of the rent in order that the tenants should 
not go away on account of the want of servants and the 
general dearness, some half the rent, some more, some less, 
some for two years, some for three, some for one year, 



io6 Hundred Years' War 

according as they could agree with them. Likewise, those 
who received of their tenants daywork throughout the year, 
as is the practice with villeins, had to give them more leis- 
ure, and remit such works, and either entirely to free them, 
or give them an easier tenure at a small rent, so that homes 
should not be everywhere irrecoverably ruined, and the land 
everywhere remain entirely uncultivated. 

Henry Knighton. History of England (Hearne, Histories Angli- 
cance Scriptores Decum, London. 1652). 2599. Translation by 
W. J. Ashley, Edward III and his Wars (London, 1887), 
122-127. 



By JEHAN 
FR01SSART. 

See No. 29. 
The account 
here given of 

ipular 
rising of 1381 
is from the 
point of view 
of the ruling 
classes, and 
is unsympa- 
thetic, 

although on 
the whole 
correct as to 
facts. — On 
the Peasants' 
Rising, see 
University of 
Pennsyl- 
vania, Trans- 
lations and 
Reprints, 
II, 5; G.M. 
'1 revelyan, 
England 
in the I 
Wycliffe. 

Sec No. 32. 



34. The Peasants' Rising of i 3 8 i 

In the mean season while this treaty was, there fell in 
England great mischief and rebellion of moving of the 
common people, by which deed England was at a point to 
have been lost without recovery. There was never realm 
nor country in so great adventure as it was in that time, and 
all because of the ease and riches that the common people 
were of, which moved them to this rebellion, as sometime 
they did in France, the which did much hurt, for by such 
incidents the realm of France hath been greatly grieved. 

It was a marvellous thing and of poor foundation that this 
mischief began in England, and to give ensample to all 
manner of people I will speak thereof as it was done, as I 
was informed, and of the incidents thereof. There was an 
usage in England, and yet is in divers countries, that the 
noblemen hath great franchise over the commons and keep- 
eth them in servage, that is to say, their tenants ought by 
custom to labour the lords' lands, to gather and bring home 
their corns, and some to thresh and to fan, and by servage 
to make their hay and to hew their wood and bring it 
home. All these things they ought to do by servage, and 



The Peasants' Rising 107 



there be more of these people in England than in any other 
realm. Thus the noblemen and prelates are served by 
them, and especially in the county of Kent, Essex, Sussex 
and Bedford. These unhappy people of these said coun- 
tries began to stir, because they said they were kept in great 
servage, and in the beginning of the world, they said, there 
were no bondmen, wherefore they maintained that none 
ought to be bond, without he did treason to his lord, as 
Lucifer did to God ; but they said they could have no such 
battle, for they were neither angels nor spirits, but men 
formed to the similitude of their lords, saying why should 
they then be kept so under like beasts ; the which they said 
they would no longer suffer, for they would be all one, and 
if they laboured or did anything, for their lords, they would 
have wages therefor as well as other. And of this imagina- 
tion was a foolish priest in the country of Kent called John 
Ball, for the which foolish words he had been three times in 
the bishop of Canterbury's prison : for this priest used often- 
times on the Sundays after mass, when the people were going 
out of the minster, to go into the cloister and preach, and 
made the people to assemble about him, and would say 
thus : ' Ah, ye good people, the matters goeth not well to 
p ass in England, nor shall not do till everything be common, 
and that there be no villains nor gentlemen, but that we 
may be all united together, and that the lords be no greater 
masters than we be. What have we deserved, or why should 
we be kept thus in servage ? We be all come from one 
father and one mother, Adam and Eve : whereby can they 
say or shew that they be greater lords than we be, saving by 
that they cause us to win and labour for that they dispend? 
They are clothed in velvet and camlet furred with grise, 
and we be vestured with poor cloth: they have their wines, 
spices and good bread, and we have the drawing out of the 
chaff and drink water: they dwell in fair houses, and we 
have the pain and travail, rain and wind in the fields ; and 



I.e. they were 
nol of that 
nature. 



John Ball 
began 

ding 
about 1366. 
His teach- 
ings, so far 
as known to 
us, were a 
perverted 
and practical 
application of 
Wycliffe's 
theories. 
During the 
rising he was 
seized at 
Coventry and 
hanged. 



A doggerel 
coupiet, often 
heard at this 
time, ran 
■■ When 
Adam 
delved, and 



108 Hundred Years' War 

by that that cometh of our labours they keep and maintain 
their estates : we be called their bondmen, and without we 
do readily them service, we be beaten ; and we have no 
sovereign to whom we may complain, nor that will hear us 
nor do us right. Let us go to the king, he is young, and 
shew him what servage we be in, and shew him how we will 
have it otherwise, or else we will provide us of some remedy ; 
and if we go together, all manner of people that be now in 
any bondage will follow us to the intent to be made free ; 
and when the king seeth us, we shall have some remedy, 
either by fairness or otherwise.' Thus John Ball said on 
Sundays, when the people issued out of the churches in the 
villages ; wherefore many of the mean people loved him, 
and such as intended to no goodness said how he said 
truth ; and so they would murmur one with another in the 
fields and in the ways as they went together, affirming how 
John Ball said truth. 

The archbishop of Canterbury, who was informed of the 
saying of this John Ball, caused him to be taken and put 
in prison a two or three months to chastise him : howbeit, 
it had been much better at the beginning that he had been 
condemned to perpetual prison or else to have died, rather 
than to have suffered him to have been again delivered out 
of prison ; but the bishop had conscience to let him die. 
And when this John Ball was out of prison, he returned 
again to his error, as he did before. 

Of his words and deeds there were much people in Lon- 
don informed, such as had great envy at them that were 
rich, and such as were noble ; and then they began to speak 
among them and said how the realm of England was right 
evil governed, and how that gold and silver was taken from 
them by them that were named noblemen : so thus these 
unhappy men of London began to rebel and assembled 
them together, and sent word to the foresaid countries that 
they should come to London and bring their people with 



The Peasants' Rising 109 

them, promising them how they should find London open 
to receive them and the commons of the city to be of the 
same accord, saying how they would do so much to the king 
that there should not be one bondman in all England. 

This promise moved so them of Kent, of Essex, of Sus- The rising 
sex, of Bedford and of the countries about, that they rose Devon^and 
and came towards London to the number of sixty thousand. Yorkshire. 
And they had a captain called Water Tyler, and with him 
in company was Jack Straw and John Ball : these three were 
chief sovereign captains, but the head of all was Water Tyler, 
and he was indeed a tiler of houses, an ungracious patron. 
When these unhappy men began thus to stir, they of Lon- 
don, except such as were of their band, were greatly affrayed. 
Then the mayor of London and the rich men of the city 
took counsel together, and when they saw the people thus 
coming on every side, they caused the gates of the city to 
be closed and would suffer no man to enter into the city. 
But when they had well imagined, they advised not so to 
do, for they thought they should thereby put their suburbs 
in great peril to be brent ; and so they opened again the 
city, and there entered in at the gates in some place a hun- 
dred, two hundred, by twenty and by thirty, and so when 
they came to London, they entered and lodged : and yet of 
truth the third part of these people could not tell what to 
ask or demand, but followed each other like beasts, as the 
shepherds did of old time, saying how they would go con- Reference 
quer the Holy Land, and at last all came to nothing. In p a ^o ureaux 
like wise these villains and poor people came to London, a of 1320. 
hundred mile off, sixty mile, fifty mile, forty mile and twenty 
mile off, and from all countries about London, but the most 
part came from the countries before named, as they came 
they demanded ever for the king. . . . 

Froissart. Chronicles (translation of Lord Berners, edited by 
G. C. Macaulay, London, 1895), Ch. CCCLXXXI. 



iio Hundred Years' War 



Bv John 
Wycliffe 
(1320-1384), 
priest, 
scholar, 
and reformer. 
In 1383 he 
was cited to 
Rome to 
answer the 
charges 
against him. 
His reply is 
given here. — 
On Wycliffe, 
see Transla- 
tions and 
Reprints, 
II, 5- 



35. The Reply of Wycliffe to the Pope's 
Summons (1384) 

I have joy fully to tell to all true men that believe what 
I hold, and algates to the Pope ; for I suppose that if my 
faith be rightful and given of God, the Pope will gladly 
confirm it ; and if my faith be error, the Pope will wisely 
amend it. 

I suppose over this that the gospel of Christ be heart of 
the corps of God's law ; for I believe that Jesus Christ, that 
gave in his own person this gospel, is very God and very 
man, and by this heart passes all other laws. 

I suppose over this that the Pope be most obliged to the 
keeping of the gospel among all men that live here ; for the 
Pope is highest vicar that Christ has here in earth. For 
moreness of Christ's vicar is not measured by worldly more- 
ness, but by this, that this vicar sues more Christ by virtuous 
living ; for thus teacheth the gospel, that this is the sentence 
of Christ. 

And of this gospel I take as believe, that Christ for time 
that he walked here, was most poor man of all, both in spirit 
and in having ; for Christ says that he had nought for to 
rest his head on. And Paul says that he was made needy 
for our love. And more poor might no man be, neither 
bodily nor in spirit. And thus Christ put from him all 
manner of worldly lordship. For the gospel of John telleth 
that when they would have made Christ king, he fled 
and hid him from them, for he would none such worldly 
highness. 

And over this I take it as believe, that no man should sue 
the Pope, nor no saint that now is in heaven, but in as much 
as he sues Christ. For John and James erred when they 
coveted worldly highness ; and Peter and Paul sinned also 
when they denied and blasphemed in Christ ; but men 



Reply of Wycliffe 



iii 



should not sue them in this, for then they went from Jesus 
Christ. And this I take as wholesome counsel, that the 
Pope leave his worldly lordship to worldly lords, as Christ 
gave them, — and move speedily all his clerks to do so. 
For thus did Christ, and taught thus his disciples, till the 
fiend had blinded this world. And it seems to some men 
that clerks that dwell lastingly in this error against God's 
law, and flee to sue Christ in this, been open heretics, and 
their fautors been partners. 

And if I err in this sentence, I will meekly be amended, 
yea, by the death, if it be skilful, for that I hope were good 
to me. And if I might travel in mine own person, I would 
with good will go to the Pope. Rut God has needed me to 
the contrary, and taught me more obedience to God than 
to men. And I suppose of our Pope that he will not be 
Antichrist, and reverse Christ in this working, to the con- 
trary of Christ's will ; for if he summon against reason, by 
him or by any of his, and pursue this unskilful summoning, 
he is an open Antichrist. And merciful intent excused not 
Peter, that Christ should not clepe him Satan ; so blind 
intent and wicked counsel excuses not the Pope here ; but 
if he ask of true priests that they travel more than they may, 
he is not excused by reason of God, that he should not be 
Antichrist. For our belief teaches us that our blessed God 
suffers us not to be tempted more than we may ; how should 
a man ask such service ? And therefore pray we to God 
for our Pope Urban the Sixth, that his old holy intent be 
not quenched by his enemies. And Christ, that may not 
lie, says that the enemies of a man been especially his home 
family ; and this is sooth of men and fiends. 

Select English Works of Wyclif (edited by T. Arnold, Oxford, 
1869), III, 504-506. Modernized version by E. P. Cheyney, 
University of Pennsylvania. Translations and Reprints, II, 5. 



ii2 Hundred Years' War 



The remark- 
able poem i il 
which tin- 
prologue is 
here given 
was written 
pri ibably in 
rhe 
writer is un- 
known, lie 
was plainly 

quainted with 
commercial 
affairs of the 
time, and he 
seem - tohave 
had the fav- 
our of Cardi- 
nal Beaufort 
and other 
great men. 
As he states 
in the pro- 
logue his pur- 
call attention 
to the view 

winch he 

discusses at 

length, that 

England's 

pi iwei - 

the sea rather 

than on the 

land. 

label, i.e. 
little book. 

SiejMiiond of 
( lermany. 



36. The Libel of English Policy 

The true intent of English policy 

Is to keep our land from all attack at rest, 

That of our England no man may deny 
That it, in sooth, is not one of the best ; 
That he who sails south, north or east or west, 

May carry merchandise and keep the admiralty, 

And say that we are masters of the narrow sea. 

For when the emperor, Sigismond, the great, 
(Who reigneth yet) once visited this strand 

With Henry fifth, king over all our state, 

He thought he found much glory in this land ; 
A mighty nation which had taken in hand 

To war with France, with great mortality, 

And ever more to keep their power upon the sea. 

And when he saw the towns of Calais and of Dover, 
Then unto the king spake he, ' My brother, 

' If you're to keep the sea, and soon cross over, 
You of your towns must choose one or another, 
Fjom which to make attack, your kingdom to recover, 

Keep, sire, these two, 'neath your supremacy 

As your two eyes to watch the narrow sea.' 



If this sea were kept, in days of alarm 

Who could pass here without danger and woe, 

Who could escape, and who could work us harm? 
And what merchandise through the sea could go? 
Then we could take a truce from every foe, 

Flanders and Spain, and all the rest, pardie, 

Or hinder them all within this narrow sea. 



Libel of English Policy 113 



Therefore I purpose another word to take 
And open and plain my conclusion to show, 

For mine own acquittal and for conscience' sake 
Before God, and against revilings low, 
And cowardice, to confusion of our foe ; 

These four things our noble shows to us, 

King, ship and sword, and the power of the sea. 

Where are our ships, and where our swords to-day? 

We are bid by our foes for the ship put a sheep ! 
Alas ! our power fails, it is taken away, 

But who dares to say, that a watch we must keep ? 

Tho' for very shame my heart begins to weep, 
Yet I will attempt this work, if we hope to be, 
Ever more the masters of the narrow sea. 



Noble = an 
English coin 
first issued l>\ 
Edward III." 
It bore on 
one side the 
king and a 
sword, on the 
other a ship. 



Shall any prince, of whatsoever name 
Who hath nobles very much like ours, 

Be lord of the sea, and Flemings, to our shame, 
Stop us and take us, and so make fade the flowers 
Of English state, and trample on our powers? 

Alas ! for cowardice that it so should be ! 

Wherefore I begin to write now of the sea. 



Political Poems and Songs (edited by T. Wright, London. 1861), 
II, 157-159. Version by M. G. Gordon. 



CHAPTER VII — THE WARS OF THE 
ROSES 



By John 
Blakman, a 
monk of the 
Charter- 
house in 
London in 
the reign of 
Henry VI. 
From him- 
self we know 
that he as- 
sisted the 
king in his 
studies and 
pious winks. 
His ai count 
is based, 
therefore, 
on close per- 
sonal obser- 
vation. It is 
plainly in- 
fluenced, 
however, by 
the u riter's 
sympal 
— On the 
Wars ct the 
Roses, see E. 
Thompson, 
The 1 1 
York and 
Lancaster ; 
C. W.Oman, 
Warwick, /he 
King-maker. 

Cardinal 
1 .eaufort, son 
nt fohn of 
< launt, died 
in 1447. 

1 Peter II. 5. 



37. King Henry VI 

WHEN the executors of the right reverend Lord Cardi- 
nal and Bishop of Winchester, his uncle, came to the 
King with a very great sum, to wit, ^2,000, to be given to the 
King's use, and towards lightening the necessary burthens of 
the realm, he utterly refused the gift, nor would he in any 
way have it, saying, " My uncle was very dear to me, and 
did us much kindness while he lived : the Lord reward him. 
I )o ye with his goods as ye are bounden ; we will not take 
them." The executors, astonished at that royal saying, 
besought the King's Majesty at least to accept that gift 
from their hands towards the endowment of his two colleges 
at Cambridge and Eton, which he might then as it were 
found anew. This their supplication and donation the King 
mist willingly accepted, enjoining that, for the relief of his 
uncle's soul, they should confer the gift upon the colleges 
aforesaid ; and they forthwith fulfilled the Royal mandate. 

For the beginning and foundation of these two colleges, 
he diligently sought out everywhere the best " living stones," 
— youths well found in virtue and knowledge, and priests 
who should be set as doctors and tutors over the others. 
With respect to obtaining these priests, the King had said 
to him whom he employed about the business, " We had 
rather put up with their falling short in musical matters than 
in knowledge of the Scriptures." And with respect to the 
boys or youths, brought to him to be made scholars of, the 
King wished them altogether to be educated and nurtured 

114 



King Henry VI 115 



as much in virtue as in knowledge. So when now and then 
he met some of them in Windsor Castle, where they some- 
times went to visit acquaintances in the King's service, . . . 
he admonished them to follow the path of virtue, giving 
them along with his words also money to attract them, and 
saying, " Be good boys, gentle and teachable, and servants 
of the Lord." And if he found any of them visiting his 
court, he sometimes stopped them by chiding them, that 
they should not do that again ; lest his lambkins should 
become acquainted with the profligate ways and doings of 
his courtiers, or should in part or wholly lose their own good 
morals, like lambs or sheep, which, grazing among bram- 
bles or thorns, tear to pieces their fleeces, and often wholly 
lose them. . . , 

This most pious King was not ashamed to serve as a dili- 
gent assistant to the priest celebrating before him, answer- 
ing to the mass, Amen. Sed libera nos, and the like. So 
indeed he commonly did even to me, unworthy priest. . . . 
Concerning his humility in his walk [and] in his clothes, . . . 
from his youth up he had been accustomed to wear broad- 
toed shoes and boots like a countryman. Also he had usu- 
ally a long gown with a rounded hood after the manner of a 
burgess, and a tunic falling below the knees, shoes, boots, 
hose, everything of a dark grey colour — for he would have 
nothing fanciful. 

Moreover, on the principal feasts of the year, but chiefly 
when by custom he should wear his crown, he would put on 
next his skin a rough hair-shirt, ... in order to keep 
down all arrogance or vain-glory, to which such occasions 
are likely to give rise. 

Concerning the occupation of the King, ... it Ls 
known to very many now living that he was wont to dedi- 
cate holy days and Sundays wholly to hearing the divine 
offices, and to devout prayers on his part for himself and 
his people, " lest the adversaries should mock at his Sab- 



The response 
in tin- Pater 
Noster — 
" Bui deliver 
us [from 
evil]." 

In opposition 
to the ab- 
surdly long 
and pointed 
toes in fash- 
ion during 
the later part 
of his reign. 

This must 
refer to his 
everyday 
dress, as on 
occasion he 
wore a blue 
velvet gown. 



ii6 Wars of the Roses 



Lamenta- 
tions I. 7. 



Tunstall fol- 
lowed Henry 
in his wan- 
derings after 
Towton, .mil 
fought 
bravely to 
save him 
from capture. 
After this he 
held out in 
Harlech 
Castle till 
1468. 



Swearing 
with a fan- 
tastic ingenu- 
ity of in ' \ er- 
ence was one 
of the vices 
of the age. 



baths." And he also diligently endeavoured to induce others 
to do the like. But the other less holy days ... he 
spent, not less diligently, either in treating of the affairs of 
the realm with his Council, according as the necessity of 
the case demanded, or in readings of the Scriptures, or in 
perusing writings and chronicles. Concerning which, a 
certain worthy knight, once a right faithful chamberlain of 
his, Sir Richard Tunstall, bore verbal and written testimony, 
saying, " In the law of the Lord was his delight day and 
night." Evidence to the same effect is afforded by the 
bitter complaint which the Lord King himself made to me 
in his chamber at Eltham, when 1 was there alone with him 
working with him in his holy books, intent upon wholesome 
admonitions and devout aspirations : — a certain most pow- 
erful Duke of the realm having just then knocked at the 
royal door, the King said, " So do they disturb me, that 
scarce am I able by snatches, day or night, to refresh my- 
self with the reading of the sacred dogmata, without some- 
body making a noise." 

It was his wont to use no oaths to confirm the truth of 
his sayings, except by uttering these words, " Forsooth, and 
forsooth," that he might make those to whom he spoke 
certain of what he said. Wherefore, sometimes by gently 
advising, sometimes by severely chiding, he restrained very 
many, magnates as well as commons, from great oaths ; 
since every one who swore was abominable to him. For the 
King, hearing a certain great lord, his chamberlain, thought- 
lessly break out swearing, seriously reproved him, saying, 
" Alas ! while you, the master of a household, thus, con- 
trary to God's command, rap out oaths, you set the worst 
example to your servants and subjects, for you incite them 
to do the like." 

John Blakman, De Virtutibus et Miraculis Henrici VI (Hearne, 
Oxford, 1732 ), 294-302. Translation and notes by E. Thomp- 
son, The Wars of York and Lancaster (London, 1892), 1 1— 1 5 - 



Tampering with Juries 117 



38. Tampering with Juries and Elections 
under Henry VI 

Master Paston, we commend us to you, letting you know 
that the Sheriff is nought so whole as he was, for now he will 
show but a part of his friendship. And also there is great 
press of people, and few friends, as far as we can feel it. 
And therefore be ye sadly advised whether ye seem best to 
come yourself, or send, or, etc., for we will assay in as much 
as in us is to prevail to your intent. And yet, if it needed, 
we would have a man to give us information, or show evi- 
dence after the case requireth. Also the Sheriff informed 
us that he hath writing from the King that he shall make 
such a panel to acquit Lord Moleynes. And also he told us, 
and as far as we can conceive and feel, the Sheriff will panel 
gentlemen to acquit the Lord, and jurors to acquit his men ; 
and we suppose that it is by the motion and means of the 
other party. And if any means of treaty be proffered, we 
know not what mean should be to your pleasure. And 
therefore we would fain have more knowledge, if you think 
it were to do. 

No more at this time, but the holy Trinity have you in his 
keeping. Written at Walsingham, in haste, the second day 
of May. By your true and faithful friends, 

Debenham, Tymperley and White. 
1 45 1, 2 May. 

To my Worshipful Master, John Paston, Squire. My 
worshipful master, I recommend me to you ; and I thank 
you that it pleaseth you to take such labour for me as ye 
do. My servant told me ye desired to know what my Lord 
of Norfolk said to me when I spake of you ; and he said in 
asmuch as Howard might not be, he would write a letter to 
the Under-Sheriff that the shire should have free election, so 



The accom- 
panying let- 
ters are taken 
from The 
Paston 

Letters, a col- 
lection of 
letters and 
papers 
mostly writ- 
ten by or to 
members of 
the Paston 
family in 
Norfolk 
during the 
fifteenth and 
early six- 
teenth cen- 
turies. They 
throw much 
light on the 
social condi- 
tions which 
mainly con- 
duced to the 
Wars of the 
Roses. 

Sadly 
advised = 
consider 
sci iously. 
After = ac- 
cording as. 



Howard was 
objected to 
because he 
had no land 
in the county; 
and John 
Paston was 
put forward. 



1 1 8 Wars of the Roses 



Inclined to. 



I.e. honour. 



that Sir Thomas Todenham were not, nor none that was 
toward the Uuke of Suffolk ; he said he knew ye were 
never to him ward. Ye may send to the Under-Sheriff 
and see my Lord letter. Howard was as mad as a wild 
bullock ; God send him such worship as he deserveth. It 
is a evil precedent for the shire that a strange man should 
be chosen, and no worship to my Lord of York, nor to my 
Lord of Norfolk to write for him ; for if the gentlemen of 
the shire will suffer such inconveniences, in good faith, the 
shire shall not be called of such worship as it hath been. 

Written at Intwood, this Wednesday next after Saint John, 
in haste. 

Your servant, 

John Jenney. 

J 455> 2 5 J une - 

Paslon Letters (edited by J. Gairdner, London, 1872), I, Nos. 
155, 250. Spelling modernized. 



By John 
Stodei.ey. 
This letter, 
although 
apparently 
having no 
connection 
with the 
Paston 
family, 
was found 
among the 
Paston Lit- 
ters. It gives 
a good view 
of the begin- 
ning of the 
factional 
strife of York 
and Lan- 
caster under 
the weak rule 
of Henry VI. 



39. The Beginning of Strife (1454) 

As touching tidings, please it you to know that at the 
Prince's coming to Windsor, the Duke of Buckingham took 
him in his arms and presented him to the King in goodly 
wise, beseeching the King to bless him, and the King gave 
no manner answer. Nevertheless the Uuke abode still 
with the Prince by the King ; and when he could no 
manner answer have, the Queen came in, and took the 
Prince in her arms and presented him in like form as the 
Duke had done, desiring that he should bless it ; but all 
their labour was in vain, for they departed thence without 
any answer or countenance, saving only that once he looked 
on the Prince, and cast down his eyes again, without any 
more. 



Beginning of Strife 119 



Item, the Cardinal hath charged and commanded all his 
servants to be ready with bowe and arrows, sword and 
buckler, crossbows and all other habiliments of war, such as 
they can meddle with, to wait upon the safeguard of his person. 

Item, the earl of Wiltshire and the Lord Bonvile have 
caused to be cried at Taunton in Somerset shire, that every 
man that is likely and will go with them and serve them, 
shall have 6d. every day as long as he abideth with them. . . . 

Item, Thorpe of the exchequer articuleth fast against the 
Duke of York, but what his articles be it is yet unknown. 

Item, Tresham, Joseph, Daniel, and Trevilian have made 
a bill to the Lords, desiring to have a garrison kept at 
Windsor for the safeguard of the King and of the Prince. . . . 

Item, the Duke of Somerset's herberger hath taken up all 
the lodging that may be gotten near the Tower, in Thames 
street, Mart lane, Saint Katherine's, Tower hill and there 
about. 

Item, the Queen hath made a bill of five articles, desiring 
these articles to be granted ; whereof the first is that she 
desireth to have the whole rule of this land; the second is 
that she may make the Chancellor, the Treasurer, the 
Privy Seal, and all other officers of this land, with sheriffs 
and all other officers that the King should make ; the third 
is that she may give all the bishoprics of this land, and all 
other benefices belonging to the King's gift ; the fourth is 
that she may have sufficient livelode assigned her for the 
King and the Prince and herself. But as for the fifth 
article, I cannot yet know what it is. 

Item, the Duke of York will be at London justly on 
Friday next coming at night, as his own men tell for certain, 
and he will come with his household meynee, cleanly beseen 
and likely men. And the earl of March cometh with him, 
but he will have another fellowship of good men that shall 
be at London before him. . . . The Earl of Salisbury will 
be at London on Monday or Tuesday next coming with 



— On Eng- 
land at this 
time, see \V. 
Denton, Eng- 
land 111 t he- 
Fifteenth 
Century. 

The infant 
Prim e Ed- 
ward, killed 
at Tewks- 
bury, 1471. 

This was 
during Henry 
VI's first 
attack 

of insanity. 

Archbishop 
Kemp of 

Canterbury. 

Descended 
from |ohn of 
Gaunt, and 
leader of the 

Lancastrian 
party. 

This was be- 
P ire York 

was made 
Protector. 



I.e. com- 
pany. 

Richard's 
son, Edward, 
later Edward 
IV. 



maker. 



i 20 Wars of the Roses 



Head of the seven score knights and squires, beside other meynee. 
Neville, bro- The Earls of Warwick, Richmond and Pembroke come with 

tii. -r -in-law of the Duke of York, as it is said, every each of them with 

Richard ot J 

York. a goodly fellowship. And nevertheless the earl of Warwick 

Richmond will have 1000 men awaiting on him beside the fellowship 

broke were tnat comet h with him, as far as I can know. And as Geof- 

half-brothers fry Poole saith, the King's brothers be likely to be arrested 

ot the king. . . ._ •. ,,-, r ■ ■ 

at their coming to London, if they come. Wherefore it is 

tin- King- thought by my Lord's servants and well wishers here that 

my Lord, at his coming hither shall come with a good and 

cleanly fellowship, such as is likely and according to his 

estate to have about him; and their harness to come in 

carts, as my Lord of York's men's harness did the last term, 

and shall at this time also. And over that, that my Lord 

shall have another good fellowship to wait on him and be 

here afore him, or else soon after him, in like wise as other 

Lords of his blood will have. . . . 

The Duke of Somerset hath spies going in every Lord's 
house of this land ; some gone as friars, some as shipmen 
taken on the sea, and some in other wise ; which report 
unto him all that they can see or hear touching the said 
Duke. And therefore make good watch, and beware of 
such spies. . . . 

The mayor and merchants of London, and the mayor 
and merchants of the staple of Calais, were with the Chan- 
cellor on Monday last passed at Lamhithe and complained 
on the Lord Bonvile for taking of the ships and goods of 
the Flemings and other of the Duke of Burgoynes Lord- 
ships, and the Chancellor gave them none answer to their 
pleading ; wherefore the substance of them with one voice 
cried aloud. "Justice, justice, justice ! " whereof the Chan- 
cellor was so dismayed that he could nor might no more 
say to them for fear. 

Fast, hi Letters (edited by J. Gairdner, London, 1872), I, No, 
195. Spelling modernized. 



Battle of Towton 



12 1 



40. The Battle of Towton ( 1 46 1 ) 

Now is the Rose of Rone grown to great honour, 
Therefore sing we, every one, blessed be that flower ! 
Blessed be that royal Rose that is so fresh of hue, 
Almighty Jesu bless the soul that the seed did strew, 
And blessed be the garden where the sweet Rose grew, 
Christ's blessing have they every one that to the Rose be 

true ! 
And blessed be the time that ever God spread that flower ! 



This poem 
was com- 
posed by a 
nameless 
adherent of 
the house of 
York. 

Rone, i.e. 
Rouen, where 
Edward IV 
was born. 



Between Christmas and Candelmas, a little before the Lent, 
All the lords of the north they wrought by one consent, 
For to 'stroy the south countrie was their whole intent, 
Had the Rose of Rone not been, all England had been spent. 
Blessed be the time that ever God spread that flower ! 

Upon a Sh rove-Tuesday in a green mead 
Between Sandridge and Saint Albans, many man did bleed ; 
On an Ash-Wednesday we were sore pressed, indeed, 
Then came the Rose of Rone down to help us in our need. 
Blessed be the time that ever God spread that flower ! 

The northern men, they made their boast when they had 

done that deed, 
" We will dwell in the south countrie and take all that we 

need ; 
These wives and their daughters, our purpose shall they 

speed, — " 
Then said the Rose of Rone, " Nay, that work will I forbede." 
Blessed be the time that ever God spread that flower ! 



Roughly 
speaking, the 
north and 
west were 
Lancastrian, 
while the 
south and 
east sup- 
ported the 
house of 
York. 

The second 
battle of St. 
Albans was 
fought on 
Shrove-Tues- 
daw Febru- 
ary 17, 1461. 



For to save all England was the Rose of Rone's intent, 
With Calais and with London, with Essex and with Kent; 



12 2 Wars of the Roses 



The ragged 

of the 
I War- 
wick. 

The White 
1 ji 'ii = the 
I Juke of Nor- 
folk, who di< d 
in Septem- 
ber, 1461. 

ought = 
owned. 



And all the south of England, unto the water of Trent, 
And when he saw the time ripe, the Rose from London went. 
Blessed be the time that ever ('rod spread that (lower ! 

The way into the north countrie the Rose full fast he sought 
And with him went the Ragged Staff, that many man dear 

bought ; 
So too did the White Lion, full worthily he wrought. 
Almighty Jesu bless his soul, that those arms ought ! 

The northern party made them strong with spear and eke 

with shield, 
And on Palm Sunday, after noon, they met us in the field : 
Within an hour they were right fain to flee and eke to yield, 
Twenty seven thousand men the Rose killed on that field. 
Blessed be the time that ever God spread that flower ! 



The Rose won then the victory, the field and eke the chase, 

Husband, *>. Now may the husband in the south dwell quiet fir a space, 

man- His wife and eke his daughter, and his goods, in his own 

pi 11 e, 

Such joyance has the Rose thus made, by virtue and by 

grace. 
Blessed be the time that ever God spread that flower ! 

The Rose came down to London, full royally riding, 

Two Archbishops of England, they crowned the Rose, our 

king; 
Almighty Jesu save the Rose, and give him His blessing, 
And all the realm of England, joy from his crowning, 
That we may bless the time that ever God spread that 

flower ! 

Amen par charite. 

Anonymous. Archalogia, 1S72. Vol. XXIX. 343-347. Version 
by M. ( i. Gordon. 



Queen Margaret's Story 123 



41. Queen Margaret's Story of her Adven- 
tures (1463) 

Then the Duchess of Bourbon came to her at Saint-Pol, 
where they met lovingly together like two sisters, and the 
Queen related some of her adventures . . . , saying that 
it happened, for the space of five days, that her husband the 
King, her son, and she had for their three selves only one 
herring, and not one day's supply of bread ; and that on a 
holy day she found herself at mass without a brass farthing 
to offer ; wherefore, in her beggary and need, she prayed a 
Scottish archer to lend her something, who, half loth and 
regretfully, drew a Scots groat from his purse and lent it to 
her. She also related how, at her last unfortunate discomfi- 
ture, she was robbed and despoiled of all she had, of her 
royal jewels and dresses, of her plate and treasures, with 
which she thought to escape into Scotland ; and when all 
this had been taken from her, she herself was seized upon, 
villainously reviled, run upon with a drawn sword, caught 
hold of her head-gear to have her neck severed, menaced 
with divers torments and cruelties, while she, on her knees 
and with clasped hands, wailing and weeping, prayed that, 
for the sake of divine and human pity, they would have 
mercy upon her. 'Withal she perseveringly called upon Cod's 
mercy; and Heaven heard her appeal; for speedily there 
arose such a discord and dissension among her captors about 
the booty, that, furiously slaughtering each other like mad- 
men, they concerned themselves no more about the dolorous 
and discomfited Queen their princess. . . . When the poor 
Queen saw this, she piteously addressed an esquire who was 
by, and prayed him that, for the sake of Our Saviour's pas- 
sion, he would help her to escape. Then the esquire looked 
at her, and God caused him to conceive a pity for her, so 
that he said, " Madam, mount behind me, and my lord the 



By George 
Chastel- 

LAIN(I405?- 

1475). a 
Heming.who 
after many 
travels en- 
tered the ser- 
vice of the 
Duke of Bur- 
gundy, by 
whom he was 
employed in 
diplomatic 
iations. 

1 he last 

1 f his 
life were 
spent in liter- 
ary work in 
Valen- 
ciennes. His 
thief produc- 
tion is his 

< hronicle. 

For some 

ifter the 
t ; 1 tie of 
'1 owton Mar- 
garet ki pt up 

1 uggle 
w ith the 
\ orkists, 1 'ii t 
in 1.163 m 
despair she 
tied with her 

51 n tl 

the protec- 
tion oi 
Duke of 
indy. 

The 1 >uch< ss 
ot li< urbon 
tei of 
the Duke of 
Burgundy. 

Saint-Pol in 
tin- province 
of Artois. 



124 Wars of the Roses 



" Probably 
the So ittish 
side tit' the 
border or 



Prince before, and I will save you or die, although death 
seems to me more likely than not." So the Queen and her 
son mounted. . . . 

[The esquire, at the Queen's desire, makes for a neighbouring forest.] 
Now there was in this forest a place haunted by brigands, 
who were reported throughout the country to be pitiless cut- 
throats. It befell that there came up a brigand, hideous 
and horrible of aspect, and, roused by the sight of prey, he 
approached the Queen with intent to lay hands upon her. 
Then when the noble Queen thought that nothing but death 
was before her, either from the enemies from whom she had 
escaped, or from the brigands of whom she now saw a speci- 
men, she called the robber up to her, and thus addressed 
him ; 

[ Margaret declares herself to be the Queen, and adjures the robber to 

save the son of his King. J 

In such words, or to such effect, the poor Queen reasoned 
with the brigand, who, seeing her tears and her distress, 
and also because she was Queen of the land, conceived a 
great pity for her ; and. the Holy Spirit softening his heart, 
he fell at her feet, saying that he would die by a thousand 
deaths and as many torments rather than abandon the noble 
youth until he had brought him to the haven of safety. And 
praying mercy of the Queen for his misdeeds, as if she were 
reigning in London, he vowed to God and to her never 
to revert to his present courses, and to amend his life in 
expectation of mercy. So he took the youth in haste, for 
the Queen was ever in fear of being overtaken ; wherefore 
she sought only to separate from the child, and to put him 
into God's guiding hand. Thus, kissing her son, weeping 
and lamenting, she left him in the hands of the brigand, 
who nobly did his duty by him afterwards. And the Queen, 
riding behind the esquire, made straight for a foreign march, 
where she expected to find her husband the King. Which 



Summons to the Field 125 

having reached by long weary travelling, she related to him 
these adventures. . . . The Duchess felt great pity for her, 
and said that certainly, short of having passed through the 
anguish of death, never had so high a princess a harder 
fortune, and that therefore, if God did not raise her up 
again, she ought to be put in the book of noble unhappy 
women, as having surpassed them all. 

George Chastellain, Chronicle (Brussels, 1863- 1866), IV, 299-307. 
Translation from The Wars of York and Lancaster, edited by 
Edith Thompson, London 1892). 90-93. 



march-land." 
E. Thomp- 
son. 

King Henry- 
remained in 
England, and 
in the sum- 
mer of 1465 
he was seized 
on 1 he bor- 
ders of York- 
shire and 

-hire, 
and brought 
to London 
to the Tower. 



42. A Summons to the Field (1471) 
Richard, Earl ok Warwick, to Henry Vernon, Squire. 

Right trusty and right well-beloved, I greet you well, and 
desire and heartily pray you that inasmuch as yonder man 
Edward, the king's our sovereign lord great enemy, rebel, 
and traitor, is now late arrived in the north parts of this 
land and coming fast on southward accompanied with Flem- 
ings, Easterlings, and Danes, not exceeding the number of 
all that he ever hath of 2,000 persons, nor the country as he 
cometh nothing falling to him, ye will therefore, incontinent 
and forthwith after the sight hereof, dispose you toward 
me to Coventry with as many people defensibly arrayed 
as ye can readily make, and that ye be with me there in all 
haste possible, as my very singular trust is in you, and as 
I may do thing to your weal or worship hereafter. And ( !od 
keep you. Written at Warwick the 25 th day of March. 

Henry, I pray you, fail not now as ever I may do for you. 

Th' Earl of Warwick and Salisbury, Lieutenant to the 
king our sovereign Lord Henry the Sixth. 

R. Warwick. 

Hist . A/SS. Con/mission, 12th Report. . Ippendix (London, 1888). 
Part IV, p. 3. Spelling modernized. 



This sum- 
mons was 
sent in 1471 
by the king- 
maker, at the 
time of his 
>n of 
England in 
the interests 
oi 1 lenrv VI, 
whom he had 
driven from 
the throne in 
1461. 

At \Yar- 
w ick's com- 
ing in 1470, 
Edward IV 
tied to Bur- 
gundy. In 

I47I lie 

turned, hav- 
ing obtained 

fr< mi the 

1 hike money 

and ships. 

Nothing 
falling to 
him, i.e. not 
j< lining him. 

Make, i.e. 
raise. 



126 Wars of the Roses 



Rv John 
Wark- 

WOR I'll, 
from 1473 to 
1498, Master 

ut St. 

Peter's Col- 
lege, Cam- 
bridge. In 
the college 
library a 
manuscript 
if his 
Chronicle is 
still pre- 
served. 
Warkworth's 
sympathies 
were Lan- 
castrian. 

London was 
loyal to the 

Yorkist 
cause, as 
were the 
towns 
generally. 



43. The Battle of Barnet (1471) 

And on the Wednesday next before Easter-day, King 
Harry, and the Archbishop of York with him, rode about 
London, and desired the people to be true unto him; and 
every man said they would. Nevertheless Urswyke, Re- 
corder of London, and divers Aldermen, such that had rule 
of the city, commanded all the people, that were in harness, 
keeping the city, and King Harry, every man to go home 
to dinner; and in dinner time King Edward was let in, and 
so went forth to the Bishop of London's palace, and there 
took King Harry, and the Archbishop of York, and put 
them in ward, the Thursday next before Easter-day. And 
the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earl of Essex, the Lord 
Berners, and such other as owed King Edward good will, 
as well in London, as in other places, made as many men , 
as they might, in strengthening the said King Edward; 
so then he was a seven thousand men, and there they 
refreshed well themselves, all that day, and Good Friday. 
And upon Easter Even, he and all his host went toward 
Barnet, and carried King Harry with him; for he had 
understanding, that the Earl of Warwick, and the Duke of 
Exeter, the Lord Marquis Montague, the Earl of Oxford, 
and many other knights, squires, and commons, to the num- 
ber of twenty thousand, were gathered together to fight 
against the King Edward. But it happened that he, with 
his host, were entered into the town of Barnet, before the 
Earl of Warwick, and his host. And so the Earl of War- 
wick, and his host, lay without the town all night, and each 
of them loosed guns at other all the night. And on 
Easter day in the morning, the fourteenth day of April, 
right early each of them came upon other ; and there 
was such a great mist, that neither of them might see 
other perfectly. There they fought from four of clock in 



Battle of Barnet 



27 



I.e. rays, 
beams. 



the morning, unto ten of clock the forenoon. And 
divers times the Earl of Warwick's party had the victory, 
and supposed that they had won the field. But it happened 
so, that the Earl of Oxford's men had upon them their 
lord's livery, both before and behind, which was a star with 
streams, which (was) much like King Edward's livery, the 
sun with streams ; and the mist was so thick, that a man 
might not perfectly judge one thing from another ; so the 
Earl of Warwick's men shot and fought against the Earl of 
Oxford's men, thinking and supposing, that they had been 
King Edward's men ; and anon the Earl of Oxford, and his 
men, cried, " treason ! treason ! " and fled away from the 
field with eight hundred men. The Lord Marquis Mon- Montague's 
tague was agreed, and appointed with King Edward, and ^certain! 
put upon him King Edward's livery ; and a man of the 
Earl of Warwick's, saw that, and fell upon him, and killed 
.him. And when the Earl of Warwick saw his brother dead, 
and the Earl of Oxford fled, he leaped on horseback and 
fled to a wood by the field of Barnet, where was no way 
forth; and one of King Edward's men had espied him, and 
one came upon him, and killed him, and despoiled him 
naked. And so King Edward got that field. Ami there 
was slain of the Earl of Warwick's party, the Earl himself, 
Marquis Montague, Sir William Tyrell, Knight, and many 
others. The Duke of Exeter fought manly there that 
day, and was greatly despoiled, and wounded, and left 
naked for dead in the field, and so lay there from seven 
of clock, till four afternoon, which was taken up and 
brought to a house by a man of his own, and a leech brought 
to him and so afterwards brought into sanctuary at West- 
minster. And (of) King Edward's party was slain the Lord 
Cromwell, son and heir to the Earl of Essex ; Lord Ber- 
ners (his) son and heir, (Sir Humphrey Bourchier;) Lord 
Say, and divers other to the number [of both parties] four 
thousand men. And after that the field was done, King 



128 Wars of the Roses 

Edward commanded both the Earl of Warwick's body, and 
the Lord Marquis' body, to be put in a cart, and returned 
himself with all his host again to London ; and there com- 
manded the said two bodies, to be laid in the church of 
Paul's, on the pavement, that every man might see them ; 
and so they lay three or four days, and afterwards were 
buried. And King Harry being in the forward during 
the battle, was not hurt ; but he was brought again to the 
Tower of London, there to be kept. 

John Wark worth, A Chronicle of the First Thirteen Years of 
the Reign of King Edward TV (edited by J. O. Halliwell, 
Camden Society, 1839; reprinted with spelling modernized in 
Chronicles of the White Rose, London, 1845), 123-126. 



CHAPTER VIII — THE REFORMA- 
TION 



44. Henry VIII and Wolsey (15 19) 

HIS majesty is twenty-nine years old and extremely hand- 
some. Nature could not have done more for him. 
He is much handsomer than any other sovereign in Christen- 
dom ; a great deal handsomer than the King of France ; 
very fair, and his whole frame admirably proportioned. On 
hearing that Francis I wore a beard, he allowed his own 
to grow, and as it is reddish, he has now a beard that looks 
like gold. He is very accomplished, a good musician, com- 
poses well, is a most capital horseman, a fine jouster, speaks 
good French, Latin, and Spanish, is very religious, hears 
three masses daily when he hunts, and sometimes five on 
other days. He hears the office every day in the queen's 
chamber, that is to say vesper and compline. He is very 
fond of hunting, and never takes his diversion without tir- 
ing eight or ten horses, which he causes to be stationed 
beforehand along the line of country he means to take, and 
when one is tired he mounts another, and before he gets 
home they are all exhausted. He is extremely fond of ten- 
nis, at which game it is the prettiest thing in the world to 
see him play, his fair skin glowing through a shirt of the 
finest texture. He gambles with the French hostages, to 
the amount occasionally, it is said, of from 6000 to 8000 
ducats in a day. He is affable and gracious, harms no one, 
does not covet his neighbour's goods, and is satisfied with 
his own dominions, having often said to me, " Sir Ambas- 
sador, we want all potentates to content themselves with 
k 129 



By Sebas- 
tian Gius- 

TIN'IAN, 

Venetian 
ambassador 
to England, 

1515-1519- 
With the 
sixteenth 
century 
began what 
has been 
called the 
diplomatic 
period of 
European 
history, but it 
was " only by 
slow degrees 
that the occa- 
sional mis- 
sion of spe- 
cial envoys 
was consoli- 
dated into 
the perma- 
nent resi- 
dence of an 
accredited 
agent." 
Venice, how- 
ever, had a 
peculiar need 
of strengthen- 
ing her con- 
nection w it 1 1 
England, for 
at this time 
tin- Republic 
was threat- 
ened with 
spoliation by 
the great 
continental 
powers. 



i 3 o 



The Reformation 



Thus it came 
about that 
from 1509 to 
the final 
overthrow of 
the Repub- 
lic in 1797, 
the succes- 
sion of Vene- 
tian ambas- 
sadors to the 
English court 
was un- 
broken, save 
for special 
political rea- 
sons. The 
correspon- 
dence and 
reports of the 
Venetian 
agents form 
a valuable 
source of 
information 
on English 
affairs. 

Francis I, 
King of 
France. 

Meres, i.e. 
lakes. 



Charles V, 
Emperor of 
Germany. 



Thomas 
Wolsey. — 
On Wolsey, 
see G. Caven- 
dish, The 
Life of Car- 



their own territories ; we are satisfied with this island of 
ours." He seems extremely desirous of peace. 

He is very rich. His father left him ten millions of ready 
money in gold, of which he was supposed to have spent one- 
half in the war against France, when he had three armies 
on foot ; one crossed the Channel with him, another was in 
the field against Scotland, and the third remained with the 
queen in reserve. 

His revenues amount to about 350,000 ducats annually, 
and are derived from estates, forests, and meres, the cus- 
toms, hereditary and confiscated property, the duchies of 
Lancaster, York, Cornwall and Suffolk, the county palatine 
of Chester, and others, the principality of Wales, the export 
duties, the wool staple, the great seal, the annates yielded 
by Church benefices, the Court of Wards, and from New 
Year's gifts ; for on the first day of the year it is customary 
for his majesty to make presents to everybody, but the 
value of those he receives in return greatly exceeds his 
own outlay. His majesty's expenses may be estimated at 
100,000 ducats, those in ordinary having been reduced 
from 100,000 to 56,000 to which must be added 16,000 
for salaries, 5000 for the stable, 5000 for the halberdiers, 
who have been reduced from 500 to 150, and 16,000 for 
the wardrobe, for he is the best dressed sovereign in the 
world. His robes are very rich and superb, and he puts 
on new clothes every holyday. 

The queen is the sister of the mother of the king of 
Spain, now styled King of the Romans. She is thirty-five 
years old and not handsome, though she has a very beauti- 
ful complexion. She is religious and as virtuous as words 
can express. I have seen her but seldom. 

The Cardinal of York is the same as he whom I have 
styled Orion, in a work composed by me. He is of low 
origin and has two brothers, one of whom holds an untitled 
benefice, and the other is pushing his fortune. He rules 



Henry VIII and Wolsey 131 



both the king and the entire kingdom. On my first arrival dinal WoU 
in England he used to say to me, " His majesty will do so cre'i<*hton° P 
and so." Subsequently, by degrees, he forgot himself, and Cardinal 
commenced saying, " We shall do so and so." At this pres- 
ent he has reached such a pitch that he says, " I shall do 
so and so." He is about forty-six years old, very handsome, 
learned, extremely eloquent, of vast ability and indefatiga- 
ble. He alone transacts the same business as that which 
occupies all the magistracies, offices and councils of Venice, 
both civil and criminal, and all State affairs likewise are 
managed by him, let their nature be what it may. 

He is thoughtful, and has the reputation of being ex- 
tremely just. He favours the people exceedingly, and 
especially the poor, hearing their suits and seeking to de- 
spatch them instantly. He also makes the lawyers plead 
gratis for all who are poverty-stricken. He is in very great 
repute, seven times more so than if he were Pope. He has 
a very fine palace, where one traverses eight rooms before 
reaching his audience chamber. They are all hung with 
tapestry which is changed once a week. Wherever he is, 
he always has a sideboard of plate worth 25,000 ducats. 
His silver is estimated at 150,000 ducats. In his own cham- 
ber there is always a cupboard with vessels to the amount 
of 30,000 ducats, as is customary with the English nobility. 
He is supposed to be very rich indeed in money, plate and 
household stuff. 

The Archbishopric of York yields him about 14,000 ducats, 
and the Bishopric of Bath 8000. One-third of the fees 
derived from the Great Seal are his, the other two are 
divided between the king and the chancellor. The cardi- 
nal's share amounts to about 5000 ducats. By New Year's 
gifts he makes about 15,000 ducats. 

Sebastian Giustinian. Report of England made to the Senate, 
September 10, 15 19 {Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 
1509-1519, No. 1287, London, 1873). 



132 



The Reformation 



By Deside- 
rius Eras- 
mus (1467- 
1536), the 
greatest 
scholar of the 
Renaissance. 
He was a 
native of 
Rotterdam, 
but his inter- 
est in learn- 
ing drew him 
to the great 
intellectual 
centres of 
Europe, and 
he spent 
much time 
in France 
and Italy 
and in Eng- 
land, where 
he formed a 
close friend- 
ship with 
Colet and 
More. His 
renown be- 
came so 
great that the 
leading sov- 
ereigns of the 
time urged 
him to fix his 
residence in 
their domin- 
ions. The 
last years of 
his life were 
spent in 
Basle and 
Fribourg. 
Erasmus 
helped pre- 
pare the way 
for the 
Reformation 
by his criti- 
cisms of the 
clergy, but he 
was not in 
sympathy 
with the new 



45. Sir Thomas More (15 19) 

I shall then try to suggest to you, rather than adequately 
describe, the likeness of the whole man as in daily inter- 
course I have been able to observe or to remember it. 

Beginning with those characteristics of More which are 
most unknown to you ; in stature he is not tall, and yet 
above any conspicuous shortness. Indeed the symmetry of 
his body is so great that you do not notice his size. He is 
of light complexion, his face fair rather than pale, yet far 
from being ruddy, except when a slight flush overspreads it. 
His hair is brownish yellow or, if you prefer, a golden brown ; 
and his beard thin. His eyes are gray, with spots here and 
there on them, an indication of great talent, and considered 
in England the sign of an amiable temper, though our country- 
men prefer black eyes. It is said that there is no sort of 
eyes less subject to disease. His face reflects his mind, and 
always wears a pleasant and mirthful expression, occasion- 
ally passing into a laugh, and, to tell the truth, he is more 
inclined to pleasantry than to gravity and dignity, though 
far enough removed from folly or buffoonery. . . . His 
voice is neither very loud nor very shrill, but penetrating, 
with no softness or melody ; and yet he speaks distinctly. 
Although he takes pleasure in all kinds of music, he does 
not seem to have been gifted by nature with a voice for sing- 
ing. His speech is wonderfully precise and well enunciated, 
neither rapid nor at all hesitating. He dresses very simply, 
and wears no silk or purple or gold chains, except when it 
is impossible to avoid it. He is exceedingly regardless of 
those ceremonies by which most people judge of good man- 
ners, and as he exacts them from no one, he is not anxious 
to show them to others ; yet he understands them perfectly, 
if he chooses to practice them. He thinks it effeminate, 
however, and unworthy of a man to spend a great part of 



Sir Thomas More 



*33 



one's time on such trivial concerns. To the court and inter- 
course with princes he was formerly much averse, because 
tyranny had always been particularly hateful to him, just as 
justice was attractive. You will scarcely find any court so 
disciplined as not to have much of bustle and of ambition, 
much guile and much luxury, and which is entirely free 
from every kind of tyranny. Nor, indeed, into the court of 
Henry VIII could he be drawn, except by much effort, 
although none can be found more order-loving and more 
moderate than this prince. More is by nature desirous of 
liberty and ease ; but just as he uses ease gladly when it is 
given, so when business requires, no one is more careful or 
more laborious. 

One might suppose he had been expressly formed for 
friendship, so sincerely does he cultivate, and so tenaciously 
adhere to it. Nor is he afraid of having too many friends, 
although Hesiod condemns it. In fact, he is ready to strike 
up acquaintance with everybody, and while he is thus by no 
means fastidious in his choice of friends, he is ever most 
kind in showing them hospitality, and most constant in 
retaining them. If by chance he falls in with any one 
whose faults are past cure, he takes an opportunity of dis- 
missing him quietly, thus untying, rather than rudely break- 
ing, the bonds of friendship. But when he finds any who 
are truly sincere and of congenial temperament, he is so 
fond of conversing with them and telling them stories, that 
you would fancy he considered this the greatest pleasure of 
life, for he has an utter abhorrence of ball, dice, cards and 
other games with which most gentlemen beguile their hours 
of leisure. Moreover, while he is inattentive to his own 
interest, he is most diligent in looking after the business of 
his friends. In short, whoever wants a perfect pattern of 
true friendship, cannot possibly do better than to take it from 
the example of More. 

In company, he possesses such rare courtesy and sweet- 



doctrines, 

and was un- 
willing to 
break with 
the papacy. 
In this he 
was like 
More. 
Among his 
most impor- 
tant literary 
works are 
editions of 
the New 
Testament in 
the original 
Greek, the 
Praise of 
Folly, the 
Colloquies, 
and the 
Letters. — On 
Erasmus, 
and More, 
and the Re- 
naissance, 
seeSeebohm, 
Oxford Re- 
formers. See 
also No. 47, 
and Roper's 
Life of More. 

" I have 
come to 
court en- 
tirely against 
my will, and 
as the king 
himself otten 
jestingly re- 
proaches me 
for. And I 
am as un- 
comfortable 
as a carpet 
knight in the 
saddle." 
More to 
Fisher. 



134 The Reformation 

ness of manners as would cheer any heart, however sad, or 
alleviate the tedium of any situation, however disagreeable. 
From his boyhood, he was always as fond of jokes as if he 
had come into the world for no other purpose ; yet he never 
went to the length of scurrility, nor could he bear to utter 
an unkind word. When a lad, he both wrote farces, and 
acted in them. So great is his love for pleasantry, especially 
if it be sharp and really clever, that he would enjoy a joke 
even at his own expense ; and this led him, when he was a 
young man, to amuse himself with writing epigrams ; indeed, 
it was he who instigated me to write my " Praise of Folly," 
which was as much in my way as for a camel to dance. 
There is nothing, however, in the world, not even in the most 
serious business, from which he will not extract amusement. 
In company with learned and sensible men, he finds pleasure 
in intellectual converse ; but among fools or silly people, he 
amuses himself with their folly ; nor do the most foolish 
people annoy him, so extraordinary is his power of adapting 
himself to every character. With ladies, and even with his 
wife, he does nothing but laugh and joke. . . . 
To Flanders When he had been repeatedly sent on embassies, and in 
these had acted with conspicuous discretion, the most serene 
King, Henry VIII, would not rest until he had dragged the 
man into the service of his court. For why should I not 
say, " dragged " ? No one ever went about more laboriously 
to be admitted at court, than this man tried to escape it. 
But since this most excellent king had made up his mind to 
fill his household with learned, grave, discreet, and honoura- 
ble men, as many others, so especially did he summon More, 
whom he has there held in the greatest intimacy, so that he 
will never let him leave him. If serious matters had to be 
considered, no one was more wise in council than he ; if the 
king thought well to relax his mind with pleasant stories, no 
companion was more merry. If difficult cases demand a 
judge of special wisdom and gravity, More decides them so 



and France. 



Sir Thomas More 135 

as to please both parties ; and yet never was he prevailed on 
to receive a bribe from any one. Happy would it be for the 
world, if every king could employ such ministers of justice 
as More. Nor has he, in consequence of his elevation, be- 
come too proud to remember his humble friends ; and amid 
the pressure of business, he yet finds time now and then to 
return to his beloved studies. Whatever power he has in 
virtue of his rank, whatever influence he enjoys through the 
favour of his sovereign, he uses it all for the good of his 
country and the good of his friends. At all times he was 
most anxious to confer favours without distinction, and 
always leaned in a marvelous degree to the side of mercy ; 
and now, when he has more power, he indulges the spirit 
the more freely. He helps some with money, protects 
others by his authority ; others he advances by his recom- 
mendations, while he aids with his advice those whom he 
cannot otherwise assist, and never sends any one from 
him dissatisfied. You would suppose More was the pub- 
lic patron of all poor men. He thinks it a great gain to 
himself to have relieved the oppressed, set at liberty the 
embarrassed or perplexed, or recovered the friendship of 
any one who was estranged from him. No one can be more 
ready to do a kindness, no one less exacting in looking for 
its repayment. Now, though he is in so many respects at 
the very pinnacle of good-fortune, and although good-for- 
tune is usually accompanied by pride, I have never yet met 
any one who was more entirely free from that vice. He 
cultivates true piety diligently, though far removed from all 
superstition. He has hours in which he appeals to God in 
prayers suggested not by custom but by his heart. With 
his friends he talks about the life of the world to come, in 
such a way that you will recognize that he speaks from the 
heart, and with the best of hopes. 

Such is More at court. Yet there are those who think 
that Christians are not to be found anywhere except in 



i 3 6 



The Reformation 



monasteries. Such men this most wise king not only admits, 
. . . but compels into his household. . . . 

Letter from Erasmus to Ulrich von Hut ten, Antwerp, 15 19 
(translated by E. P. Cheyney, University of Pennsylvania 
Translations and Reprints, I, No. 1). 



Probably by 

Thomas 
( :romwell 

(tl540), 
later Minis- 
ter of Henry 
VIII. This 
speech was 
delivered in 
the House of 
Commons in 
1523 in the 
famous de- 
bate upon the 
king's de- 
mand for a 
subsidy to 
carry on the 
war with 
France. 
Cromwell sat 
in this par- 
liament, and 
the manu- 
script of the 
speech is in 
the hand- 
writing of his 
clerk. Mr. 
Brewer holds 
tha* the 
speech can- 
not well be 
attributed to 
anyone else 
than Crom- 
well. In the 
extract here 
given the 
speaker, 
without 



46. A Discussion of England's Foreign 
Policy (1523) 

It is no time now to speak of peace. Want of truth is so 
deeply rooted in the French nation, and their appetite to 
extend their bounds is so insatiable, that even if we had no 
quarrel of our own against them, we could not but detest 
their false dealings with other princes. If not scourged, 
they will be a scourge to others. They have provoked the 
Emperor, whose power is so great that, when it is joined 
with ours, they will be environed on every side. The 
Emperor has already shown them what he can do, . . . and 
we, for our part, have spoiled and burnt Morkesse, and laid 
waste a great country, with great honor to the fortunate and 
sage captain, the earl of Surrey, who remained in the French 
dominions, with a small number of men, for six or seven 
weeks, when all the power of France durst not give him 
battle. I trust the same valiant captain will subdue the 
Scots, whom the French have so "custuously " entertained 
against us. It may be a question whether to continue the 
same kind of war as hitherto, or to make it more sharp and 
violent by sending such a force as utterly to subdue Francis. 
On this point I wish some sage and experienced person would 
speak ; only one thing " putteth me in no small agony." 
My lord Cardinal said that the King, who is dearer to any 
of his subjects than his own life, intends to go over in 



England's Foreign Policy 137 

person; which I wish I may never live to see. "I am 
sure there is no good Englishman which can be merry the 
day when he happeneth to think that his grace might per- 
chance be distempered of his health ; so that, albeit I say 
for my part, I stomach, as a sorry subject may do, the high 
injuries done by the said Francoys unto his most dear 
sovereign, yet, rather than the thing should go so far forth, 
I could, for my part, be contented to forget altogether." 

The French have established an ordinance among them, 
that their King shall never go in person, in ranged battle, 
against our nation, on account of the danger, notwithstanding 
their marvellous policy for the sure succession of their crown. 
How needful, then, for us "(considering in what case we 
be) " to entreat our sovereign, for our sakes and his 
daughter's, "upon whose weal and circumspect bestowing. 
next his noble person, dependeth all our wealths," to 
restrain his high courage ; for, if he were to go, I am sure 
there would not be one man in the army " but he should be 
more meet to wail and wring his hands, than assured to fight, 
when he considered that, if otherwise than well should 
fortune to that precious jewel, which he had for his party in 
custody, it were more meeter for him to depart into Turkey, 
than to return again into his natural country to his wife and 
children." I think, therefore, if my prince would tarry 
within his realm, it would be better to advance our war by 
little and little, so as to weary out the said Francoys, than 
send over at once the power royal of the kingdom. 

"In the reasoning of which matter I shall but utter mine 
ignorance afore Hannibal, as our right wise speaker re- 
hearsed now of late ; " but having gone thus far, I shall utter 
my poor mind, if this great army of 30,000 foot and 10,000 
horse should be conveyed beyond sea, what way they may 
most annoy our enemies with the greatest safety, and how 
they may be victualled. If they could he victualled out of 
the archdukedom, I doubt not they would return in safety ; 



directly op- 
posing the 
king, points 
out adroitly 
the hazards 
of the war 
with France. 
At the close 
he outlines 
the policy 
that he would 
recommend, 
later the 
chosen 
policy of 
England. 

F.mperor = 
Charles V. 

Francoys = 
Francis I. 



Mary, later 
Queen of 

England. 



Sir Thomas 
Mi >re was 
Speaker of 
the House of 
Commons. 



i 3 8 



The Reformation 



for as their enemies did not venture last year to attack the 
earl of Surrey, they would all the more beware of so great an 
army ; but by this means the harm they would do to France 
would not be so great as what we ourselves should sustain 
in supporting such a force. Before three summers were 
over, the army would exhaust all the coin and bullion in 
the realm, which I conjecture cannot much exceed a 
million ; . . . 

And of the inhabitants of the archdukedom, how desirous 
they are to have much of our money for little of their 
victuals, we had good experience, when the King last went 
over, and last year when my lord of Surrey was sent. But 
if we must send the army through their possessions, and go 
direct to Paris, which no doubt may be easily got, as soon 
as we have left the marches of the archdukedom, we should 
be on our guard against the Frenchmen's mode of fighting, 
whose plan is, not to meddle with our army, but lie in 
wait for stragglers or conductors of victuals. We shall be 
sure to find no victuals in our way, and might find the 
danger of leaving strongholds behind us, which the politic 
prince, Henry All, avoided; for when he crossed the sea, 
he laid siege to Boulogne before he would enter any further 
into France ; and the present King, when he purposed, as 
I have been told, to go to Paris, began at Terouenne, " and 
the Emperor employed whosoever be in Tournay," not 
thinking it right to pass further, leaving strongholds behind 
him in the possession of the enemy. What expense it 
would be, thus to employ our army, the King has had too 
good experience, in the winning of Terouenne, which cost 
him more than twenty such ungracious dogholes could be 
worth. But, if instead of this, we invaded Normandy, 
Brittany or some province on the sea, I can see nothing 
but danger on every side, not only at their arrival among 
their enemies, but from the difficulty in victualling them 
while they remain there ; for though we are undoubtedly 



England's Foreign Policy 139 

much diminished in treasure, we have a far greater want of 
defensible men. If I am asked why I urge these objections, 
I think the advantages we have had over the French have 
put them in despair to try it with us any more in ranged 
battle ; but the French know as well our impatience to 
continue in war many years, especially in winter, as that our 
nation is invincible in arms. 

I will now show you the advantages former kings have 
had over us in making war against France. In former 
times we had always places where we could land in security, 
either of our own, or of our confederates, in Gascony, 
Guienne, Brittany or Normandy. The towns and strong- 
holds were of nothing like the strength they are at present. 
What friends we have now, I dare not venture to speak, and 
no nation was ever so united as our enemy. While the 
Emperor was here occupied with the winning of Tournay, 
they corrupted three or four of the greatest nobles of Spain, 
on whom the Emperor was compelled to do justice on his 
return thither, . . . and since his Majesty's return to Spain, 
the governors of his archdukedom have granted safecon- 
ducts to French and Scotch Merchants; which is marvel- 
lous hindrance, for if our commodities had been as well 
kept from them as theirs from us, many a thousand French 
artificers who have no living but by working our wools, 
would have been compelled to cry to the King for peace. 
The King should devote all his efforts to the subjugation of 
Scotland, and to join that realm to his, so that both they 
and we might live under one obeisance, law and policy, for 
ever. This would secure him the highest honor any king 
of England has reached, and it would be the greatest abash- 
ment to Francis. And although it be a common saying, 
that in Scotland is nought to win but strokes, there is 
another saying, " who that intendeth France to win, with 
Scotland let him begin." It is mere folly to think of keep- 
ing possessions in France, which is severed from us by the 



140 



The Reformation 



sea, while we allow Scotland, belonging to the same island, 
to recognize another prince. This, once united to England, 
all other possessions are easily retained. 

A Speech delivered in Parliament, 1523 {Letters and Papers, 
foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, Vol. Ill, 
Part II, No. 2958, London, 1867). 



By William 
Roper 
(t 1577). hus- 
band of Mar- 
garet, the 
eldest and 
favourite 
daughter of 
Sir Thomas 
More. He 
and his wife 
spent their 
married life 
in the house 
of More until 
his death in 
1535- 

The Ould 
Swanne = 

a landing- 
place west of 
London 
Bridge. 



47. The Execution of Sir Thomas More 

( l 535) 

Now after this arraignement departed hee from the barre 
to the Towre againe, ledd by Sir William Kingston, a tall, 
stronge, and comlye Knight, Constable of the Towre, his 
very deare frend, whoe when he had brought him from 
Westminster to the ould Swanne towardes the Towre, there 
with a heavie hart, the teares runninge downe his cheekes, 
bad him farewell. Sir Thomas Moore seinge him soe sor- 
rowfull, comforted him with as good wordes as he could, 
saying, " Good Mr. Kingston, trouble not your selfe, but be 
of good cheare. For I will pray for you, and my good 
Ladie your wif, that we may meete in heaven togeather, 
where we shall be merrie for ever and ever." Soone after 
Sir William Kingston talkinge with mee of Sir Tho. Moore, 
sayd, " In faith Mr. Roper, I was ashamed of my selfe, 
that at my departure from your father, I found my harte 
soe feeble, and his soe stronge, that he was fayne to 
comforte me which should rather have comforted him." 
When Sir Tho. Moore came from Westminster to the 
Towreward againe, his daughter my wife, desireous to see 
her father, whome shee thought shee should never see in 
this world after, and alsoe to have his finall blessinge, gave 
attendaunce aboutes the Towre wharfe, where shee knewe 



Sir Thomas More 141 

he should passe by, e're he could enter into the Tovvre. 
There tarriinge for his cominge home, assoone as shee sawe 
him, after his blessinges on her knees reverentlie receaved, 
shee, hastinge towards, without consideration of care of her- 
selfe, pressinge in amongest the midst of the thronge and 
the Companie of the Guard, that with Hollbards and Billes Holibards, 
weare round about him, hastily ranne to him, and there l ' e ' halberts - 
openlye in the sight of all them embraced and tooke him 
about the necke and kissed him, whoe well likeinge her 
most daughterlye love and affection towardes him, gave 
her his fatherlie blessinge, and many godlie wordes of com- 
fort besides, from whome after shee was departed, shee not 
satisfied with the former sight of her deare father, havinge 
respect neither to her self, nor to the presse of the people 
and multitude that were about him, suddenlye turned back 
againe, and rann to him as before, tooke him about the 
necke, and divers tymes togeather most lovingely kissed 
him, and at last with a full heavie harte was fayne to departe 
from him ; the behouldinge whereof was to manye of them 
that weare present thereat soe lamentable, that it made 
them for very sorrow to mourne and weepe. Soe remayned 
Sir Thomas Moore in the Towre more then a seaven night 
after his Judgment. From whence the daye before he suf- 
fered he sent his shirt of hare, not willinge to have it seene, 
to my wyfe, his dearely beloved daughter, and a letter, 
written with a Cole, contayned in the foresaid booke of his 
workes, plainely expressinge the fervent desire he had to 
suffer on the morrowe in these wordes : " I comber you, 
good Margarett, much, but I would bee sorrie if it should be 
any longer then to morrowe. For to morrow is St. Thomas 
even, and the Utas of St. Peeter, and therefore to morrow The Utas _ 
longe I to goe to God, that weare a dave very meet and the Octave, 

. r a i t ,./ 1 or eighth day 

convenient for mee. And I never liked your manners after, 
better, then when you kissed mee last. For I like when 
daughterlie Love, and deare Charitie hath noe leasure to 



142 The Reformation 

looke to worldlie Curtesie." And soe uppon the next 
morninge, beinge tuesday, St Thomas even, and the Utas 
of St Peeter in the yeare of our Lord God 1535, accord- 
inge as he in his letter the day before had wished, earlie in 
the morninge came to him Sir Thomas Pope, his singular 
frend, on messadge from the Kinge and his Councell, that 
hee should before nyne of the clocke in the same morninge 
suffer death, and that therefore fourthwith he should pre- 
pare himselfe thereto. " Mr. Pope," sayth hee, " for your 
good tydinges I most hartily thanke you. I have beene 
allwayes bounden much to the Kinge's Highnes for the 
benefitts and honors which he hath still from tyme to tyme 
most bountifully heaped upon mee, and yete more bounden 
I ame to his Grace for puttinge me into this place, where I 
have had convenient tyme and space to have remembraunce 
of my end, and soe helpe me God most of all, Mr. Pope, 
am I bound to his Highnes, that it pleased him soe shortlie 
to ridd me of the miseries of this wretched world. And 
therefore will I not fayle most earnestlye to praye for his 
Grace both here, and alsoe in an other world. The Kinge's 
pleasure is further," quoth Mr. Pope, " that at your Execu- 
tion you shall not use many words." " Mr. Pope," (quoth 
hee) " you do well that you give mee warninge of his 
Grace's pleasure. For otherwise had I purposed at that 
tyme somewhat to have spoken, but of noe matter where- 
with his Grace, or any other should have had cause to be 
offended. Neverthelesse what soever I intend I am readie 
obediently to conforme my self to his Grace's Commaund- 
ment. And I beseech you, good Mr Pope, to be a meane 
unto his Highnes, that my daughter Margerette may be 
present at my buri all." "The King is well contented all- 
readie " (quoth Mr Pope) "that your Wife, Children, and 
other frendes shall have free libertie to be present thereat." 
" O how much behoulden," then said Sir Thomas Moore, 
" am I to his Grace, that unto my poore buriall vouchsafeth 



Sir Thomas More 



J 43 



to have so gratious Consideration." Wherewithall Mr Pope 
takeinge his leave of him could not refrayne from weepinge, 
which Sir Tho. Moore perceavinge, comforted him in this 
wise, " Quiete your selfe, good Mr Pope, and be not dis- 
comforted. For I trust that we shall once in heaven see 
each other full merily, where we shall bee sure to live and 
love togeather in joyfull blisse eternally." Upon whose 
departure Sir Tho. Moore, as one that had beene invited to 
a solempne feast, chaunged himselfe into his best apparell ; 
which Mr Lieuetenaunt espyinge, advised him to put it off, 
sayinge, That he that should have it was but a Javill. 
"What Mr Lieuetenaunt " (quoth he) "shall I accompte 
him a Javill, that will doe mee this daye so singular a bene- 
fitt? Naye, I assure you, weare it cloath of gould I would 
accompte it well bestowed on him, as St Cyprian did, who 
gave his executioner xxx peeces of gold." And albeit at 
length, through Mr Lievetenaunte's perswasions, he altered 
his apparell, yete, after the example of that holy Martyr St 
Ciprian, did hee of that litle money that was left him, send 
one Angell of gold to his Executioner. And soe was he 
brought by Mr Lieuetenaunt out of the Towre, and from 
thence ledd towardes the place of execution, where goeinge 
upp the Scaffold, which was soe weake that it was readie to 
fall, he sayde to Mr Lievetenaunt, " I pray you, I pray you, 
Mr Lievetenaunt, "see mee safe upp, and for my cominge 
dovvne lett mee shift for my selfe." Then desired hee all 
the people thereaboutes to pray for him, and to beare wit- 
nesse with him, that he should then suffer death in and for 
the faith of the holie Catholique Church, which done hee 
kneeled downe, and after his prayers saved, hee turned to 
the executioner, and with a cheerefull Countenance spake 
unto him, " Plucke upp thie spirittes, man, and be not 
affrayed to do thine office, my necke is verye short. Take 
heede therefore thou scute not awrie for savinge thine hon- 
estie." Soe passed Sir Thomas Moore out of this world to 



/.,-. a worth- 
less fellow. 



Everything 

worn by the 
person exe- 
cuted be- 
longed to the 
executioner. 



\ gi ild coin 
worth about 

ten shillings. 



i 4 4 



The Reformation 



God uppon the verie same daye in which himselfe had 
most desired. Soone after whose death came intelligence 
thereof to the Emperor Charles, whereuppon he sent for Sir 
Thomas Eliott, our Eenglish Embassodor, and sayd unto 
him, " My Lord Embassodor, wee understand that the Kinge 
your Master hath putt his faithfull servaunt and grave wise 
Councellor Sir Thomas Moore to death." Where unto Sir 
Thomas Eliott answeared, that hee understood nothinge 
thereof. " Well," sayd the Emperor, " it is verye true, and 
this will we saye, that if wee had bine Mr. of such a servaunt, 
of whose doinges our selves have had these many yeares 
noe small experience, wee would rather have lost the best 
Cittie of our Dominiones, then have lost such a worthie 
Councellor." Which matter was bye Sir Thomas Eliott to 
my selfe, to my wife, to Mr. Clement and his wife, to Mr. 
John Haywood and his wife, and divers others of his 
frends acordingely reported. 

William Roper, Life of Sir Thomas More (prefixed to More's 
Utopia, edited by J. R. Lumby, Cambridge, 1879), lii-lvi. 



These two 
extracts, one 
from an in- 
junction 
issued by the 
authority of 
Henry VIII, 
and the other 
from a par- 
liamentary 
statute, are 
of interest as 
showing the 
uncertain 
attitude of 
the govern- 
ment towards 
that essential 
part of the 
Reformation, 



48. Henry VIII and the 



English 



Bibh 



" Every person or proprietary of any parish church 
within this realm shall, on this side of the feast of St. Peter 
ad Vincula next coming, provide a book of the whole Bible, 
both in Latin and also in English, and lay the same in the 
quire, for every man that will to read and look therein ; and 
shall discourage no man from the reading any part of the Bible, 
but rather comfort, exhort, and admonish every man to read 
the same, as the very word of God and the spiritual food of 
man's soul ; . . . ever gently and charitably exhorting them, 
that, using a sober and modest behaviour in the reading and 
inquisition of the true sense of the same, they do in nowise 



The English Bible 145 

stiffly or eagerly contend or strive one with another about the free use 
the same, but refer the declaration of those places that be in ]j s h Bibier 
controversy to the judgment of them that be better learned." 

Royal injunction issued 1536 (J. Lewis, History of the English 
Translations of the Bible, 103, 104, London, 1739). 

Cap. I. Recourse must be had to the catholick and 
apostolick church for the decision of controversies ; and 
therefore all books of the Old and New Testament in English, 
being of TindaVs false translation, or comprising any matter 
of Christian religion, articles of the faith, or holy scripture, 
contrary to the doctrine set forth sithence Anno. Dom. 1540, 
or to be set forth by the king, shall be abolished. No printer 
or bookseller shall utter any of the aforesaid books. No 
persons shall play in interlude, sing, or rhime, contrary 
to the said doctrine. No person shall retain any English 
books or writings concerning matter against the holy and 
blessed sacrament of the altar, or for the maintenance of 
anabaptists, or other books abolished by the king's procla- 
mation. There shall be no annotations or preambles in 
Bibles or New Testaments in English. The Bible shall not 
be read in English in any church. No women or artificers, 
prentices, journeymen, servingmen of the degree of yeomen 
or under, husbandmen, nor labourers, shall read the New 
Testament in English. Nothing shall be taught or main- 
tained contrary to the King's instructions. And if any 
spiritual person preach, teach, or maintain anything contrary 
to the King's instructions or determinations, made or to be 
made, and shall be thereof convict, he shall for his first 
offence recant, for his second abjure and bear a fagot, and 
for his third shall be adjudged an heretick, and be burned 
and lose all his goods and chattels. 

34 H. VIII. c. i. Statutes at Large (Cambridge, 1763), V, 129. 



146 



The Reformation 



Anony- 
mous. The 
chronicle 
from which 
this extract 
was taken 
formed a part 
of the Regis- 
ter-book ot 
the fraternity 
of Grey 
Friars. In 
1539 they 
made a 
forced sur- 
render of 
their posses- 
sions to 
Henry VIII. 



49- 



November. 



I.e. yet. 



Protestant Revolution under 
Edward VI (1547) 



Item the 5th day after in September began the king's 
visitation at Paul's and all images pulled down : and the 9th 
day of the same month the said visitation was at St. Bride's, 
and after that in divers other parish churches ; and so all 
images pulled down through all England at that time, and 
all churches new white-limed with the commandments 
written on the walls. And at that time was the bishop of 
London put into the Fleet, and was there more than eight 
days ; and after him was the bishop of Winchester put there 
also. 

Item at this same time was pulled up all the tomes, great 
stones, all the altars, with the stalls and walls of the quire 
and altars in the church that was some time the Gray friars 
and sold, and the quire made smaller. . . . 

Item the 1 7th day of the same month at night was pulled 
down the Rode in Paul's with Mary and John, with all the 
images in the church, and two of the men that laboured at 
it was slain and divers others sore hurt. Item also at that 
time was pulled down through all the king's dominion in 
every church all Roddes with all images, and every preacher 
preached in their sermons against all images. Also the new- 
years day after preached doctor Latemer that some time was 
bishop of Worcester preached at Paul's cross, and two Sun- 
days following, etc. Also this same time was much speaking 
again the sacrament of the 1 altar, that some called it Jack of 
the box, with divers other shameful names : and then was 
made a proclamation against such sayers, and it both the 
preachers and others spake against it, and so continued ; 
and at Easter following there began the communion, and 
confession but of those that would, as the book doth specify. 
And at this time was much preaching against the mass. And 



Protestant Revolution 147 



ten dan ts at 

these 

churches. 



the sacrament of the altar pulled down in divers places 

through the realm. Item after Easter began the service in 

English (at Paul's at the commandment of the dean at the 

time, William May,) and also in divers other parish churches. 

Item also at Whitsuntide began the sermons at St. Mary 

spital. Item also this year was Barking chapel at the Tower 

hill pulled down, and Saint Martin's at the chambulles end, 

Saint Nicolas in the chambulles, and Saint Ewyns, and 

within the Gatte of Newgate these were put into the church 

that some time was the Gray Friars : and also Strand church i.e. the at 

was pulled down to make the protector duke of Somerset's 

place larger. 

Item this year was all the chantries put down. . . . 

Item also the bishop of Winchester at that time Stephyn 
Gardner preached before the king at saint James in the 
field on Saint Peter's day at afternoon the which was then 
Friday, and in the morrow after was committed into the 
tower of London in ward. . . . 

Item all those preachers that preached at Paul's cross 
at that time spake much against the bishop of Winchester ; 
and also Cardmaker, that talked in Paul's 3 times a week 
had more or less of him. 

Item this same time was put down all going abroad of 
processions, and the sensyng at Paul's at Whitsuntide, and 
the Skinners' procession on Corpus Christi day, with all 
others, and had none other but the English procession in 
their churches. 

Item at this time was much preaching through all England 
against the sacrament of the altar, save only M. Laygton, and 
he preached in every place that he preached against them 
all : and so was much controversy and much besynes in 
Paul's every Sunday and sitting in the church and of none 
that were honest persons, but boys and persons of little 
reputation : and would have made more if there had not 
a way a bene tane. And at the last the 28. of December 



Vicar of St. 
Bride's, and 
burned in 
1555- 



148 



The Reformation 



following there was a proclamation that none of both parties 
should preach unto such time as the council had deter- 
mined such things as they were in hand with all : . . . 

Chronicle of the Gray Friars of London (edited by J. G. 
Nichols, Camden Society, 1857), 54-56. 



By GlACOMO 
SORANZO, 
Venetian am- 
bassador to 

Edward VI 
and to Queen 
Mary during 
the years 
from 155 1 to 
1554- 

The report is 
dated August 
18, 1554. 



50. Queen Mary 



of England 



( I 554) 



. . . The most Serene Madame Mary is entitled Queen 
of England and of France, and Defendress of the Faith. 
She was born on the 18th February 15 15, so she yesterday 
completed her 38th year and six months. She is of low 
stature, with a red and white complexion, and very thin ; 
her eyes are white and large, and her hair reddish ; her face 
is round, with a nose rather low and wide ; and were not her 
age on the decline she might be called handsome rather 
than the contrary. She is not of a strong constitution, and 
of late she suffers from headache and serious affection of 
the heart, so that she is often obliged to take medicine, 
and also to be blooded. She is of very spare diet, and 
never eats until 1 or 2 p. m., although she rises at daybreak, 
when, after saying her prayers and hearing mass in private, 
she transacts business incessantly, until after midnight, when 
she retires to rest ; for she chooses to give audience not only 
to all the members of her Privy Council, and to hear from 
them every detail of public business, but also to all other 
persons who ask it of her. Her Majesty's countenance 
indicates great benignity and clemency, which are not belied 
by her conduct, for although she has had many enemies, and 
though so many of them were by law condemned to death, 
yet had the executions depended solely on her Majesty's 
will, not one of them perhaps would have been enforced ; 



Queen Mary of England 149 

but deferring to her Council in everything, she in this matter 
likewise complied with the wishes of others rather than with 
her own. She is endowed with excellent ability, and more 
than moderately read in Latin literature, especially with 
regard to Holy Writ; and besides her native tongue she 
speaks Latin, French, and Spanish, and understands Italian 
perfectly, but does not speak it. She is also very generous, 
but not to the extent of letting it appear that she rests her 
chief claim to commendation on this quality. 

She is so confirmed in the Catholic religion that although 
the King her brother and his Council prohibited her from 
having the mass celebrated according to the Roman Catholic 
ritual, she nevertheless had it performed in secret, nor did 
she ever choose by any act to assent to any other form of 
religion, her belief in that in which she was born being so 
strong that had the opportunity offered she would have dis- 
played it at the stake, her hopes being placed in God alone, 
so that she constantly exclaims : " /;/ te Dotnine confido, 
non confundar in aternum : si Deits est pro nobis, quis con- 
tra nos ? " Her Majesty takes pleasure in playing on the lute 
and spinet, and is a very good performer on both instruments ; 
and indeed before her accession she taught many of her 
maids of honour. But she seems to delight above all in 
arraying herself elegantly and magnificently, and her gar- A love of fine 
ments are of two sorts ; the one, a gown such as men wear, [J^bS? 
but fitting very close, with an under-petticoat which has a common to 
very long train ; and this is her ordinary costume, being also Tutors, 
that of the gentlewomen of England. The other garment is 
a gown and bodice, with wide hanging sleeves in the French 
fashion, which she wears on state occasions ; and she also 
wears much embroidery, and gowns and mantles of cloth of 
gold and cloth of silver, of great value, and changes every 
day. She also makes great use of jewels, wearing them both 
on her chaperon and round her neck, and as trimming for A French 
her gowns; in which jewels she delights greatly, and although hood - 



150 The Reformation 

she has a great plenty of them left her by her predecessors, 
yet were she better supplied with money than she is, she 
would doubtless buy many more. . . . 

Report of England made to tJie Senate by Giacomo Soranzo, late 
Ambassador to Edward VI and Queen Mary {Calendar of 
State Papers, Venetian, 1534-1554,1X0.934. London, 1873). 



CHAPTER IX — THE STRUGGLE 
WITH FOREIGN FOES 



F 



51. The Defences of England (1554) bygiacomo 

SORANZO. 

ROM her whole realm of England, as seen heretofore, 



the Queen might easily raise 100,000 men, taking at the 
muster those deemed fit for military service, and who would 
perform it spontaneously ; but in case of war, it is not the 
custom to enroll every sort of person present at the muster, 
and from every district, but [merely] those nearest the 
scene of action. Besides this mode of enrolment, it is 
usual to order noblemen to collect such an amount of 
troops as required, which is done when the Crown does 
not trust everybody ; and the third mode of mustering 
forces — in case of foreign invasion, or some sudden insur- 
rection of the natives — is to place a light on the top of 
certain huge lanterns fixed on heights in the villages, on 
appearance of which signal anywhere, all the neighbouring 
places do the like, and the forces muster at the first sight, 
so in a short time the general muster is made, the remedy 
and assistance proving alike efficient. 

From the musters aforesaid some 15,000 horse might be 
raised, but the native English horse is not good for war, and 
they have not many foreign horses. The weapons used by 
the English are a spear, and not having much opportunity 
for providing themselves with body-armour, they wear, for 
the most part, breast-plates, with shirts of mail, and a skull 
cap, and sword. The rest would be footmen, of which they 
have four sorts : the first, which in number and valour far 
excels the others, consists of archers, in whom the sinew 

I 5 I 



l 5 2 



Foreign Foes 



Harquebus 
= a heavy 
sort of mus- 
ket fired from 
a rest. 

Italian and 
German mer- 
cenaries were 
used in put- 
ting down the 
risings in 
1549- 



The navy de- 
clined under 
Mary. 



Butt = a wine 
measure of 
about i26gal- 
lons (United 
States). 



of their armies consists, all the English being as it were by 
nature most expert bowmen, inasmuch as not only do they 
practise archery for their pleasure, but also to enable them 
to serve their King, so that they have often secured victory 
for the armies of England. The second sort consists of 
infantry, who carry a sort of bill; and there are some of 
these likewise who would make good soldiers. The other 
two sorts are harquebusiers and pikemen, of which weapons 
they have very little experience. 

The Crown has occasionally subsidized German troops, 
taking them for the most part from the sea towns, from 
which they have sometimes had as many as 10,000, . . . 
About tour years ago it was determined to raise a cavalry 
force of 1,000 men-at-arms in the French fashion, but after 
keeping them for a year, at a cost to the King of 80,000 
crowns, they were disbanded, it having been found impossi- 
ble to make the plan answer. They have no commanders 
of note in their pay, either English or foreign, but merely 
give a few pensions to some who served them on former 
occasions ; and as to the affairs of the militia, they being 
regulated as in other countries, it is unnecessary to allude 
to them. 

Her Majesty's naval forces also are very considerable, as 
she has great plenty of English sailors, who are considered 
excellent for the navigation of the Atlantic, and an abun- 
dance of timber for ship-building, as they do not use galleys, 
owing to the strong tide in the ocean. Were her Majesty 
to take the vessels of ship-owners in all parts of the king- 
dom, the number would be immense ; but she has only 80 
of her own, including some galleons ; and whenever she 
pleased, she could very easily obtain upwards of 150 from 
private individuals, but small, as in those parts but few large 
ships are seen, and they say that those of 400 butts and 
under, sail better than the larger ones. The head of the 
naval affairs is the Admiral, he being one of the Lords of the 



A Political Fast 



"53 



Council, who, when a numerous fleet is fitted out, puts to 
sea in person, as he did this year, when he went out with 30 
sail to secure the sea, and convey the most serene Prince of 
Spain on his coming ; but when there is no such need, a 
Vice-admiral takes the command. 

The most important deficiency in the great naval and 
military forces of England, is, that in the whole realm they 
have no persons, neither sailor nor soldier, capable of com- 
manding either fleet or army. The only man they had was 
the Duke of Northumberland, who by his bravery distin- 
guished himself in both capacities, and from the grade of 
a private gentleman (his father indeed was beheaded for 
treason by Henry VIII.) rose step by step through his abili- 
ties to the eminent position at length attained by him ; but 
in like manner as the punishment of his rashness was well 
merited, so must the friends of England lament the loss of 
all his qualities with that single exception. 

Her Majesty has a great quantity of very fine artillery, 
both in the fortresses beyond the sea, as well as in many 
places within the realm, and especially at the Tower of Lon- 
don, where the ammunition of every sort is preserved. 

Report of England made to the Senate by Giacomo Soranzo, 
late Ambassador to Edward 17. and Queen Mary {Calendar 
of State Papers, Venetian 1 534-1 554, No. 934. London, 
1873)- 



Lord How- 
ard of 
Effingham. 
I he Howard 
name is fam- 
ous in naval 
annals. See 
No. 59. 
On this occa- 
sion Lord 
Howard 
formally 
exacted a 
recognition 
of England's 
claim to the 
dominion of 
the narrow 
seas, refusing 
ti ' salute until 
Philip's 
admiral had 
I the 
Spanish 
colours. 



is and 
ties. 



52. A Political Fast (1562) 

XIV. And for increase of provision of fish by the more 
usual and common eating thereof, be it further enacted by 
the authority aforesaid, That from the feast of St. Michael 
the archangel in the year of our Lord one thousand five 
hundred sixty-four, every Wednesday in every week through- 
out the whole year, which heretofore, hath not by the laws 



The accom- 
panying ex- 
tract from a 
imen- 
tatute 
indicates the 
l ot the 
Elizabethan 
gi ivernment 
in the ques- 
tion of naval 



54 



Foreign Foes 



Notes to the 
act bv Sir 
William 
Cecil, later 
Lord 
Burghley, 
describe the 
decay of the 
fisheries, and 
he adds, re- 
ferring to the 
English navy, 
that" to build 
ships without 
men to man 
them is to 
set armour 
upon stakes 
on the sea 
shore." 



These sec- 
tions were 
added to 
conciliate 

Protestant 

feeling. 



or customs of this realm been used and observed as a fish- 
day, and which shall not happen to fall in Christinas week 
or Easter week, shall be hereafter observed and kept, as the 
Saturdays in every week be or ought to be : (2) and that no 
manner of person shall eat any flesh on the same day, other- 
wist- than ought to be upon the common Saturday. 

XV. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, 
for the benefit and commodity of this realm, to grow as well 
in maintenance of the navy, as in sparing and increase of 
flesh victual of this realm, That from and after the feast of 
Pentecost next coming it shall not be lawful to any person or 
persons within this realm to eat any flesh upon any days now 
usually observed as fish-days, or upon any Wednesday now 
newly limited to be observed as fish-day ; (2) upon pain 
that every person offending herein shall forfeit three pound 
for every time he or they shall offend, or else suffer three 
months close imprisonment without bail or mainprize. 

XXXIX. And because no manner of person shall mis- 
judge of the intent of this estatute, limiting orders to eat 
fish, ami to forbear eating of flesh, hut that the same is pur- 
posely intended and meant politically for the increase of 
fishermen and mariners, and repairing of port-towns and 
navigation, and not for any superstition to he maintained 
in the choice of meats. 

XL. Be it enacted, That whosoever shall by preaching, 
teaching, writing or open speech notify, that any eating of 
fish, or forbearing of flesh, mentioned in this statute, is of 
any necessity for the saving of the soul of man, or that it is 
the service of God, otherwise than as other politick laws are 
and be ; that then such persons shall be punished as spread- 
ers of false news are and ou°:ht to be. 



An act touching politick constitutions for the maintenance of the 
navy. 5 Eliz. c. 5. Statutes at Large (Cambridge, 1763). VI, 
179, 185. 



Elizabeth and Mary Stuart 155 



53. Elizabeth and Mary Stuart (1564) 

The next morning Master Lattoun and Master Randolph, 
late agent for the Queen of England in Scotland, came 
to my lodging to convoy me to her Majesty, who was, 
as they said, already in the garden. ... I found her 
Majesty pacing in an alley. . . . She inquired if the 
Queen had sent any answer anent the proposition of a mar- 
riage made to her by Master Randolph. I answered, as I 
was instructed, that the Queen thought little or nothing 
thereof, but looked for the meeting of some Commissioners 
upon the borders, with my Lord of Murray and the secre- 
tary, Lethington, to confer and treat upon all such matters 
of greatest importance. ... So seeing your Majesties 
cannot so soon find the opportunity of meeting, so much 
desired between yourselves . . . the Queen, my mistress 
... is in hope that your Majesty will send my Lord of 
Bedford and my Lord Robert Dudley. She said that it 
appeared that I made but small account of my Lord Rob- 
ert, seeing that I named the Earl of Bedford before him ; 
but, or it were long, she should make him a greater earl, 
and that I should see it done before my returning home ; 
for she esteemed him as her brother and best friend, whom 
she should have married herself, if ever she had been 
minded to take a husband. . . . And to cause the Queen, 
my mistress, to think the more of him, I was required to 
stay till I had seen him made Earl of Leicester and Baron 
of Denbigh, with great solemnity at Westminster, herself 
helping to put on his ceremonial, he sitting upon his knees 
before her, keeping a great gravity and discreet behaviour. 
. . . Then she asked me how I liked of him. I said, as 
he was a worthy subject, he was happy that had encoun- 
tered a princess that could discern and reward good service. 
"Yet," she said, "ye like better of yonder long lad," 



By Sir 
[AMES MEL- 
VILLE (1535- 
1617), promi- 
nent in Scot- 
tish history 
for fiali a 
century. 
During his 
boyhood, 
Melville 
served as 
page to the 
young Queen 
its at 

the French 
court. After 
Mary's 
return to 
Scotland he 
was em- 
ployed by her 
in various 
delicate dip- 
lomatic nego- 
tiations in 
which he dis- 
played much 
tact and 
shrewdness. 
His influence 

certed 
in vain 
against such 
extreme 
measures as 
the murder 
ot Rizzio and 
the Queen's 
marriage 
with Both- 
well. A iter 
Mary's depo- 
sition he 
continued to 
take an active 
pari in public 
affairs until 

|ames VI 

succeeded to 
the crown of 
England, 

when he 
withdrew to 



i56 



Foreign Foes 



his home in 
Fife and 
occupied 
himself in 
writing the 
Memoirs. 
From them 
this extract 
is taken 
describing 
his mission 
to England 
to discuss 
with Eliza- 
beth the 
question of 
Mary's mar- 
riage, and 
especially to 
learn, if 
possible, 
Elizabeth's 
real inten- 
tions. 



I.e. next in 
succession 
to the Eng- 
lish throne. 



pointing towards my Lord Darnley, who, as nearest prince 
of the blood, bore the sword of honour that day before 
her. My answer again was, that no woman of spirit could 
make choice of such a man, that was liker a woman than a 
man ; for he was very lusty, beardless, and lady-faced. I 
had no will that she should think that I liked of him, or had 
any eye or dealing that way : albeit I had a secret charge 
to deal with his mother, my Lady Lennox, to purchase 
leave for him to pass in Scotland, where his father was 
already, that he might see the country and convoy the Earl, 
his father, back again to England. 

Now the said Queen was determined to treat with the 
Queen, my sovereign, first anent her marriage with the 
Earl of Leicester, and for that effect promised to send 
commissioners unto the borders. In the meantime I was 
favourably and familiarly used ; for during nine days that I 
remained at Court, her Majesty pleased to confer with me 
every day, and sometimes thrice upon a day, to wit, afore- 
noon, afternoon, and after supper. Sometimes she would 
say, that since she could not meet with the Queen, her 
good sister herself, to confer familiarly with her, that she 
should open a good part of her inward mind unto me, 
that I might show it again unto the Queen ; and said that 
she was not so offended at the Queen's angry letter as 
for that she seemed to disdain so far the marriage with 
my Lord of Leicester, which she had caused Master Ran- 
dolph to propose unto her. I said that it might be he 
had teached something thereof to my Lord of Murray and 
Lethington, but that he had not proposed the matter 
directly unto herself; and that as well her Majesty, as they 
that were her most familiar counsellors, could conjecture 
nothing thereupon but delays and drifting of time, anent 
the declaring of her to be the second person which would 
try at the meeting of commissioners above specified. She 
said again that the trial and declaration thereof would be 



Elizabeth and Mary Stuart 157 



hasted forward, according to the Queen's good behaviour, 
and applying to her pleasure and advice in her marriage ; 
and seeing the matter concerning the said declaration was 
so weighty, she had ordained some of the best lawyers in 
England diligently to search out who had the best right, 
which she would wish should be her dear sister rather than 
any other. I said I was assured that her Majesty was both 
out of doubt hereof, and would rather she should be 
declared than any other. ... She said that she was never 
minded to marry, except she were compelled by the Queen, 
her sister's, hard behaviour towards her, in doing by her 
counsel, as said is. I said : " Madam, ye need not tell me 
that ; I know your stately stomach ; ye think if ye were 
married, ye would be but Queen of England, and now ye 
are King and Queen both; ye may not suffer a com- 
mander." 

She appeared to be so affectioned to the Queen her good 
sister, that she had a great desire to see her : and because 
their desired meeting could not be hastily brought to pass, 
she delighted oft to look upon her picture, and took me into 
her bed chamber, and opened a little lettroun wherein were 
divers little pictures wrapped within paper, and written 
upon the paper, their names with her own hand. Upon 
the first that she took up was written, " My lord's picture." /.^.Leicester. 
I held the candle and pressed to see my lord's picture. 
Albeit she was loth to let me see it, at length I by impor- 
tunity obtained the sight thereof, and asked the same to 
carry home with me unto the Queen, which she refused, 
alleging she had but that one of his. I said again, that she 
had the principal ; for he was at the furthest part of the 
chamber speaking with the secretary Cecil. Then she took 
out the Queen's picture and kissed it ; and I kissed her 
hand for the great love I saw she bore to the Queen. . . . 

... Her hair was redder than yellow, curled appar- 
ently of nature. Then she entered to discern what colour 



I.e. cabinet. 



Later Lord 
Burghley. 



58 



Foreign Foes 



of hair was reported best, and inquired whether the Queen's 
or her's was best, and which of them two was fairest. I 
said, the fairness of them both was not their worst faults. 
But she was earnest with me to declare which of them I 
thought fairest. I said, she was the fairest Queen in Eng- 
land, and ours the fairest Queen in Scotland. Yet she was 
earnest. I said they were both the fairest ladies of their 
courts, and that the Queen of England was whiter, but our 
Queen very lovesome. She inquired which of them was 
of highest stature. I said, our Queen. Then she said the 
Queen was over high, and that herself was neither over high 
or over low. Then she asked what kind of exercises she 
used. I said, that I was dispatched out of Scotland, that 
the Queen was but new come back from the highland hunt- 
ing ; and when she had leisure from the affairs of her com- 
pany, she read upon good books, the histories of divers 
countries, and sometimes would play upon lute and virgin- 
als. She sperit if she played well. I said, reasonably for a 
Queen. 
I.e. Hunt- The same day after dinner, my Lord of Hunsden drew 

me up to a quiet gallery that I might hear some music, but 
he said he durst not avow it, where I might hear the Queen 
play upon the virginals. But after I had hearkened a while, 
I took by the tapestry that hung before the door of the 
chamber, and seeing her back was toward the door, I en- 
tered within the chamber and stood still at the door post, 
and heard her play excellently well ; but she left off so soon 
as she turned her about and saw me, and came forwards 
seeming to strike me with her left hand, and to think shame ; 
alleging that she used not to play before men, but when she 
was solitary her alone, to eschew melancholy ; and askit 
how I came there. I said, as I was walking with my 
Lord of Hunsden, as we passed by the chamber door, I 
heard such melody, which ravished and drew me within the 
chamber I wist not how ; excusing my fault of homeliness, 



Elizabeth and Alary Stuart 159 

as being brought up in the Court of France, and was now 
willing to suffer what kind of punishment would please her 
lay upon me for my offence. . . . Then again she wished 
that she might see the Queen at some convenient place of 
meeting. I offered to convey her secretly in Scotland by 
post, clothed like a page disguised, that she might see the 
Queen : as King James the "5 passed in France disguised, 
with his own ambassador, to see the Due of Vendome's 
sister that should have been his wife ; and how that her 
chamber should be kept, as though she were sick, in the 
meantime, and none to be privy thereto but my Lady Staf- 
ford, and one of the grooms of her chamber. She said, 
Alas if she might do it : and seemed to like well such kind 
of language, and used all the means she could to cause me 
persuade the Queen of the great love that she bore unto 
her, and was minded to put away all jealousies and suspi- 
cions, and in times coming a straiter friendship to stand 
between them than ever had been of before ; and promised 
that my despatch should be delivered unto me very shortly 
by Master Cecil at London. . . . 

At my home coming I found the Queen's Majesty still 
in Edinburgh to whom I declared the manner of my pro- 
ceeding with the Queen of England. . . . 

After that her Majesty had understood at great length 
all my handling and proceedings in England, she inquired 
whether I thought that Queen meant truly towards her as 
well inwardly in her heart as she appeared to do outwardly 
by her speech. I said, in my judgment, that there was 
neither plain dealing nor upright meaning, but great dis- 
simulation, emulation and fear that her princely qualities 
should over soon chase her out, and displace her from the 
kingdom. . . . 

Sir James Melville, Memoirs of his own Life (Bannatyne Club, 
Edinburgh, 1827), 116-129. Spelling modernized. 



i6o 



Foreign Foes 



By Qui i n 
Elizabei II 
(1533-1603). 
After an 
intermission 
of four years 
Parliament 
w as as- 
sembled in 
September, 
1566. The 
extreme 
1 'r< itestant 
element in 
the Com- 
mons at 
once brought 
forward the 

vexed 1 I 

tions of the 
Queen's 

marriage 
and the suc- 
cession. 
In spite of 
the royal 
prohibition 
the ( 'om- 
inous per- 
sisted in 
urging their 
wishes in 
these mat- 
ters, and the 
result was 
what Hallam 
calls " the 
most serious 
disagreement 
on record 
between the 
crown and 
the ( 'om- 
ni' 'tis since 
the davs of 
Richard II 
and Henrv 
IV." After 
a session 
spent in 
wrangling 
the Queen 
dissolved 
Parliament 
with the 



54. A Speech of Queen Elizabeth (1566) 

My Lords, and others the Commons of this Assembly, 

Although the Lord Keeper hath, according to Order, very 
well Answered in my Name, yet as a Periphrasis I have a 
few words further, to speak unto you : Notwithstanding I 
have not been used, nor love to do it, in such open Assem- 
blies ; yet now (not to the end to amend his talk) but 
remembring, that commonly Princes own words be better 
printed in the hearers memory, than those spoken by her 
Command, I mean to say thus much unto you. I have in 
this Assembly found so much dissimulation, where I always 
professed plainness, that I marvail thereat, yea two Faces 
under one Hood, and the Body rotten, being covered with 
two Vizors, Succession and Liberty, which they determined 
must be either presently granted, denied or deferred. In 
granting whereof, they had their desires, and denying or 
deferring thereof (those things being so plaudable, as indeed 
to all men they are) they thought to work me that mischief, 
which never Foreign Enemy could bring to pass, which is 
the hatred of my Commons. But alas they began to pierce 
the Vessel before the Wine was fined, and began a thing 
not foreseeing the end, how by this means I have seen my 
well-willers from mine Enemies, and can, as me seemeth, 
very well divide the House into four. 

First the Broachers and workers thereof, who are in the 
greatest fault. Secondly, The Speakers, who by Eloquent 
Tales perswaded others, are in the next degree. Thirdly, 
The agreers, who being so light of Credit, that the Elo- 
quence of the Tales so overcame them, that they gave more 
Credit thereunto, than unto their own Wits. t And lastly, 
those that sate still Mute, and medled not therewith, but 
rather wondred disallowing the matter ; who in my Opinion, 
are most to be Excused. 



years elapsed 
before Parlia- 
ment was 
again 
summoned. 



Mary Stuart's Escape 161 

But do you think, that either I am unmindful of your Speech here 
Surety by Succession, wherein is all my Care, considering I * 
know my self to be mortal? No, I warrant you : Or that 
I went about to break your Liberties? No, it was never in 
my meaning, but to stay you before you fell into the Ditch. 
For all things have their time. And although perhaps you 
may have after me one better Learned, or Wiser ; yet I 
assure you, none more careful over you : And therefore 
henceforth, whether I live to see the like Assembly or no, 
or whoever it be, yet beware however you prove your Princes 
Patience, as you have now done mine. And now to con- 
clude, all this notwithstanding (not meaning to make a Lent 
of Christmas) the most part of you may assure your selves, 
that you depart in your Princes Grace. 

Speech of (Jure// Elizabeth to Parliament, 1566 (Sir Simon 
D'Ewes. Journals of all tin- Parliaments during the reign 
of Queen Elizabeth, London, 1682). 



$$. Mary Stuart's Escape from Lochleven 

(.568) 

A gentleman came from Scotland with confirmation of the 
Queen's flight which took place thus. 

The Queen of Scotland was advised by Lord Seton, her 
most confidential Catholic friend, and a very brave gentle- 
man, by means of a lad of the house who never returned, 
that he on an appointed day would be with about fifty horse- 
men at the lake of Lochleven, where the Queen was held a 
prisoner. . . . 

Guard was continually kept at the castle day and night, 
except during supper, at which time the gate was locked 
with a key, every one going to supper, and the key was 

M 



By Gio- 
vanni Cor- 
ker, Vene- 
tian Ambas- 
sador in 
France. The 
marriage of 
Mary, Queen 
of Scots, with 
ill of 

Bothwell, led 

to a rebellion 

of the So 'I 

tish nobles. 
Oil the 15th 
of June Mary 
and Bothwell 
u rii' defeated 
at Carberry 
Hill by the 
Confeder- 
ated Lords. 



162 



Foreign Foes 



Two days 
later the 
Queen was 
carried a 
captive to 
Lochleven 
Castle, a 
stronghold 
on the east 
co. ist of 
Sci itland. 
Within the 
next few 
weeks she 
was com- 
pelled to 
abdicate, and 
her infant son 
Tames was 
crowned king 
with the Earl 
of Murray as 
Regent. But 
Mary did not 
give up hope, 
and on the 
second of 
May, 1568, 
she suc- 
ceeded in 
making her 
escape from 
Lochleven, 
and renewed 
the struggle. 
— On Mary 
Stuart, see 
R. Rait, 
Mary, Queen 
of Scots. 

Lochleven 

Castle was 
on an island 
in the lake of 
Lochleven. 

The Gover- 
nor was Sir 
William 
Douglas. 

The Hamil- 
tons were 
supporters of 
the Queen. 



always placed on the table where the Governor took his 
meals, and before him. The Governor is the uterine brother 
of the Earl of Murray, Regent of Scotland, the Queen's 
illegitimate brother, and her mortal enemy. The Queen, 
having attempted to descend from a window unsuccessfully, 
contrived that a page of the Governor's, whom she had per- 
suaded to this effect, when carrying a dish, in the evening 
of the 2nd of May, to the table of his master with a napkin 
before him, should place the napkin on the key, and in 
removing the napkin take up the key with it, and carry it 
away unperceived by any one. Having done so, the page 
then went directly to the Queen, and told her all was ready ; 
and she, having in the meanwhile been attired by the elder 
of the two maids who waited upon her, took with her by the 
hand the younger maid, a girl ten years old, and with the 
page went quietly to the door, and he having opened it, 
the Queen went out with him and the younger girl, and 
locked the gate outside with the same key, without which it 
could not be opened from within. They then got into a 
little boat which was kept for the service of the castle, and 
displaying a white veil of the Queen's with a red tassel, she 
made the concerted signal to those who awaited her that she 
was approaching. . . . The horsemen . . . came immedi- 
ately to the lake, and received the Queen with infinite joy, 
and having placed her on horseback with the page and the 
girl, they conveyed her to the sea coast, at a distance of five 
miles from thence, because to proceed by land to the place 
which had been designated appeared manifestly too danger- 
ous. All having embarked, the Queen was conducted to 
Niddrv, a place belonging to Lord Seton, and from thence to 
Hamilton, a castle of the Duke of Chatellerault, where his 
brother, the Archbishop of St. Andrews, with other principal 
personages of those parts, acknowledged her as Queen. . . . 
All Scotland is in motion, some declaring for the Queen, 
and some against her and for the Earl of Murray. . . . 



Mary Stuart's Escape 163 

With regard to her flight, it is judged here, by those who 
know the site, and how strictly she was guarded, that her 
escape was most miraculous, most especially having been 
contrived by two lads under ten years of age, who could not 
be presupposed to have the requisite judgment and secrecy. 

To the greater satisfaction with the result may be added 
that the inmates of Lochleven Castle perceived the flight ; 
but being shut up within it, and thus made prisoners, they 
had to take patience, and to witness the Queen's escape, 
while they remained at the windows of the castle. 

But now, if the current report be true, the Queen of 
Scotland, following the course of her fickle fortune, gives 
news of her troops having been routed near Glasgow, all her 
chief adherents being killed or made prisoners. . . . We are 
now awaiting information, as the Scotch here support them- 
selves with the hope that all may not be true, assigning rea- 
sons for their doubts. . . . 

Paris, 26th May. 

The news of the defeat of the troops of the Queen of 
Scotland was true. She had assembled about eight thousand 
men, who had flocked to her from divers parts, and for greater 
security she wished to shut herself up in Dumbarton, which 
is a very strong castle, but she could not get there without 
crossing the Clyde, over which there is but one bridge near 
Glasgow, and that was already occupied by the enemy. It 
was therefore determined to cross the river where it flows 
into the sea, a number of boats being sent to the spot for 
that purpose. The Regent, aware of this, went in pursuit 
with four thousand men ; whereupon the Queen appointed 
as her Lieutenant-General the Earl of Argyle, who had just 
joined her, and who is her brother-in-law through his wife, 
Queen Mary's natural sister, and he with six thousand men 
gave Murray battle. 

The contest lasted for three-quarters of an hour, when 



164 



Foreign Foes 



May 13th. the Queen's troops were worsted, but only one hundred and 
fifty of her followers were killed, for the Regent exerted 
himself extremely to prevent his troops shedding blood. 
The prisoners exceeded three hundred, including many 
noblemen, amongst whom, moreover, is that Lord Seton 
who was the chief instrument and leader in effecting the 
Queen's escape. Finding herself defeated, the Queen set 
out for England, accompanied by a son of the Duke of 
Chatellerault, by Lord Fleming, by the Earl of Maxwell, 
and some twenty-five other attendants, and she travelled a 
distance of one hundred and twenty- live miles without any 
rest. She stopped at a place called Workington, which is 
four miles within the English border. She did not discover 
herself, but was recognised by a Scotchman, who informed 
the warden of the castle, and the latter went immediately to 
receive her, with great marks of respect, and posted guards 
on all sides to prevent pursuit by the enemy. 
Paris, 6th June. 

Giovanni loner. Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Sig- 
nory ( Calendar of State Papers. I 'enetian. 1 558-1 580, Nos. 425 
and 426. London, 1890). 



By Sir 
Walter 
Mildmay 
(1520?- 

1589). 

distinguished 
as a stat< s- 
man and 
financier. 
Although a 
convinced 
Protestant, he 
was em- 
ployed in 
public ser- 
vice by Mary. 
Under Kli/a- 



56. Concerning the Keeping of the Queen 

of Scots ( 1569) 

The Question to be considered on, is, Whether it be less 
perilous to the Queen's Majesty, and the Realm, to retain 
the Queen of Scots in England, or to return her home into 
Scotland ? 

In which Question, these things are to be considered. 
On the one side, What Dangers are like to follow if she be 
retained here ; and thereupon, if so avoiding of them, it 



The Queen of Scots 165 



shall be thought good to return her, then what Cautions and 
Provisions are necessary to be had. 

On the other side, are to be weighed the Dangers like 
to follow if she be returned home ; and thereupon, if for 
eschewing of them, it shall be thought good to retain her 
here, then what Cautions and Provisions are in that Case 
necessary. 

Dangers in retaining the Queen of Scots 

Her unquiet and aspiring Mind, never ceasing to practice 
with the Queen's Subjects. Her late practice of Marriage 
between the Duke of Norfolk and her, without the Queen's 
knowledg. The Faction of the Papists, and other Ambitious 
Folks, being ready and fit Instruments for her to work upon. 
The Commiseration that ever followeth such as be in misery, 
though their Deserts be never so great. Her cunning and 
sugred entertainment of all Men that come to her, whereby 
she gets both Credit and Intelligence. Her practice with 
the French and Spanish Ambassadors, being more near to 
her in England, than if she were in Scotland; and their con- 
tinual sollicitation of the Queen for her delivery, the denial 
whereof may breed War. The danger in her escaping out 
of Guard, whereof it is like enough she will give the Attempt. 
So as remaining here, she hath time and opportunity to prac- 
tice and nourish Factions, by which she may work Confed- 
eracy, and thereof may follow Sedition and Tumult, which 
may bring peril to the Queen's Majesty and the State. 
Finally, it is said, That the Queen's Majesty, of her own dis- 
position, hath no mind to retain her, but is much unquieted 
therewith, which is a thing greatly to be weighed. . . . 

Dangers in returning Her 

The manner how to deliver her Home, with the Queen's 
Majesty's Honour and Safety, is very doubtful. For if she 
be delivered in Guard, that came hither free, and at liberty, 



beth he 
became 
Chancellor 
of the Ex- 
chequer. He 
used his in- 
fluence to 
protect the 
Puritans, and 
he favoured 
a policy of 
intervention 
in behalf ot 
the Protes- 
tants of the 
Continent. 
His interest 
in education 
was great, 
and in 1583 
he founded 
Kmmanuel 
College, 
( 'ambridge. 
In response 
to the 

n's 
charge 
having 

ted a 
Puritan 
foundation, 
he replied, 
" No, 

Madam, far 
he it from 
me t<> coun- 
tenance any- 
thing con- 
trary to your 
established 

laws ; but 1 
have set an 
acorn \\ hich, 
when it be- 
comes an 
oak, Gi m 1 
alone knows 
what will be 
the fruit 
thereof." 



i 66 Foreign Foes 



how will that stand with the Queen's Honour, and with the 
Requests of the French and Spanish Kings, that have con- 
tinually sollicited her free delivery, either into Scotland or 
France ? or if she die in Guard, either violently or naturally, 
her Majesty shall hardly escape slander. If, again, she be 
delivered home at Liberty, or if being in Guard she should 
escape, then these Perils may follow. 

The suppressing of the present Government in Scotland, 
now depending upon the Queen's Majesty, and advancing 
of the contrary Faction depending upon the French. The 
alteration of Religion in Scotland. The renewing of the 
League, Offensive and Defensive, between France and 
Scotland, that hath so much troubled England. The 
renewing of her pretended claim to the Crown of this 
Realm. The likelihood of War to ensue between France, 
Scotland, and Us. and the bringing in of Strangers into that 
Realm to our annoyance, and great charge, as late experi- 
ence hath shewed. The supportation that she is like to 
have of the French and Spanish Kings. And though Peace 
should continue between England and Scotland, yet infinite 
injuries will be offered by the Scots Queen's Ministers upon 
the Borders, which will turn to the great hurt of the Queen's 
Majesty's Subjects, or else to her greater Charges to redress 
them ; for the change of the Government in Scotland, will 
change the Justice which now is had, unto all Injury and 
Unjustice. The likelihood she will revoke the Earl Both- 
well, now her Husband, though unlawful, as is said, a man 
of most evil and cruel Affection to this Realm and to his 
own Countrymen : Or, if she should marry another that 
were adike Enemy, the Peril must needs be great on either 
side. . . . 

And albeit to these Dangers may be generally said, That 
such Provision shall be made, by Capitulations with her, and 
by Hostages from the Regent, and the Lords of Scotland, 
as all these Perils shall be prevented. 



The Queen of Scots 167 



To tJiat may be answered 

That no Fact which she shall do here in England will 
hold, for she will alleage the same to be done in a Foreign 
Country, being restrained of Liberty. That there is great 
likelyhood of escape, wheresoever she be kept in Scotland; 
for her late escape there, sheweth, how she will leave no way 
unsought to atchieve it ; and the Country being, as it is, 
greatly divided, and of nature marvellously Factious, she is 
the more like to bring it to pass. Or if the Regent, by any 
practice, should yield to a composition, or finding his Party 
weak, should give over his Regiment, Then what assurance 
have we, either of Amity or Religion. That the Regent 
may be induced to do this, appeareth by his late secret 
Treaty with the Duke of Norfolk, for her Marriage, without 
the Queen's Majesty's knowledg. And though the Regent 
should persevere constant, yet if he should be taken away 
directly, or indirectly, (the like whereof is said, hath been 
attempted against him) then is all at large, and the Queen 
of Scots most like to be restored to her Estate, the Factions 
being so great in Scotland, as they are ; so as the Case is 
very tickle and dangerous to hang upon so small a Thread, 
as the Life of one Man. by whom it appeareth the whole at 
this present is contained. 

And touching the Hostages, though that Assurance might 
be good to preserve her from Violence in Scotland, yet it 
may be doubted how the same will be sufficient to keep her 
from escaping or governing again, seeing, for her part, she 
will make little Conscience of the Hostages if she may pre- 
vail ; and the punishing of the Hostages will be a small 
satisfaction to the Queen's Majesty for the Troubles that 
may ensue. And for the doubt of her escape, or of Rebel- 
lion within this Realm, it may be said, That if she should nut 
be well guarded, but should be left open to practice, then 
her Escape, and the other perils, might be doubted of; but 



168 Foreign Foes 



if the Queen's Majesty hold a stricter hand over her, and 
put her under the Care of a fast and circumspect Man, all 
practice shall be cut from her, and the Queen's Majesty free 
from that Peril. And more safe it is for the Queen to keep 
the Bridle in her own Hand, to restrain the Scottish Queen, 
than, in returning her home, to commit that trust to others, 
which by Death, composition, or abusing of one Person, 
may be disappointed. 

And if she should, by any means, recover her Estate, the 
doubt of Rebellion there is not taken away, but rather to 
be feared, if she have ability to her Will. And if she find 
strength, by her own or Foreign Friends, she is not far off 
to give Aid, upon a main Land, to such as will stir for her; 
which, so long as she is here, they will forbear, lest it might 
bring most Peril to her self, being in the Queen's Hands. 
The like respect, no Doubt, will move Foreign Princes to 
become Requesters, and not Threatners, for her delivery. 

And where it is said, That the Queen's Majesty cannot be 
quiet so long as she is here, but it may breed danger to her 
Majesty's Health ; That is a Matter greatly to be weighed, 
for it were better to adventure all, than her Majesty should 
inwardly conceive any thing to the danger of her Health. 
But as that is only known to such as have more inward 
Acquaintance with her Majesty's disposition, than is fit for 
some other to have. So again, it is to be thought, that her 
Majesty being wise, if the Perils like to follow, in returning 
her Home, were laid before her ; and if she find them 
greater than the other, she will be induced easily to change 
her Opinion, and thereby may follow to her Majesty's great 
satisfaction and quietness. . . . 

Sir Walter Mild may's Opinion concerning the keeping of the 
Queen of Scots {(\. Burnet, History of the Reformation, Lon- 
don, 1683, Part II, Book III, No. 12). 



Burghley to Elizabeth 169 



57. Burghley to Elizabeth on Matters of 
State (circ. 1583) 

. . . The second point of the general part of my discourse 
is, the consideration of your foreign enemies, which may 
prove either able or willing to hurt you ; and those are Scot- 
land, for his pretence and neighbourhood ; and Spain, for his 
religion and power : As for France, I see not why he should 
not rather be made a friend than an enemy ; for, though he 
agree not with your Majesty in matters of conscience and 
religion, yet, in hoc tertio, he doth agree, that he feareth the 
greatness of Spain ; and therefore that may solder the link 
which religion hath broken, and make him hope, by your 
Majesty's friendship, to secure himself against so potent an 
adversary. 

And, though he were evilly affected towards your Majesty, 
yet, the present condition of his estate considered, I do not 
think it greatly to be feared, himself being a prince who 
hath given assurance to the world, that he loves his ease 
much better than victories, and a prince that is neither 
beloved nor feared of his people : And the people them- 
selves being of a very light and unconstant disposition ; and 
besides they are alto-ether unexperienced, and undisciplined 
how to do their duties, either in war or peace ; they are 
ready to begin and undertake any enterprise before they 
enter into consideration thereof, and yet weary of it before 
it be well -begun; they are generally poor and weak, and 
subject to sickness at sea; divided and subdivided into 
sundry heads, and several factions, not only between the 
Huguenots and 1'apists, but also between the Montmorencies 
the Guises and the and the people being oppressed 

by all do hate all ; so that, for a well settled and established 
government and commonwealth as your Majesty's is, I see 
no grounds why to misdoubt or fear them, but only so far 



By William 

Cecil, Lord 
Burciii 1 v 
(1520-1598), 
Chief Secre- 
tary of State 
and Lord 
Treasurer 
under Eliza- 
beth. In 
every great 
erisis the 
Queen turned 
to ( !ecil, and 
although she 
did not 
always follow 
his advice, 

was 
much influ- 
enced by his 
views. "By 
him more 
than by any 

ingle 
man during 
the last 
years of his 
iite was the 

history of 

:Ild 

shaped." 
Burghley's 
temper was 
cautious and 
compromis- 
ing, but he 
favoured a 
more vigor- 
ous policy of 
opposition to 
Spain, and of 
support to 
tin- Protes- 
tants .if the 
Continent 
than suited 

leth. — 
( >n Burghley, 
see Martin 
II nine, The 
Great Lord 
Burghley. 

Blank in the 
original. 



170 



Foreign 



Foes 



Firebrands. 



Leader of the 
Huguenot 
party, and 
later I [enry 
[Voi France. 



fames VI of 

and, 
later fames I 

of England. 



forth as the Guisards happen to serve for boutefeus in Scot- 
land ; and while it shall please your Majesty, but with reason- 
able favour to support the king of Navarre, I do not think 
that the French King will ever suffer you to be from thence 
annoyed. 

Therefore, for France, your Majesty may assure your self 
of one of these two, either to make with him a good alliance, 
in respect of the common enemy of both kingdoms, or at 
the least so muzzle him, as that he shall have little power to 
bite you. 

As for Scotland, if your Majesty assist and help those 
noblemen there, which are by him suspected, your Majesty 
may be sure of this, that those will keep him employed at 
home ; and also, whilst he is a protestant, no foreign prince 
will take part with him against your Majesty : And of him- 
self he is not able to do much harm, the better part of his 
nobles being for your Majesty ; and, if in time he should 
grow to be a papist, your Majesty shall always have a strong 
party at his own doors, in his own kingdom, to restrain his 
malice ; who, since they depend upon your Majesty, they 
are, in all policy, never to be abandoned ; for, by this 
resolution, the Romans anciently, and the Spaniards pres- 
ently, have most of all prevailed : and, on the contrary, the 
Macedonians in times past, and the Frenchmen in our age, 
have lost all their foreign friends, because of their aptness 
to neglect those who depended upon them : but, if your 
Majesty could by any means possible devise to bring in 
again the Hamiltons, he should then be beaten with his 
own weapons, and should have more cause to look to his 
own succession, than to be too busy abroad. Rut Spain, 
yea Spain, it is in which, as I conceive, all causes do concur, 
to give a just alarm to your Highness's excellent judgment. 

First, because in religion he is so much the Pope's, and 
the Pope in policy so much his. as that whatever the mind 
of Pope Gregory, and the power of King Philip, will or can 



Burghley to Elizabeth 171 

compass, or bring upon us, is in all probability to be ex- Gregory 
pected ; himself being a prince whose closet hath brought 
forth greater victories than all his father's journies, absolutely 
ruling his subjects, a people all one-hearted in religion, con- 
stant, ambitious, politick, and valiant; the King rich and 
liberal, and, which of all I like worst, greatly beloved among 
all the discontented party of your Highness's subjects. . . . The 
Now as of him is the chief cause of doubt, so of him the 
chief care must be had of providence. 

But this offers a great question, whether it be better to 
procure his amity? Or stop the course of his enmity? As 
of a great lion, whether it be more wisdom, to trust to the 
taming of him, or tying of him ? 

I confess this requires a longer and a larger discourse, 
and a better discourser than myself; and therefore I will 
stay myself from roving over so large a field : but only, with 
the usual presumption of love, yield this to your gracious 
consideration. 

First, if you have any intention of league, that you see 
upon what assurance, or at least what likelihood, you may 
have that he will observe the same. 

Secondly, that in a parlying season it be not as a coun- 
tenance unto him the sooner to overthrow the Low Coun- 
tries, which hitherto have been as a counterscarp to your 
Majesty's kingdom. 

But, if you do not league, then your Majesty is to think 
upon means for strengthening yourself, and weakening of 
him, and therein your own strength is to be tendered both 
at home and abroad. 

For your home strength, in all reverence I leave it, as the 
thing which contains in effect the universal consideration of 
government. 

For your strength abroad, it must be in joining in good 
confederacy, or at least intelligence, with those that would 
willingly embrace the same. 



i 7 2 Foreign Foes 

Truly not so much at the Turk and Morocco, but at 
some time they may serve your Majesty to great purpose ; 
but from Florence, Ferrara, and especially Venice, I think 
your Majesty might reap great assurance and service, for 
undoubtedly they abhor his frauds, and fear his greatness. 

And for the Dutch, and Northern Princes, being in 
effect of your Majesty's religion, I cannot think but their 
alliance may be firm, and their power not to be contemned : 
even the countenance of united powers doth much in mat- 
ters of state. 

For the weakening of him, I would, I must confess from 
my heart, wish that your Majesty did not spare thoroughly 
and manifestly to make war upon him both in the Indies, 
and the Low Countries, which would give themselves unto 
you ; and that you would rather take him, while he hath 
one hand at liberty, than both of them sharply weaponed. 

But, if this seem foolish hardiness to your Majesty's wis- 
dom, yet, I dare not presume to counsel, but beseech your 
Majesty that what stay and support your Majesty, without 
war, can give to the Low Countries, you would vouchsafe 
to do it, since, as king of Spain, without the Low Countries 
he may trouble our skirts of Ireland, but never come to 
grasp with you ; but, if he once reduce the Low Countries 
to an absolute subjection, I know not what limits any man 
of judgment can set unto his greatness. . . . 

Lord-Treasurer Burleigh, Advice to Queen Elisabeth in Matters 
of Religion and State. {The Harleian Miscellany, London, 
1809, Vol. II, 281-283.) 



Queen of Scots 173 



58. Execution of the Queen of Scots 

(.586) 

" A Reporte of the MANNER of the EXECUTION of 
the Sc. Q. performed the viijth of February, Anno 1586 in 
the great hall of Fotheringhay, with Relacion of Speeches 
uttered and Accions happening in the said Execution, from 
the delivery of the said Sc. Q. to Mr. Thomas Androwes 
Esquire Sherife of the County of Northampton unto the 
end of the said Execucion. 



The accom- 
panying 
account is 
indorsed in 
Lord Burgh- 
ley's hand, 
" 8 Feb. 
1586. The 
Manner of 
the Q. of 
Scotts death 
at Fodryng- 
hay, \\ r. by 
Ro. Wy." 



" First, the said Sc. Q. being caryed by two of Sir Amias 
Pauletts gentlemen, and the Sherife going before her, cam 
most willingly out of her chamber into an entery next the 
Hall, at which place the Earle of Shrewsbury and the Earle 
of Rente, commissioners for the execucion, with the two 
gouvernors of her person, and divers knights and gentle- 
men did meete her, where they found one of the Sc. Q. 
servauntes, named Melvin, kneeling on his knees, who 
uttered these wordes with teares to the Q. of Sc. his mis- 
tris, ' Madam it wilbe the sorrowfullest messuage that ever 
I caryed, when I shall report that my Queene and deare 
Mistris is dead.' Then the Qu. of Sc. shedding teares 
aunswered him, ' You ought to rejoyce rather then weepe 
for that the end of Mary Stewards troubles is now come. . . ' 

Then she turned her to the Lordes and told them that she 
had certayne requestes to make unto them. One was for a 
some of mony, which she said Sir Amias Paulett knewe of, 
to be paide to one Curie her servaunte ; next, that all her 
servauntes might enjoy that quietly which by her Will and 
Testamente she had given unto them ; and lastly that they 
might be all well intreated, and sent home safely and hon- 
estly into their contryes. ' And this I doe conjure you, my 
Lordes, to doe.' 



174 Foreign Foes 



Aunswere was made by Sir Amias Paulett, ' I doe well 
remember the mony your Grace speaketh of, and your Grace 
neede not to make any doubte of the not performaunce of 
your requestes, for I doe surely thincke they shalbe graunted.' 

' I have,' said she, ' one other request to make unto you, 
my Lordes, that you will suffer my poore servauntes to be 
present about me at my death, that they may reporte when 
they come into their countryes how I dyed a true woman to 
my religion.' 

Then the Earle of Kente, one of the commissioners, aun- 
swered, ' Madam it cannot welbe graunted, for that it is 
feared lest some of them wold with speeches both trouble 
and greive your Grace and disquiett the company, of which 
we have had allready some experience, or seeke to wipe their 
napkins in some of your bloode, which were not convenient.' 
'My Lord,' said the Q. of Sc. 'I will give my word and 
promise for them that they shall not doe any such thinge as 
your Lordship hath named. Alas ! poor sowles, yt wold doe 
them good to bidd me farewell. And I hope your Mistres, 
being a mayden Queene, in regard of woman-hood, will 
suffer me to have some of my owne people aboute me at 
my death. And I know she hath not given you so straight 
a commission but that you may graunt me more then this, 
if I were a farr meaner woman than I am.' And then 
(seeming to be greeved) with some teares uttered thes 
wordes ; ' You know that I am cosin to your Queene, and 
discended from the bloode of Henry the Seventh, a maryed 
Queene of Fraunce, and the anoynted Queene of Scotlande.' 

Whereupon, after some consultacion, they graunted that 
she might have some of her servauntes accordinge to her 
Grace's request, and therefore desired her to make choice 
of halfe a dosen of her men and women : Who presently 
said, that of her men she wold have Melvin, her poticary, 
her surgeon, and one other old man beside ; and of her 
women, those two that did use to lye in her chamber. 



Queen of Scots 175 

After this She, being supported by Sir Amias two gentle- 
men aforesaid, and Melvin carying up her trayne, and also 
accompanied with the Lordes, Knightes, and Gentlemen 
aforenamed, the Sherife going before her, she passed out of 
the entery into the great Hall, with her countenance care- 
lesse, importing thereby rather mirth then mournfull cheare, 
and so she willingly stepped up to the scaffold which was 
prepared for her in the Hall, being two foote high and 
twelve foote broade, with rayles round aboute, hanged and 
couvered with blacke, with a lowe stoole, long cushion, 
and blocke, couvered with blacke also. Then, having the 
stoole brought her, she satt her downe ; by her, on the 
right hand, satt the Erie of Shrewsbury and the Erie of 
Kent, and on the left hand stoode the Sherife, and before 
her the two executioners ; round about the rayles stood 
Knightes, Gentlemen, and others. 

Then, silence being made, the Queenes Majesties Com- 
mission for the execution of the Queen of Scots was openly 
redd by Mr. Beale clarke of the Counsell ; and thes wonles 
pronounced by the Assembly, ' God save the Queene.' 
During the reading of which Commission the Q. of Sc. was 
silent, listening unto it with as small regarde as if it had 
not concerned her at all ; and with as cheerfull a counte- 
naunce as if it had been a Pardon from her Majestie for her 
life ; using asmuch straungenes in worde and deede as if 
she had never knowne any of the Assembly, or had been 
ignorant of the English language. 

Then on Doctor Fletcher, dean of Peterborowe, stand- I.e. one. 
ing directly before her, without the rayle, bending his body 
with great reverence, began to utter this exhortaeion follow- 
ing : ' Madame the Q. most excellent Ma tie &c.' and iterat- 
ing theis wordes three or fowre tymes, she told him, ' Mr. 
Dean, I am settled in the auncient Catholique Romayne 
religion, and mynd to spend my bloode in defence of it.' 
Then Mr. Dean said, ' Madame, chaung your opinion and 



176 Foreign Foes 



repent you of your former wickednes, and settle your faith 
onely in Jesus Christ, by him to be saved.' Then she 
aunswered agayne and againe, ' Mr. Deane, trouble not 
yourselfe any more, for I am settled and resolved in this my 
religion, and am purposed therein to die.' Then the Earle 
of Shrewsbury and the Karl of Kente, perceavinge her so 
obstinate, tolde her that sithence she wold not heere the 
exhortacion begonn by Mr. Dean, 'We will pray for your 
('.race, that it stande with Gods will you may have your 
harte lightened, even at the last howre, with the true knowl- 
edge of God, and so die therein.' 'Then she aunswered 'If 
you will pray for me, my hordes, I will thanke you; but to 
joyne in prayer with you 1 will not, for that you and I are 
not of one religion.' 

Then the Lordes called for Mr. Dean, who kneeling on 
the scaffold staires, began this Prayer, "O most gracious 
God and merciful bather," &c. all the Assembly, saving 
the Queen of Scots and her servauntes, saying after him. 
During the saving of which prayer, the Queen of Scots, 
sitting upon a stoole, having about her necke an Agnus 
Da', in her hand a crucifix, at her girdle a pair of beades 
with a golden crosse at the end of them, a Latin booke in 
her hand, began with teares and with loud and fast voice to 
pray in Latin : and in the middest of her prayers she slided 
off from her stoole, and kneeling, said divers Latin prayers; 
and after the end of Mr. Deans prayer, she kneelinge, 
prayed in Englishe to this effecte : 'for Christ his afflicted 
Church, and for an end of their troubles; for her sonne; 
and for the Queen's Majestic, that she might prosper and 
serve Cod aright.' She confessed that she hoped to be 
saved 'by and in the bloode of Christ, at the foote of whose 
Crucifix she wold shedd her bloode.' . . . 

Her prayer being ended, the Executioners, kneeling, 
desired her Grace to forgive them her death : who aun- 
swered, ' I forgive you with all my harte, for now, I hope, 



Queen of Scots 177 



you shall make an end of all my troubles.' Then they, with 
her two women, helping of her up, began to disrobe her of 
her apparell ; then, She, laying her crucifix upon the stoole, 
one of the executioners tooke from her necke the Agnus 
Dei, which she, laying handes of it, gave it to one of her 
women, and told the executioner that he shold be aunswered 
mony for it. . . . 

Ail this tyme they were pulling off her apparell, she never 
chaunged her countenaunce, but with smiling cheere she 
uttered thes wordes, ' that she never had such groomes to 
make her unready, and that she never put off her clothes 
before such a company.' 

Then She. being stripped of all her apparell saving her 
peticote and kittle, her two women beholding her made 
great lamentacion, and crying and crossing themselves 
prayed in Latin ; She, turning herselfe to them, imbrasinge 
them, said thes wordes in French, ' Ne eric vous,j'ay prome 
pour vous,' and so crossing and kissing them, bad them 
pray for her and rejoyce and not weepe, for that now they 
should see an ende of all their Mistris troubles. 

Then She, with a smiling countenaunce, turning to her 
men servauntes, as Melvin and the rest, standing upon a 
bench nigh the Scaffold, who sometyme weeping sometyme 
crying out alowde, and continually crossing themselves, 
prayed in Latin, crossing them with her hand bad them 
farewell; and wishing them to pray for her even untill the 
last howre. 

This donn, one of the women having a Corpus Christi 
cloth lapped up three-corner- wayes, kissing it, put it over 
the Q. of Sc. face, and pinned it fast to the caule of her 
head. Then the two women departed from her, and she 
kneeling downe upon the cusshion most resolutely, and with- 
out any token or feare of death, she spake alowde this 
Psalme in Latin, ' /// te Do/nine confido, non confundar in 
etemam] &c. . . . Then lying upon the blocke most 

N 



The attire of 
tin ise exe- 
cuted \\ as the 
perquisite oi 
the execu- 
tioners. 



She was clad 
in a brow n 
velvet skirt 
and black 
satin bodice 
with long 
sleeves. 



178 



Foreign Foes 



quietly and stretching out her amies cryed, l In manus tuas, 
Domine, 1 etc. three or fovvre times. . . . 

Official Narrative of the Execution sent to the Court. H. Ellis, 
Original Letters (London. 1827). Scries II. Vol. Ill, 113-117. 



The follow- 

addressed to 
Sir Frari( is 
Walsyngham 
(1530?- 
1590), one of 
the greatest 
oi tin- Eliza- 
bethan states- 
men, and at 
tin.' time oi 
tin' Armada 
principal 
Sea etai \ 1 't 
State. -The 
first and 
fourth of 
these letters 
are by 

es, 
I j ird 1 1 
ard of Effing- 
ham and 
Lord High 
Admiral 
urn I'M Eliza- 
beth. He 

ed i" 
a Cathi 
family, fa- 
mous in Eng- 
lish history 
of the six- 
teenth cen- 
tury. See 
No. 51. 

HOW ard w as 
blamed t< ir 
this. Later 
Raleigh 



59. The Fight with the Armada (1588) 

Howard to Walsyngham 

Sir: — I will not trouble you with any long letter; we 
are at this present otherwise occupied than with writing. 
Upon Friday, at Plymouth,] received intelligence that there 
were a great number of ships descried off of the Lizard; 
whereupon, although the wind was very scant, we first warped 
out of harbour that night, and upon Saturday turned out 
very hardly, the wind being at South-West ; and about 
three of the clock in the afternoon, descried the Spanish 
fleet, and did what we could to work for the wind, which 
[by this] morning we had recovered, descrying their f[leet 
to] consist of 1 20 sail, whereof there are 4 g[alleasses] and 
many ships of great burden. 

At nine of the [clock] we gave them fight, which continued 
until one. [In this fight] we made some of them to bear 
room to stop their leaks ; notwithstanding we durst not 
adventure to put in among them, their fleet being so strong. 
But there shall be nothing either neglected or unhazarded, 
that may work their overthrow. 

Sir, the captains in her Majesty's ships have behaved 
themselves most bravely and like men hitherto, and I doubt 
not will continue, to their great commendation. And so, 
recommending our good success to your godly prayers, 



Fight with the Armada 179 



I bid you heartily farewell. From aboard the Ark, thwart 
of Plymouth, the 21st of July, 1588. 

Your very loving friend, 

C. Howard. 

Sir, the southerly wind that brought us back from the 
coast of Spain brought them out. God blessed us with 
turning us back. Sir, for the love of God and our country, 
let us have with some speed some great shot sent us of all 
bigness ; for this service will continue long ; and some 
powder with it. 

Drake to Walsyngham 

Right Honourable : — This bearer came aboard the ship I 
was in in a wonderful good time, and brought with him as 
good knowledge as we could wish. His carefulness therein 
is worthy recompense, for that God has given us so good a 
day in forcing the enemy so far to leeward as I hope in God 
the Prince of Parma and the Duke of Sidonia shall not 
shake hands this tew days ; and whensoever they shall meet, 
I believe neither of them will greatly rejoice of this day's 
service. The town of Calais hath seen some part thereof, 
whose Mayor her Majesty is beholden unto. Business com- 
mands me to end. God bless her majesty, our gracious 
Sovereign, and give us all grace to live in his fear. 1 assure 
your Honour this day's service hath much appalled the 
enemy, and no doubt but encouraged our army. From 
aboard her Majesty's good ship the Revenge, this 29th of 
July, 1588. 

Your Honour's most ready to be commanded, 

Fra. Drake. 

There must be great care taken to send us munition and 
victual whithersoever the enemy goeth. 

Yours, Fra. Drake. 



wrote, " The 
Spaniards 
had an army 
aboard them, 
and he had 
none ; they 
had more 
ships than he 
had, anil of 
higher build- 
ing and 
charging; so 
thai had he 
entangled 
himself with 
these great 
and powerful 
vessels, he 
had greatly 
endangered 
this kingdom 
<>t England." 

Irk, 

800 tons, 
w as the 
flagship. 

By Sir 
Francis 

I )R IKE, 

lie nn 1540 ? 
died in 
West Indies 
in 1596. 
Must active 
and brilliant 

the 
I Elizabethan 
seamen. At 
this time he 

miral. — See 
I 1 orbett, 
Drake and 
the Tudor 
Navy. 

Thi' 1'rince 
of Parma was 
m ci immand 

of the Span- 
ish land 
forces 
and at the 

head of the 

I \]M'- 

dition. 



8o 



Foreign Foes 



The Duke of 
Medina-Si- 
donia was in 
command i if 
the Armada. 
Hi was of 
high birth 
and noble 
eh, 11 acter, but 
utterly igno- 
rant ' ii naval 
affairs. 

The Revenge 
tptured 
by the Span- 
iards in 1591, 
the only ship 
during 
the w 

1 strike 
her colours 
tn the enemy. 
" l ■., ship, 
E ir thi 

of [5 hours, 
sate like a 

ngst 
Hounds, at 

iy, and 
was sieged 
and fought 
with, in turne, 
by 15 great 
ships of 
Spaine." 
Francis 

Bj Sir fOHN 

1 [AWICS NS, 
who died off 

1 Rico 
He 
was on 

isl dar- 
: the sea 
mt was 
charged with 
unscrupulous 
dialings 
even toward 
his friends 
in his greed 
for gain. 



Hawkyns to Walsyngham 

My bounden duty humbly remembered unto your good 
Lordship : — I have not busied myself to write often to your 
Lordship in this great cause, for that my Lord Admiral doth 
continually advertise the manner of all things that doth 
pass. So do others that understand the state of all things 
as well as myself. We met with this fleet somewhat to the 
westward of Plymouth upon Sunday in the morning, being 
the 21st of July, where we had some small fight with them 
in the afternoon. By the coming aboard one of the other 
of the Spaniards, a great ship, a Biscayan, spent her fore- 
mast and bowsprit ; which was left by the fleet in the sea, 
and so taken up by Sir Francis Drake the next morning. 
The same Sunday there was, by a fire chancing by a barrel 
of powder, a great Biscayan spoiled and abandoned, which 
my Lord took up and sent away. 

The Tuesday following, athwart of Portland, we had a 
sharp and long fight with them, wherein we spent a great 
pari of our powder and shot, so as it was not thought good 
to deal with them any more till that was relieved. 

The Thursday following, by the occasion of the scattering 
of one of the great ships from the fleet, which we hoped to 
have cut off, there grew a hot fray, wherein some store of 
powder was spent ; and after that, little done till we came 
near to Calais, where the fleet of Spain anchored, and our 
fleet by them ; and because they should not be in peace 
there, to refresh their water or to have conference with 
those of the Duke of Parma's party, my Lord Admiral, with 
firing of ships, determined to remove them ; as he did, and 
put them to the seas ; in which broil the chief galleass 
spoiled her rudder, and so rode ashore near the town of 
Calais, where site was possessed of our men, but so aground 
as she could not be brought away. 

That morning, being Monday, the 29th of July, we fol- 



Fight with the Armada 1 8 1 



lowed the Spaniards ; and all that day had with them a 
long and great fight, wherein there was- great valour showed 
generally of our company. In this battle there was spent 
very much of our powder and shot ; and so the wind began 
to blow westerly, a fresh gale, and the Spaniards put them- 
selves somewhat the northward, where we follow and keep 
company with them. In this fight there was some hurt 
done among the Spaniards. A great ship of the galleons of 
Portugal, her rudder spoiled, and so the fleet left her in the 
sea. I doubt not but all these things are written more at 
large to your Lordship than I can do ; but this is the sub- 
stance and material matter that hath passed. 

Our ships, God be thanked, have received little hurt, and 
are of great force to accompany them, and of such advan- 
tage that with some continuance at the seas, and sufficiently 
provided of shot and powder, we shall be able, with God's 
favour, to weary them out of the sea and confound them. 
Yet, as I gather certainly, there are amongst them 50 forci- 
ble and invincible ships which consist of those that follow, 
viz. : — 

Nine galleons of Portugal of 800 ton apiece, saving two 
of them are but 400 ton apiece. 

Twenty great Venetians and argosies of the seas within 
the Strait, of 800 apiece. 

One ship of the Duke of Florence of 800 ton. 

Twenty great Biscayans of 500 or 600 ton. 

Four galleasses, whereof one is in France. 

There are 30 hulks, and 30 other small ships, whereof 
little account is to be made. . . . 

At their departing from Lisbon, the soldiers were twenty 
thousand, the mariners and others eight thousand ; so as, 
in all, they were twenty-eight thousand men. Their com- 
mission was to confer with the Prince of Parma, as I learn, 
and then to proceed to the service that should be there 
concluded ; and so the Uuke to return into Spain with 



He has the 
bad fame of 
being one of 
the first 
Englishmen 
to engage in 
the slave 
trade. 
time of tin ■ 
Armada he 
was rear- 
admiral. 

" On that 
Monday, the 
29th of July, 
was fought 
the great 

\hich, 
more dis- 
tinctly, per- 
haps, than 
any battle of 
modern 
times, has 
moulded the 
history i >t 
Europe, the 
battle which 
curbed the 
gigantic 

r of 
Spain, which 
shattered the 
Spanish pres- 

nd es- 
tablished the 
basis of 
England's 
empire." 
Laughton. 

in : a 
high-built 
Ship ol war ; 
also used 
by Spain in 
the Amei 1- 
can trade. 
Galliass : a 
low-built 
ship, often 
used in war. 



1 82 Foreign Foes 



these ships and mariners, the soldiers and their furniture 
being left behind. Now this fleet is here, and very forcible, 
and must be waited upon with all our force, which is little 
enough. There would be an infinite quantity of powder 
and shot provided, and continually sent abroad ; without 
the which great hazard may grow to our country ; for this 
is the greatest and strongest combination, to my under- 
standing, that ever was gathered in Christendom ; therefore 
I wish it, of all hands, to be mightily and diligently looked 
unto and cared for. 

. . . And so praying to God for a happy deliverance 
from tin- malicious and dangerous practice of our enemies, 
I humbly take my leave, from the sea, aboard the Victory, 
the last of July, 1588. 

The Spaniards take their course for Scotland ; my Lord 
doth follow them. I doubt not, with God's favour, but we 
shall impeach their finding. There must be order for 
victual and money, powder and shot, to be sent after us. 
Your Lordship's humbly to command, 

John Hawkyns. 

This is the copy of the letter I sent to my Lord Treas- 
urer, whereby I shall not need to write to your Honour. 
Help us with furniture, and, with (loci's favour, we shall 
confound their devices. 

Your Honour's ever bounden, 

John Hawkyns. 

I pray your Honour bear with this, for it is done in haste 
and bad weather. 

J.H. 

Howard to Walsyngham 

Sir : — I did write yesterday by my Lord of Cumberland, 
to her Majesty, to my Lord Treasurer, and to you, being 
athwart of Harwich, a- seaboard 10 leagues. My Lord bare 



Fight with the Armada 183 



with a pinnace into Harwich ; I bare with some of the ships 
into Margate road; where the rest be gone I do not know, 
for we had a most violent storm as ever was seen at this 
time of the year, that put us asunder athwart of Norfolk, 
amongst many ill-favoured sands ; but I trust they do all 
well, and I hope I shall hear of them this night or to-morrow. 

I pray to God we may hear of victuals, for we are gen- 
erally in great want ; and also that I may know how the 
coast ships of the west shall be victualled ; and also that 
order be taken for the victualling and for munition for 
the ships of London. I know not what you think of it at 
the Court, but I do think, and so doth all here, that there 
cannot be too great forces maintained yet for five or six 
weeks, on the seas ; for although we have put the Spanish 
fleet past the Frith, and I think past the Isles, yet God 
knoweth whether they go either to the Nase of Norway or 
into Denmark or to the Isles of Orkney to refresh them- 
selves, and so return ; for I think they dare not return with 
this dishonour and shame to their King, and overthrow of 
their Pope's credit. Sir, sure bind, sure find. A kingdom 
is a great wager. Sir, you know security is dangerous ; and 
God had not been our best friend, we should have found it 
so. Some made little account of the Spanish force by sea; 
but I do warrant you, all the world never saw such a force 
as theirs was ; and some Spaniards that we have taken, that 
were in the fight at Lepanto, do say that the worst of our 
four fights that we have had with them did exceed far the 
fight they had there ; and they say that at some of our 
fights we had 20 times as much great shot there plied as 
they had there. Sir, I pray to God that we may be all 
thankful to God for it ; and that it may be done by some 
order, that the world may know we are thankful to him 
for it. 

Sir, I pray you let me hear what the Duke of Parma doth, 
with some speed ; and where his forces by sea are. 



In spite of 
the constant 
reference to 
the need of 
provisions 
and powder 
and shot, it 
seems cer- 
tain that the 
government 
showed 

neither parsi- 
mony nor 
carelessness. 
The shortage 
was due ap- 
parently to 
an imper- 
fectly devel- 
oped com- 
missariat. 



Battle with 
the Turks, 
1571. 



Sunday, No- 
vember 24th, 
was ap- 
pointed as a 
day of 
thanksgiving. 



i8 4 



Foreign Foes 



Sir Edward 
Stafford, 
Ambassador 
at Paris. 

Formerly 
Spanish Am- 
bassador in 
London, and 
at this time 
Ambassador 
at Paris. 



Sir, in your next letters to my brother Stafford, I pray 
write to him that he will let Mendoza know that her Maj- 
esty's rotten ships dare meet with his master's sound ships ; 
and in buffeting with them, though they were three great 
ships to one of us, yet we have shortened them 16 to 17 ; 
whereof there is three of them a-fishing in the bottom of 
the seas. God be thanked of all. . . . 

Sir, being in haste and much occupied, I bid you most 
heartily farewell. Margate road, the 8th of August. 
Your most assured loving friend, 

C. Howard. 

Sir, if I hear nothing of my victuals and munition this 
night here, I will gallop to Dover to see what may be [got] 
there, or else we shall starve. 

State Papers relating to tin- Defeat of tin- Spanish Armada 
(edited by J. K. Laughton, London, 1894), ccxii, 80; ccx, 
Hi, 65, 71 ; ccxiv, 50. 



By Fkan- 
CESO 1 SO- 
K VNZO, 

\ enetian 

^idor 

in Spain, 

Philip 1 1 was 
boi n in 1527, 
and at the 
age of twenty- 
nine, on the 
abdic ition of 
his father, the 
Emperor 
Charles V, he 
became the 
most power- 
ful monarch 
in the world. 
I'"]' more 
than forty 

lie bore 



60. Philip II of Spain (1598) 

The King is dead. Mis Majesty expired at the Escurial 
this morning at daybreak, after having received all the 
sacraments of the church with every sign of devoutness, 
piety, and religion. 

Although change is usually popular, yet nobles and people, 
rich and poor, universally show great grief. 

His Majesty lived seventy-one years, three months, and 
twentv-four days ; he reigned forty-two years, ten months and 
sixteen days. He was a Prince who fought with gold rather 
than with steel, by his brain rather than by his arms. He 
has acquired more by sitting still, by negotiation, by diplo- 
macy, than his father did by armies and by war. He was one 
of the richest Princes the world has ever seen, yet he has 



Philip II of Spain 185 



left the revenues of the kingdom and Crown burdened with 
about a million of debts. He owes to his good fortune 
rather than to the terror of his name the important kingdom 
of Portugal, with all its territories and treasure ; on the 
other hand, he has lost Flanders. In Africa he has gained 
Pignon, but lost Goletta. Profoundly religious, he loved 
peace and quiet. He displayed great calmness, and pro- 
fessed himself unmoved in good or bad fortune alike. He 
had vast schemes in his head, witness his simultaneous 
attack on England and on France, while assisting his son- 
in-law to acquire Saluzzo, while attempting to expel the 
French from Italy, while facing the revolution in Flanders. 

On great occasions, in the conduct of wars, in feeding 
the civil war in France, in the magnificence of his buildings, 
he never counted the cost ; he was no close reckoner, but 
lavished his gold without a thought ; but in small matters, 
in the government of his household, in his presents and 
rewards, he was more parsimonious than became his station. 
He sought aggrandisement for his kingdom at the expense 
of others ; yet he did not hesitate to dismember his kingdom 
by ceding Siena to the Grand Duke, Piacenza to the Duke 
of Parma, Flanders and Burgundy to his daughter. He 
held his desires in absolute control and showed an immut- 
able and unalterable temper. He has feigned injuries, and 
feigned not to feel injuries, but he never lost the oppor- 
tunity to avenge them. He hated vanity, and therefore 
never allowed his life to be written. No one ever saw him 
in a rage, being always patient, phlegmatic, temperate, 
melancholy. In short, he has left a glorious memory of his 
royal name, which may serve as an example not only unto 
his posterity and his successors, but unto strangers as 
well. . . . Madrid, 13th September 1598. 

Francesco Soranzo, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the Doge 
and Senate {Calendar of State Papers. Venetian, 1 592-1603, 
No. 737, London, 1897). 



the burden of 
the Spanish 
empire. 
With infinite 
patience and 
labour he 
strove to gain 
the ends he 
had in view, 
and when his 
long reign 
1 ame to a 
close in 1598, 
he had 
" nearly 
ruined Spain, 
but his dream 
of centralisa- 
tion of au- 
thority and 
uniformity of 
faitli had 
been real- 
ised." — 
I in Philip, 
see Martin 
Hume, 
Philip II. 

Portugal was 
conquered 
and annexed 
bj Spain in 
1580. 



Anony- 
mous. From 
the Hook of 
Hoivth, a his- 
tory of Ire- 
land by 
various 
writers, pre- 
served in the 
manuscripts 
collection of 
Sir ( .rorge 
Carew 

(fl62Q), who 
was active in 
public ser- 
vice in Ire- 
land and 
England 
during the 
reigns of 
Elizabeth 
and |ames I. 

Although the 
Irish w ere 
nominally 
conquered in 
the twelfth 
century (see 
No. 22), yet 
England ex- 
ercised little 
real author- 
ity 1 >ver the 
country 
before the 
Tudor 

period. The 
usual plan 
w.i 1 1 > ap- 
point an 
English vice- 
roy, who 
never visited 
Ireland, and 
to give the 
work of gov- 
ernment to a 
deputy 
chosen from 
the Norman- 
Irish nobles. 
In the reigns 
of Edward 
IV and 



CHAPTER X 



IN THE DAYS OF THE 
TUDORS 



61. Henry VII and the Earl of Kildare 

AFTER this, a Deputy was sent over from the King, 
which required the Earl that he would let the Bishop 
at large ; which did. After the Earl had his pardon, and 
came to Doublinge, where he was taken in the evening, and 
sent forthwith in a bark that then was at Dublinge, in a 
readiness, and so sent to England, and brought to the King 
to answer to such things that was laid to his charge. Amongst 
all other, the Bishop of Methe being there, did charge the 
Earl with sundry matters of great importance, to which 
matters the Earl could not make answer, but stayed his 
tongue awhile, and said he was not learned to make answers 
in such weighty matters, nor at that time was he not well 
advised to them ; for he said that the Bishop was learned, 
and so was not he, and those matters was long agone out of 
his mind, though he had done them, and so forgotten. 

The King answered, and bade him choose a counsellor 
whom he would have in England, and he should have him, 
and also a time to be advised. " If you will so do," said 
the Earl, " I shall make answer to-morrow, but I doubt I 
should not have that good fellow that I would choose." 
Said the King, " By my truth thou shalt." " Give me your 
hand," said the Earl. " Here is my hand," said the King. 

The truth was, this Earl was but half an innocent man 
without great knowledge or learning, but rudely brought up 
according the usage of his country, and was a man of no 
great wit, which the King well perceived, and did but jest 

186 



H 



enry 



VII 



187 



at his demeanour and doings at court ; for oft in his talk he 
thou'd the King and the rest of his council, which they took 
in good part. 

" Well," said the King, " when will you choose your coun- 
sellor? " Said the Bishop, " Never, if it be put to his choice." 
"Thou liest brallaghe, bald bishop," said the Earl; . . . 
With that the King and the lords laughed, and made game 
thereat, and asked the Earl if he said true. "By your 
hand," said he to the King, and took the King by the hand, 
"there is not in London a better mutton master or butcher 
than yonder shorn priest is. I know him well enough," said 
the Earl. " Well," said the King, " we shall talk of these 
matters another time." " I am content," said the Earl, " for 
I have 3 tales to tell thee of him, and I dare say it will make 
you all laugh that is here. If you tarry a while I shall tell 
you a good tale of this vicious prelate." The King and 
the Lords could not hold the laughter, but the Earl never 
changed countenance, but told this tale as though he were 
among his fellows in his country. 

" Well," said the King, " it is best for you to choose well 
your counsellor, and be well advised whom you will choose, 
for I perceive that your counsellor, shall have enough to do 
in your cause, for anything that I perceive you can do." 
"Shall I choose now?" said the Earl. "If you think 
good," said the King. " Well, I can see no better man than 
you, and by Saint Bride ! I will choose none other." " Well," 
said the King ; " by Saint Bride ! it was well requisite for 
you to choose so, for I thought your tale could not well 
excuse your doings unless you had well chosen." " Do you 
think that I am a fool ? " said the Earl ; " No ! " said he, " I 
am a man in deed both in the field and in the town." 

The King laughed, and made sport, and said, " A wiser 
man might have chosen worse." " Well," said the Bishop, 
" he is as you see, for all Ireland cannot rule yonder gentle- 
man." "No?" said the King, "then he is meet to rule all 



Richard III, 
the Earl of 
Kildare.head 
of the Fitz- 
Geralds, 
rilled this 
office. Like 
the Irish 
generally, he 
gave his sup- 
port to the 
Yorkist side, 
and espoused 
the cause of 
the pretender 
Simnel. In 
1492, after 
repealed re- 
fusals to obey 
the king's 
summons, he 

ized 
and brought 
to England 
to answer to 
the charges 
of disloyalty 
and law 
ness. His 
principal 
accuser was 
the Bishop 1 li 
Meath, w hom 
he had at- 
tai ked vio- 
lently in a 
church. 

This is not 
quite accu- 
rate. Kil- 
dafe was 
confined in 
the Tower, 
while Henry 
strove to 
govern 
Ireland 
directly 
through his 
own English 
agents. 
Finally, in 
1496, the 
kini; became 
convinced 
that Kildare 



i88 



Days of the Tudors 



alone could 
keep order 
among his 
kinsmen, the 
powerful and 
lawless 
< Jeraldines. 
Accordingly, 
the Earl was 
taken from 
the Tower 
and made 
Lord Deputy, 
which i iffice 
he held into 
the next 
reign. 



B) Sir 
THOM \s 

More (1478- 
1535). states- 
man and 
scholar, and 
perhaps the 
best-know n 

and best- 
loved man of 
his time. 

See V IS. 

45 and 47. 
The follow- 
ing extract is 
from the 
Utopia, the 
most famous 

Of Mi ire's 
writings, and 
the work in 
which he . 
treated of the 
great prob- 
lems of the 
modern 
world. For 
the concep- 
tion of the 
book More 
was probably 
indebted to 
the Letters of 
Amerigo 
Vespucci. It 
consists of 
two parts. 



Ireland, seeing all Ireland cannot rule him ; " and so made 
the Earl Deputy of Ireland during his life, and so sent him 
to his country with great gifts, and so the Earl came to 
Ireland. . . . 

Book of Howth {Calendar of the Carew Mss., 1515-1574, 179, 
180, London, 1871). 



62. Sheep Walks in the Reign of Henry 

VIII 

' " But yet this is not onlye the necessary cause of steal- 
ing. There is an other which as I suppose is proper and 
peculiare to yow Englishe men alone." "What is that?" 
quod the Cardenall. "Forsoth" (quod I), "your shepe, 
that were wont to be so myke and tame, and so smal eaters, 
now, as I heare saie, be become so greate deuowerers, and 
so wylde, that they eate vp and swallow down the very men 
them selk's. They consume, destroy, and deuoure hole 
fieldes, houses, and cities. For looke in what partes of the 
realme doth growe the fynyst, and therfore dearist woll, there 
noble men and gentlemen, yea, and certeyn Abbottes, holy 
men god wote, not contenting them selfes with the yearely 
reuennues and profvttes that were wont to grow to theyr 
forefathers and predecessours of their landes, nor beynge 
content that they hue in rest and pleasure, nothyng profyt- 
yng, ye, muche noyinge the weale publique, leaue no grounde 
for tyllage ; they enclose all in pastures ; they throw downe 
houses ; they plucke downe townes ; and leaue nothing 
stondynge but only the churche, to make of it a shepehowse. 
And, as thoughe yow loste no small quantity of grounde by 
forestes, chases, laundes, and parkes ; those good holy men 
turne all dwellinge places and glebe lande into desolation 
and wild ernes. 



Sheep Walks 189 



'" Therfore, that one couetous and vnsatiable cormaraunte Part I gives 
and verye plage of his natyue contrey may compasse abowte review of 31 
and inclose many thousand acres of grounde to gether within existing con- 
one pale or hedge, the husbandmen be thrust owte of their In Part'n ' 
owne ; orels other by coueyne or fraude, or by vyolent op- Mo f e s P oke 
pression, they be put besydes it, or by wronges and iniuries mote future 
they be so weried that they be compelled to sell all. By anktSf h °' 
one meanes therfore or by other, other by howke or crooke, community 
they must nedes departe awaye, pore, sylie, wretched soules ; in Utopia ox 

men, women, husbandes, wyues, fatherles chyldren, wid- ^ owhere - 
' J ' j > More « rote 

dowes, wofull mothers with their yonge babes, and their his great 
hole housholde smal in substaunce, and much in nombre, Latin/pub- 
as husbandrie requireth many handes. Awaye they trudge, lismn S h in 
I say, out of their knowen and accustomed howses, fyndyng 1551'an Eng- 
no places to rest in. All their housholde stuffe, which is Sbjfeitoh 
verye lytle worth, though it myght well abyde the sale, yet Robynson 
beyng sodeynelye thrust out, they be constrained to sell it 
for a thyng of nought. And when they haue, wanderynge 
about, sone spent that, what can they els do but steale, and 
then iustelye, God wote, behanged, or els go about a beg- 
gyng? And yet then also they be cast in prison as vaga- 
boundes, because they go about and worke not ; whom no 
man will set a worke, though they neuer so willingly offer 
them selfes therto. For one shepherde or heard man is 
ynough to eate vp that grounde with cattel, to the occupy- 
ing whereof about husbandrye many handes were requysvte. 
'"And this is also the cause that victualles be nowe in 
many places dearer. Yea, besydes this the pryce of wolle 
is so rysen that poore folkes, whiche were wont to worke it 
and make cloth of it, be nowe able to bye none at all. And 
by thys meanes verye manye be fayne to forsake worke, and 
to gyue them selfes to ydelnes. For after that so muche 
grounde was inclosed for pasture, an infinite multitude of 
shepe died of the rotte, suche vengaunce God toke of their 
inordinate and vnsaciable couetuousnes, sendyng amonge 



190 Days of the Tudors 

the shepe that pestiferous morreyn, which much more 
iustely should haue fallen on the shepe-masters owne 
heades. And though the numbre of shepe increase neuer 
so fast, yet the pryce falleth not one myte, because there be 
so fewe sellers. For they be almoste all commen into a 
fewe riche mens handes, whome no neade driueth to sell 
before they lust ; and they luste not before they may sell as 
deare as they lust. Now the same cause bryngeth in licke 
dearth of the other kindes of cattell ; yea, and that so much 
the more, bycause that after farmes pluckyd downe, and 
husbandry decayed, ther is no man that passyth for the 
breadyng of yonge stoore. For thees ryche men brynge 
not vp the yonge ones of greate cattell as they do lambes. 
But first they bye them abrode very chepe, and aftenvarde, 
when they be fattede in their pastures, they sell them agayne 
excedyng deare. And therfor (as I suppose) the hole in- 
commoditie herof is not yet felte. For yet they make dearth 
only in those places where they sell. But when they shall 
fetche them awaye from thens wheare they be bredde, faster 
then they can be brought vp, then shall there also be felte 
great dearth, when stoore begynnyth to fayle their whear 
the ware ys bought." 

Sir Thomas More. Utopia (Robynson's translation, edited by 
J. II. Lupton, Oxford, 1895), Part I, 51-56. 



The sixteenth 
century was 
marked by 
great and 
widespread 
suffering 
anion? the 



63. A Law against the Keeping of Sheep 
(J534) 



Forasmuch as divers and sundry persons of the King's 
people. Con- subjects of this realm, to whom God of his goodness hath 

temporary 
writings of 
every sort 



disposed great plenty and abundance of moveable sub- 
stance, now of late within a few years have daily studied, 



The Kee 



ping 



o 



f SI 



leep 191 



practised, and invented ways and means how they might 
accumulate and gather together into few hands, as well 
great multitude of farms as great plenty of cattle, and in 
especial sheep, putting such lands as they can get to pas- 
ture, and not to tillage, (2) whereby they have not only 
pulled down churches and towns, and inhanced the old 
rates of the rents of the possessions of this realm, or else 
brought it to such excessive fines that no poor man is able 
to meddle with it, but also have raised and enhanced the 
prices of all manner of corn, cattle, wool, pigs, geese, hens, 
chickens, eggs, and such other, almost double above the prices 
which have been accustomed ; (3) by reason whereof a 
marvellous multitude and number of the people of this 
realm be not able to provide meat, drink and clothes neces- 
sary for themselves, their wives and children, but be so 
discouraged with misery and poverty, that they fall daily to 
theft, robbery and other inconveniences, or pitifully die for 
hunger and cold; (4) and as it is thou-ht by the King's 
most humble and loving subjects, that one of the greatest 
occasions that moveth and provoketh those greedy and 
covetous people so to accumulate and kee]) in their hands 
such great portions and parts of the grounds and lands of this 
realm from the occupying of the poor husbandmen, and so 
to use it in pasture, and not tillage, is only the great profit 
that cometh of sheep, which now be come to a few persons 
hands of this realm, in respect of the whole number of the 
King's subjects, that some have four and twenty thousand, 
some twenty thousand, some ten thousand, some six thou- 
sand, some five thousand, and some more, and some less ; 
(5) by the which a good sheep for victual, that was accus- 
tomed to be sold for two shillings four-pence, or three 
shillings at the most, is now sold for six shillings, or five shil- 
lings, or four shillings at the least ; (6) and a stone of 
clothing wool, that in some shires of this realm was accus- 
tomed to be sold for eighteen-pence or twenty-pence, is 



bear strong 
testimony to 
this. Parlia- 
mentary 
statutes, ser- 
mons, popu- 
lar ballads, 
all tell the 

lory. 
I udor Eng- 
land was still 
an agricul- 
tural country, 
and the bulk 
of the popu- 
lation was 
directly de- 
pendent 
upon the soil 
tni support. 
But the 
money-get- 
ting spirit 
was strong, 
and land- 
lords saw 
tlu-ir profit in 

grow- 
ing, and as a 
result com- 
mons were 
enclosed, 
and land was 
turned from 
to 

1 age. 
N umerous 
si itutes tes- 
tily to the 
interest of the 
government, 
but laws had 
apparently 
little efl 
Parliament 
was still 
legislating on 

! ject at 
the close of 
the century, 
and a con- 
temporary 
epigram 
speaks of the 
way in which 
sheep " swal- 



192 Days of the Tudors 



low down 
our statutes 
and our iron 
lawes." — 
On social 
conditions, 
see E. P. 
< Iheyney, 
Social 
Changes in 
the Sixteenth 
Century. 



now sold for four shillings, or three shillings four-pence at 
the least ; and in some countries where it hath been sold 
for two shillings four-pence, or two shillings eight-pence, 
or three shillings at the most, it is now sold for five shil- 
lings, or four shillings eight-pence the least, and so are 
raised in every part of this realm; (7) which things, thus 
used, be principally to the high displeasure of Almighty 
God, to the decay of the hospitality of this realm, to the 
diminishing of the King's people, and to the let of the cloth- 
making, whereby many poor people have been accustomed 
to be set on work ; and in conclusion, if remedy be not 
found, it may turn to the utter destruction and desolation 
of this realm, which God defend; (8) it may therefore 
please the King's highness, of his most gracious and godly 
disposition, and the lords spiritual and temporal, of their 
goodness and charity, with the assent of the commons, in 
this present parliament assembled, to ordain and enact by the 
authority of the same, That no person or persons from 
the feast of Saint Michael the archangel, which shall be in 
the year of our Lord God 1535, shall keep, occupy or have 
in his possession, in his own proper lands, nor in the pos- 
session, lands nor grounds of any other which he shall have 
or occupy in farm, nor otherwise have of his own proper 
cattle, in use, possession or property, by any manner of 
means, fraud, craft or covin, above the number of two 
thousand sheep at one time, within any part of this realm, 
of all sorts and kinds, (9) upon pain to lose and forfeit for 
every sheep that any person or persons shall have or keep 
above the number limited by this act, iii. s. iv. d. the one 
half to the King our sovereign lord, and the other half to 
such person as will sue for the same. . . . 



25 H. VIII, c. 13. Statutes at Large (Cambridge, 1763), IV, 273, 
274. 



School Boys 



J 93 



64. A Prayer for Landlords 

The earth is thine, (O Lord), and all that is contained 
therein ; notwithstanding thou hast given the possession 
thereof unto the children of men, to pass over the time of 
their short pilgrimage in this vale of misery : We heartily 
pray thee, to send thy holy Spirit into the hearts of them 
that possess the grounds, pastures, and dwelling places of 
the earth, that they, remembering themselves to be thy ten- 
ants, may not rack and stretch out the rents of their houses 
and lands, nor yet take unreasonable fines and incomes 
after the manner of covetous worldlings, but so let them out 
to other, that the inhabitants thereof may both be able to 
pay the rents, and also honestly to live, to nourish their 
families, and to relieve the poor : give them grace also to 
consider, that they are but strangers and pilgrims in this 
world, having here no dwelling place, but seeking one to 
come ; that they, remembering the short continuance of 
their life, may be content with that that is sufficient, and 
not join house to house, nor couple land to land, to the 
impoverishment of other, but so behave themselves in let- 
ting out their tenements, lands, and pastures, that after 
this life they may be received into everlasting dwelling 
places : through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

The Primer ; or Book of Private Prayer, authorised by King 
Edward VI. (The Parker Society, 1844, 458.) 



About the 
middle of 
the sixteenth 
century 
social misery 
reached its 
height. Pop- 
ular indigna- 
tion was 
directed 
against the 
landlords 
whose greed 
was thought 
to be the 
cause of all 
the evil. 
Hugh Lati- 
mer, in a 
sermon 
preached at 
Paul's Cross 
in the pres- 
ence of Ed- 
ward VI, 
called them 
" rent reis- 
ers," " step- 
lordes." The 
government 
passed stat- 
utes ordering 
that enclos- 
ures should 
be pulled 
down. 
But preach- 
ing and legis- 
lation were 
alike fruit- 
less. 



65. Two Sixteenth Century School Boys 

This Sir Peter Carrewe was the younger son to Sir Will- 
iam Carrewe, knight, the son and heir to Sir Edmond 
Carrew, knight, and the last named baron of Carrewe, who 
was slain at the siege of Tyrwen with the shot of a gun in 
the fifth year of King Henry the VHIth, 15 13; and was 



By John 
Vowell, 
alias 

Hooker 
(15267-1601), 
a writer of 
some note in 
the sixteenth 
century. His 
most impor- 



i 9 4 



D 



a J 



IS 



of the Tudors 



tant work 
was done in 
connection 
with Holin- 
shed's Chron- 
icles. For a 
time he acled 
as solicitor to 
Sir Peter 
Carew, 
whose life he 
wrote. 

The Renais- 
sance bore 
fruit in a 
marked 
interest in 
education. 
Colet and 
Erasmus led 
in a move- 
ment for a 
wider range 
of studies 
and better 
methods. 
Wolsey, in 
founding 
Cardinal 
College, now 
Christ 

Church, Ox- 
ford, set an 
example 
which was 
widely fol- 
lowed, and 
by the middle 
of the cen- 
tury six col- 
leges and 
some eighty 
grammar 
schools had 
been estab- 
lished. The 
attainments 
of all the 
Tudors were 
remarkable, 
and the court 
gave the 
nation a high 
standard of 
scholarship. 



born at Mohonesotrey in the year of our Lord 1514 : This 
Peter in his primer years being very pert and forward, his 
father conceived a great hope of some good thing to 
come of him, and having then other sons, he thought best 
to employ this his youngest son in the schools, and so by 
means of learning to bring him to some advancement : 
wherefore he brought him, being about the age of twelve 
years, to Exeter to school, and lodged him with one Thomas 
Hunt, a draper and an alderman of that city, and did put him 
to school to one Freers, then master of the grammar school 
there : and whether it were that he was in fear of the said 
Freer, for he was counted to be a very hard and a cruel 
master, or whether it were for that he had no affection to 
his learning, true it is, he would never keep his school, but 
was a daily truant and always ranging, whereof the school- 
master misliking, did oftentimes complain unto the foresaid 
Thomas Hunt his host, upon which complaints so made the 
said Thomas would go and send abroad to seek out the 
said Peter : and among many times thus seeking him it 
happened that he found him about the walls of the said 
city, and he running to take him, the boy climbed up upon 
the top of one of the highest garrets of a turret of the said 
wall, and would not for any request come down, saying 
moreover to his host that if he did press too fast upon him, 
he would surely cast himself down headlong over the wall : 
and then saith he, " I shall break my neck, and thou shalt 
be hanged, because thou makest me to leap down." His 
host being afraid of the boy, departed and left some to 
watch him, and so to take him as soon as he came down : 
but forthwith he sent to Sir William Carrewe, and did adver- 
tise him of this and of sundry other shrewd parts of his son 
Peter : who, at his next coming then to Exeter, calling his 
son before him, tied him in a " lyem," and delivered him 
to one of his servants, to be carried about the town as one 
of his hounds, and led him home to Mohonesotrey like a 



School Boys 



*95 



dog : and after that he being come to Mohonesotreye, he 
coupled him to one of his hounds, and so continued him 
for a time. At length Sir William, minding to make some 
further proof of his son carried him to London, and there 
did put him to school unto the schoolmaster of Paul's, who 
being earnestly requested to have some care of this young 
gentleman, he did his good endeavour therein. Neverthe- 
less he, being more desirous of liberty than of learning, 
was desirous of the one and careless of the other : and do 
the schoolmaster what he could, he in no wise could frame 
this young Peter to smell to a book, or to like of any 
schooling. . . . 

John Vowell, alias Hooker, Life of Sir Peter Carew {Calendar 
of the Carew Mss, 1515-1574, lxvii, lxviii, London, 1867). 

After that it pleased your Maistershipp to give me in 
charge not onlie to give diligent attendaunce uppon Maister 
Gregory, but also to instructe hime with good lettres, 
honeste maners, pastymes of instrumentes, and suche other 
qualities as sholde be for hime mete and conveniente, 
pleasith it you to understande that for the accomplishement 
therof I have indevoured myself by all weys possible to invent 
and excogitate howe I might moste profett hime, in whiche 
bihalf thorowgh his diligence the successe is suche as I 
truste shalbe to your good contentation and pleasure, and 
his no smale profecte. But forcause somer was spente in the 
servyce of the wylde goddes it is so moche to be regarded after 
what fashion yeouth is educate and browght upp, in which 
tyme that that is lerned (for the moste parte) will nott all 
holelie be forgotten in the older yeres, I thinke it my dutie to 
asserteyne yo r Maistershippe how he spendith his tyme, so 
that if there be any thinge contrary your good pleasure, 
after advertisment receyved in that bihalf it may be 
amended. And firste, after he hath herde Masse he taketh a 
lecture of a Diologe of Erasmus Colloquium, called Pietas 



The youth of 
the upper 
and middle 
classes 
crowded the 
universities 
and schools, 
where they 
were sub- 
jected to 
exacting 
requirements 
and severe 
discipline. 

In spite of 
his father's 
efforts young 
Carew 
remained 
indifferent to 
learning. He 
was finally 
sent to Paris 
to make his 
fortune. 
After many 
hardships he 
returned to 
England and 
succeeded in 
gaining the 
favour of 
Henry VIII. 
He was pres- 
ent at the 
battle of 
Pavia, was 
one of those 
appointed to 
escort Anne 
of Cleves to 
England, 
and he did 
good service 
in the navy. 
He died, 
finally, in 
1575. in 
Ireland. 



The letter 
of the pre- 
ceptor of 
Cromwell's 



196 Days of the Tudors 

son was puerilis, whereinne is described a veray picture of oone 

abouTiw tnat sn °lde De vertuouselie brought upp, and forcause it is 
1,1 x 539 so necessary for hime I do not onelie cause him to rede it 

Gregory . 

Cromwell over, but also to practise the preceptes of the same, and I 

was made have also translated it into Englishe, so that he may con- 
Baron Crom- ° ' J 

well. He ferre theime both to githers, wherof (as lerned men affirme) 
I557 cometh no smalle profecte ; vvhiche translation pleasith it you 

to receyve by the bringer herof, that ye may judge hovve 
moche profitable it is to be lerned : after that, he exerciseth 
his hande in writing one or two houres, and redith uppon 
Fabian's Chronicle as longe ; the residue of the day he 
doth spende uppon the lute and virginalls. When he rideth 
(as he doth very ofte) I tell hime by the way some historie 
of the Romanes or the Greekes, whiche I cause him to 
reherse agayn in a tale. For his recreation he useth to 
hawke and hunte, and shote in his long bowe, which frameth 
and succeedeth so well with hime that he semeth to be 
therunto given by nature. My Lorde contineweth, or rather 
daily augmenteth his goodnes towardes hime. Also the 
gentle men of the country, as Sir John Dawne, Sir Henry 
Delves, M r . Massey, M r . Brereton baron of the Kinges 
Escheker there, and diverse other so gently hath interteigned 
hime that they seme to strive who shold shew hime moste 
pleasures ; of all whiche thinges I thowght it my dutie to 
asserteigne your good Maistershipp, most humblie desirenge 
the same to take in good parte this my rude boldnes. And 
thus I pray the Trinitie longe to preserve yo r good health 
with encrease of moche hono r . At Chester the vjth daie of 
Septembre. 

Your humble servaunte, 

Henry Dowes. 
To his moste worshipfull Maister 
Mr. Secretaire. 

Henry Dowes. Letter to Thomas Cromwell {Original Letters, 
edited by Sir Henry Ellis. Third Series, Vol. I, 343-345, 
London, 1 846) 



Reign of Queen Mary 



197 



66. England in the Reign of Queen Mary 

The air of England is thick, so it often generates clouds, 
wind, and rain, but in calm weather the climate is so tem- 
perate that the extremes of heat and cold are rarely felt, 
and never last long, so that persons clad in fur may be seen 
all the year round. They have some little plague in Eng- 
land well nigh every year, for which they are not accustomed 
to make sanitary provisions, as it does not usually make great 
progress ; the cases for the most part occur among the lower 
classes, as if their dissolute mode of life impaired their con- 
stitutions ; . . . 

The soil, especially in England proper, produces wheat, 
oats, and barley, in such plenty that they have usually 
enough for their own consumption, but were they to work 
more diligently, and with greater skill, and bring the soil 
into higher cultivation, England might supply grain for 
exportation, but they do not attend much to this, so that 
they sometimes need assistance both from Flanders and 
Denmark, and occasionally from France likewise. They 
grow no other sort of grain, and their only lentils are beans 
and peas. Although they have vines they do not make 
wine of any sort, the plant serving as an ornament for their 
gardens rather than anything else, as grapes do not ripen 
save in a very small quantity, partly because the sun has 
not much power, and partly because precisely at the ripen- 
ing season cold winds generally prevail, so that the grapes 
wither, but in lieu of wine they make beer, with wheat, 
barley, and hops, which [last?] they import from Flanders, 
boiling all the ingredients together in water, and making 
it stronger or weaker by adding more wheat and less barley, 
and producing a contrary result by reversing the process. 
This potion is most palatable to them, and all persons 
drink it, even their sovereigns, although they also consume 



By Giacomo 

SORANZO. 

See No. 50. 



Probably 
there were 
not a half 
dozen years 
during the 
reign of 
Henry VIII 
thai the 
plague did 
not visit 
London. 
" On an aver- 
age once in a 
generation, 
and during a 
period of 
three centu- 
ries — from 
the Black 
Death to the 
extinction of 
the plague in 
1666— the 
capital lost 
from a fourth 
1" a sixth of 
its popula- 
tion at one 
stroke in a 
single 
season." 
Creighton. 

During the 
sixteenth 
century agri- 
culture retro- 
graded as an 
ait. This 
was due 
largely to the 
dissolution of 
the religious 
houses, for 
the monks 



198 Days of the Tudors 



were pio- 
neers in agri- 
cultural 
advance. 
Toward the 
end of the 
century there 
was marked 
improve- 
ment in 
methods of 
farming, the 
result of the 
high price of 
provisions. 

An old dis- 
tich says of 
I5 2 5. "Tur- 
kies, hoppes 
reformation 
and beer 
Came into 
England all 
in one year." 



a great quantity of wine. . . . They have abundance of 
fish, both from the ocean and the Thames, of the same sort 
as is common in Venice, but they have also salmon, a fish 
not found in Italy. They have an immense quantity of 
oysters, so that occasionally as many as 20 smacks are seen 
filled with them, but during four months in the summer it is 
forbidden either to take or sell them. 

The country is almost all level, with few rivers and springs, 
and such hills as they have are not very high, and one 
advantage of the climate is that the grass remains green at 
all seasons, affording excellent pasturage for animals, espe- 
cially for sheep, of which there is an incredible number, 
supplying that wool which is in such universal repute under 
the name of " Frankish," the French having been the first 
to bring it into Italy. Great part of this wool is manufac- 
tured in England, where cloths and kerseys of various sorts 
are wrought, which amount annually to 150,000 pieces of 
cloths of all sorts, and 150,000 pieces of kersey, the rest of 
the wool being exported, and taken usually to Calais on 
account of the staplers, who then sell it on the spot, and 
have the monopoly of the wool exports from England, 
though occasionally export-permits are conceded by favour 
to other persons, though the staplers do their utmost to 
prevent it. The quantity of unwrought wool exported is 
said to amount to about 2000 tons [annually] ; they also 
export hides to the value of 500,000 ducats. In Cornwall 
they have lead and tin mines, from which they extract metal 
in great quantity, and of such good quality that the like is 
not to be found elsewhere. For some time they have not 
exported much lead because permits are refused, but they 
export annually from five to six thousand weight of un- 
wrought tin, and to the value of 100,000 ducats in the 
wrought metal, the greater part to Spain. 

In Derbyshire there are some iron mines, but in small 
quantity, but none of gold nor of silver. 



Reign of Queen Mary 199 

In the north towards Scotland they find a certain sort of 
earth well nigh mineral, and which burns like charcoal, and 
is extensively used, especially by blacksmiths, and but for a 
certain bad odour which it leaves it would be yet more 
employed, as it gives great heat and costs little. 

The principal cities of the kingdom are London and York, See j ohn 
but London is the most noble, both on account of its being Stow ' Survey 

• 1 t , 1 • n., of London. 

the royal residence, and because the river 1 names runs ' 
through it, very much to the convenience and profit of the 
inhabitants, as it ebbs and flows every six hours like the sea, 
scarcely ever causing inundation or any extraordinary floods ; 
and up to London Bridge it is navigable for ships of 400 
butts burden, of which a great plenty arrive with every sort 
of merchandise. This bridge connects the city with the 
borough, and is built of stone with twenty arches, and shops 
on both sides. On the banks of the river there are many 
large palaces, making a very fine show, but the city is much 
disfigured by the ruins of a multitude of churches and mon- 
asteries belonging heretofore to friars and nuns. It has a 
dense population, said to number 180,000 souls; and is 
beyond measure commercial, the merchants of the entire 
kingdom flocking thither, as, by a privilege conceded to the 
citizens of London, from them alone can they purchase 
merchandise, so they soon become very wealthy ; and the 
same privileges placed in their hands the government of the 
city of London, which is divided into 24 trades or crafts, 
each of which elects a certain individual, styled alderman, 
the election being made solely in the persons of those who 
are considered the most wealthy, and the office is for life ; 
the which aldermen, after assembling these trades, create 
annually a person as their head for the current year entitled 
Mayor, and they call him Lord, which signifies signer ; and 
he assumes the magistracy on the day of Saints Simon and 
Jude, on which day he goes to the court and swears alle- 
giance to the King, and then gives a banquet to the ambas- 



200 Days of the Tudors 

sadors and lords, and to the judges of the city and others, 
in such number, that in one and the same hall upwards of a 
thousand persons sit down to table, all being served at the 
same time with the most perfect order. . . . 

The English for the most part are of handsome stature 
and sound constitution, with red or white complexions, 
I.e. grey. their eyes also being white. According to their station they 

are all as well clad as any other nation whatever. The 
dress of the men resembles the Italian fashion, and that of 
the women the French. 

The nobility are by nature very courteous, especially to 
foreigners, who however are treated with very great arro- 
gance and enmity by the people, it seeming to them that 
the profit derived by the merchants from their country is 
so much taken from them, and they imagine that they could 
live without foreign intercourse. They are also by nature of 
little faith both towards their sovereigns and with each other, 
and are therefore very suspicious. The nobility, save such 
as are employed at Court, do not habitually reside in the 
cities, but in their own country mansions, where they keep 
up very grand establishments, both with regard to the great 
abundance of eatables consumed by them, as also by reason 
of their numerous attendants, in which they exceed all 
other nations, so that the Earl of Pembroke has upwards of 
iooo clad in his own livery. In these their country resi- 
dences they occupy themselves with hunting of every de- 
scription, and whatever else can amuse or divert them ; so 
that they seem wholly intent on leading a joyous existence, 
the women also being no less sociable than the men, it 
being customary for them and allowable to go without any 
regard either alone or accompanied by their husbands to 
the taverns, and to dine and sup where they please. 

The English do not delight much either in military pur- 
suits or literature, which last, most especially by the nobility, 
is not held in much account, and they have scarcely any 



Elizabethan Homes 201 

opportunity for occupying themselves with the former, save 
in time of war, and when that is ended they think no more 
about them, but in battle they show great courage and great 
presence of mind in danger, but they require to be largely 
supplied with victuals; so it is evident that they cannot 
endure much fatigue. . . . 

Report of England made to the Senate by Giacomo Soranzo, late 
Ambassador to Edward VI and Queen Mary {Calendar of 
State Papers, Venetian, 1534-1554, No. 934, London, 1873). 



67. Elizabethan Homes 

The greatest part of our building in the cities and good 
townes of England consisteth onelie of timber, for as yet 
few of the houses of the communaltie (except here & there 
in the West countrie townes) are made of stone, although 
they may (in my opinion) in diuerse other places be builded 
so good cheape of the one as of the other. In old time the 
houses of the Britons were slightlie set vp with a few posts 
& many radels, with stable and all offices vnder one roofe, 
the like whereof almost is to be seene in the fennie coun- 
tries and northerne parts vnto this daie, where for lacke of 
wood they are inforced to continue this ancient manner of 
building. . . . Certes this rude kind of building made the 
Spaniards in queene Maries daies to woonder, but cheeflie 
when they saw what large diet was vsed in manie of these 
so homelie cottages, in so much that one of no small reputa- 
tion amongst them said after this maner : " These English 
(quoth he) haue their houses made of sticks and durt, but 
they fare commonlie so well as the king. Whereby it 
appeareth that he liked better of our good fare in such 
course cabins, than of their owne thin diet in their prince- 
like habitations and palaces. In like sort as euerie countrie 



By William 
I [ARRISON 
(t 1593). a 
native of 
London, 
where he 
studied at 
St. Paul's 
Si hool, and 
at Westmin- 
ster. Later 
he attended 
I >xford and 
( lambrii Ige. 
In 1586 he 
became 
( anon of 
\\ indsor. 
1 [e lived the 
life of a quiet 
country 
clergyman, 

-\ ing 
his leisure 
with literary 
work. His 
most impor- 
tant produc- 

tre the 
/ >«i / iption 
of Britain 
and the De- 
scription of 
England, 
written for 
Holinshed's 
( !u onicle. 



202 Days of the Tudors 

house is thus apparelled on the out side, so is it inwardlie 
diuided into sundrie roomes aboue and beneath ; and where 
plentie of wood is, they couer them with tiles, otherwise 
with straw, sedge, or reed, except some quarrie of slate be 
neere hand, from whence they haue for their monie so much 
as may suffice them. . . . 

. . . The wals of our houses on the inner sides in like 
sort be either hanged with tapisterie, arras worke, or painted 
cloths, wherin either diuerse histories, or hearbes, beasts, 
knots, and such like are stained, or else they are seeled with 
oke of our owne, or wainescot brought hither out of the 
east countries, whereby the roomes are not a little com- 
mended, made warme, and much more close than other- 
wise they would be. As for stooues we haue not hitherto 
vsed them greatlie, yet doo they now begin to be made in 
diuerse houses of the gentrie and wealthie citizens, who build 
them not to worke and feed in as in Germanie and else 
where, but now and then to sweat in, as occasion and need 
shall require. This also hath beene common in England, 
contrarie to the customes of all other nations, and yet to be 
seene (for example in most streets of London) that many 
of our greatest houses haue outwardlie beene verie simple 
and plaine to sight, which inwardlie haue beene able to 
receiue a duke with his whole traine, and lodge them at 
their ease. Hereby moreouer it is come to passe, that the 
fronts of our streets haue not beene so vniforme and orderlie 
builded as those of forreine cities, where (to saie truth) the 
vtterside of their mansions and dwellings haue oft more 
cost bestowed vpon them, than all the rest of the house, 
which are often verie simple and vneasie within, as expe- 
rience dooth confirme. Of old time our countrie houses 
in steed of glasse did vse much lattise and that made either 
of wickt-r or fine rifts of oke in chekerwise. I read also 
that some of the better sort, in and before the times of the 
Savons (who notwithstanding vsed some glasse also since 



Elizabethan Homes 203 

the time of Benedict Biscop the moonke that brought the 
feat of glasing first into this land) did make panels of 
home in steed of glasse, & fix them in wooden calmes. 
But as home in windows is now quite laid downe in euerie 
place, so our lattises are also growne into lesse vse, bicause 
glasse is come to be so plentifull, and within a verie little so 
good cheape if not better then the other. 

. . . Now to turne againe to our windowes. Hereto- 
fore also the houses of our princes and noble men were 
often glased with Berill (an example whereof is yet to be 
seene in Sudleie castell) and in diuerse other places with 
fine christall, but this especiallie in the time of the Romans, 
whereof also some fragments haue beene taken vp in old 
mines. But now these are not in vse, so that onelie the clear- 
est glasse is most esteemed : for we haue diuerse sorts, some 
brought out of Burgundie, some out of Normandie, much 
out of Flanders, beside that which is made in England, 
which would be so good as the best, if we were diligent and 
carefull to bestow more cost vpon it, and yet as it is, each 
one that may, will haue it for his building. Moreouer the 
mansion houses of our countrie townes and villages (which 
in champaine ground stand altogither by streets, & ioining 
one to an other, but in woodland soiles dispersed here and 
there, each one vpon the seuerall grounds of their owners) 
are builded in such sort generallie, as that they haue neither 
dairie, stable, nor bruehouse annexed vnto them vnder the 
same roofe (as in manie places beyond the sea & some of 
the north parts of our countrie) but all separate from the 
first, and one of them from an other. And yet for all this, 
they are not so farre distant in sunder, but that the good- 
man lieng in his bed may lightlie heare what is doone in 
each of them with ease, and call quicklie vnto his meinie if 
anie danger should attach him. 

The ancient manours and houses of our gentlemen are 
yet and for the most part of strong timber, in framing 



204 Days of the Tudors 

whereof our carpenters haue beene and are worthilie pre- 
ferred before those of like science among all other nations. 
Howbeit such as be latelie builded, are comonlie either of 
bricke or hard stone, or both ; their roomes large and come- 
lie, and houses of office further distant from their lodgings. 
Those of the nobilitie are likewise wrought with bricke and 
hard stone, as prouision may be best made : but so mag- 
nificent and statelie, as the basest house of a baron dooth 
often match in our daies with some honours of princes in 
old time. . . . 

The furniture of our houses also exceedeth, and is growne 
in maner euen to passing delicacie : and herein I doo not 
speake of the nobilitie and gentrie onelie, but likewise of 
the lowest sort in most places of our south countrie, that 
haue anie thing at all to take to. Certes in noble mens 
houses it is not rare to see abundance of Arras, rich hang- 
ings of tapistrie, siluer vessell, and so much other plate, as 
may furnish sundrie cupbords, to the summe oftentimes of 
a thousand or two thousand pounds at the least : whereby 
the value of this and the rest of their stuffe dooth grow to 
be almost inestimable. Likewise in the houses of knights, 
gentlemen, merchantmen, and some other wealthie citizens, 
Geson, i.e. it is not geson to behold generalise their great prouision of 
tapistrie, Turkie worke, pewter, brasse, fine linen, and 
thereto costlie cupbords of plate, worth fiue or six hun- 
dred or a thousand pounds, to be deemed by estimation. 
But as herein all these sorts doo far exceed their elders and 
predecessors, and in neatnesse and curiositie, the merchant 
all other ; so in time past, the costlie furniture staied there, 
whereas now it is descended yet lower, euen vnto the infe- 
riour artificers and manie farmers, who by vertue of their 
old and not of their new leases haue for the most part 
learned also to garnish their cupbords with plate, their 
ioined beds with tapistrie and silke hangings, and their tables 
with carpets & fine naperie, whereby the wealth of our coun- 



Elizabethan Homes 205 

trie (God be praised therefore, and giue vs grace to imploie 
it well) dooth infinitelie appeare. . . . There are old men 
yet dwelling in the village where I remaine, which haue 
noted three things to be maruellouslie altered in England 
within their sound remembrance ; & other three things too too 
much increased. One is, the multitude of chimnies latelie 
erected, whereas in their yoong daies there were not aboue 
two or three, if so manie in most vplandish townes of the 
realme (the religious houses, & manour places of their lords- 
alvvaies excepted, and peraduenture some great personages) 
but ech one made his fire against a reredosse in the hall, 
where he dined and dressed his meat. 

The second is the great (although not generall) amend- 
ment of lodging, for (said they) our fathers (yea and we 
our selues also) haue lien full oft vpon straw pallets on rough 
mats couered onelie with a sheet vnder couerlets made of 
dagswain or hopharlots (Ivse their owne termes) and a good 
round log vnder their heads in steed of a bolster or pillow. 
If it were so that our fathers or the good man of the house, 
had within seuen yeares after his manage purchased a mat- 
teres or fiockebed, and thereto a sacke of chaffe to rest his 
head vpon, he thought himselfe to be as well lodged as the 
lord of the towne, that peraduenture laie seldome in a bed 
of downe or whole fethers ; so well were they contented, and 
with such base kind of furniture : which also is not verie 
much amended as yet in some parts of Bedfordshire, and 
elsewhere further off from our southerne parts. . . . 

The third thing they tell of, is the exchange of vessell, as 
of treene platters into pewter, and wodden spoones into sil- I.e. made of 
uer or tin. For so common were all sorts of treene stuffe ree or w 
in old time, that a man should hardlie find foure peeces of 
pewter (of which one was peraduenture a salt) in a good 
farmers house, and yet for all this frugalitie (if it may so be 
iustly called) they were scarse able to Hue and paie their 
rents at their daies without selling of a cow, or an horsse, or 



206 Days of the Tudors 



more, although they paid but foure pounds at the vttermost 
by the yeare. Such also was their pouertie, that if some one 
od farmer or husbandman had beene at the alehouse, a thing 
greatlie vsed in those daies, amongst six or seuen of his 
neighbours, and there in a brauerie to shew what store he 
had, did cast downe his pursse, and therein a noble or six 
shillings in siluer vnto them (for few such men then cared 
for gold bicause it was not so readie paiment, and they were 
•oft inforced to giue a penie for the exchange of an angell) it 
was verie likelie that all the rest could not laie downe so 
much against it : whereas in my time, although peraduenture 
foure pounds of old rent be improued to fortie, fiftie, or an 
hundred pounds, yet will the farmer as another palme or 
date tree thinke his gaines verie small toward the end of 
his terme, if he haue not six or seuen yeares rent lieng by 
him, therewith to purchase a new lease, beside a faire gar- 
in silver after n j s h f p ew ter on his cupbord, with so much more in od 

the Spanish l , 

vessell going about the house, three or foure featherbeds, so 
manie couerlids and carpets of tapistrie, a siluer salt, a bowle 
for wine (if not an whole neast) and a dozzen of spoones to 
furnish vp the sute. . . . 

William Harrison, TJie Description of England (Holinshed's 
Chronicle, London, 1807), 13k. II, Ch. XII. 



The increase 



Sp; 

conquests in 
Peru and 
Mexico is 
marked. 



By Gio- 
VANNl SCA- 

KAMKLLI, 

Venetian 

Ambassador 
in England. 
After the de- 
feat of the 
Spanish 
Armada 
English 
privateering 
developed 



68. An Unfriendly View of the English 
Privateers (1603) 

While on this topic I must not omit to say that the Eng- 
lish through their rapacity and cruelty have become odious 
to all nations. With Spain they are at open war and are 
already plundering her and upsetting the India trade ; they 
are continually robbing with violence the French, whom 



English Privateers 207 



they encounter on the long stretches of the open sea. 
They cannot sail at present to Poland and Prussia, because 
the Danish Straits are blocked against them. In Germany, 
at Hamburg, Lubeck, and other ports, for example, they are 
detested ; because the German merchants still claim their 
ancient privileges of their exchange house in London, of 
which they were deprived by the Queen a few years ago, 
merely with the view to foster English and restrict foreign 
commerce. The Venetians have suffered in the same way. 
With the Flemish they have little accord on account of the 
Spanish war, but also for natural reasons ; for the Flemish 
trade in the Levant has grown to such proportions that the 
English trade is considerably diminished ; and the same has 
taken place between the Flemish and the Venetians ; for 
they are working away to ruin the German Exchange in 
Venice by opening another route for the import not only of 
spices but of cotton into Germany ; and although the Eng- 
lish exaggerate this topic out of rivalry with the Flemish, I 
nevertheless feel bound to represent these considerations to 
your Serenity, on account of their great importance. Then 
inside the Straits of Gibraltar, how can the English be en- 
dured, seeing that under the guise of merchants they plunder 
in the very vitals of foreign dominions all the shipping they 
find ? On this I need not enlarge further, except to say that 
in despatches of December last the English Ambassador at 
Constantinople enclosed a decree passed by the Turks, drawn 
up by the Mufti on religious grounds at the instance of the 
French Ambassador, that English vessels shall always render 
an account of all goods brought and sold in Barbary and 
elsewhere within Turkish dominions; and the English 
Ambassador is charged to see the order carried out. This 
information is extremely disliked. 

Hence both those who command, and those who execute 
here in England, see quite clearly how great, how univer- 
sal, and how just is the hatred which all nations, nay all 



rapidly. Os- 
tensibly the 
vessels from 
England, 
which 

swarmed on 
every sea, 
were engaged 
in commen e, 
but the Vene- 
tian Ambas- 
sador in 
Constanti- 
nople wrote 
of them to the 
Senate : 
" They have 
but little 
trade, nor 
tan 1 dis- 
tinguish 
those which 
come for 
trading only; 
for all of 
them are 
hampered 
with artillery 
and provi- 
sioned for a 
year, even to 
the water, 
ami in order 
tli. 11 they may 
be handy in 
fighting, they 
are kept 
clear, leaving 
not only the 
quarter deck 
but also the 
main deck, 
where goods 
are usually 
placed, tree 
for the artil- 
lery. Theft 
is their 
proper busi- 
ness, and the 
object of their 
voyage." 
The English 
Ambassador 
in Constan- 
tinople con- 



2o8 Days of the Tudors 



fessed that 
" in truth very 
few ships did 
sail for trad- 
ing," but he 
urged that 
" the king- 
dom of Eng- 
land, though 
a very rich 
feeding 
ground, was 
not able to 
support the 
whole nation, 
therefore they 
had to take 
to the sea, 
and to be 
fully armed, 
on account 
of the Span- 
ish, their 
powerful 
foes ; besides, 
these ships 
were the bul- 
warks of the 
country." 



peoples we might say, bear to the English, for they are the 
disturbers of the whole world. And yet with all this they 
not only do not take any steps to remedy the mischief, but 
in a certain sense they glory that the English name should 
become formidable just in this way. For whereas the 
Kings of England, down to Henry VII, and Henry VIII, 
were wont to keep up a fleet of one hundred ships in full 
pay as a defence, now the Queen's ships do not amount 
to more than fifteen or sixteen, as her revenue cannot sup- 
port a greater charge; and so the whole of the strength 
and repute of the nation rests on the vast number of small 
privateers, which are supported and increased to that dan- 
gerous extent which everyone recognises ; and to ensure 
this support, the privateers make the ministers partners in 
the profits, without the risk of a penny in the fitting out, 
but only a share in the prizes, which are adjudged by judges 
placed there by the ministers themselves. To such a state 
has this unhappy Kingdom come that from a lofty religion 
has fallen into the abyss of infidelity. 

London, 20th March 1603. 

Giovanni Scaramelli, I 'enetian Ambassador in England, to the 
Doge and Senate ( Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 1 592- 
1603, No. 1 160, London, 1897). 



CHAPTER XI — ESTRANGEMENT OF 
THE KING AND THE NATION 



69. James I. at the Hampton Court 
Conference (1604) 

THEN hee [Doctor Reynolds] desireth, that accord- 
ing to certaine Prouincial Constitutions, they of the 
Clergy might haue meetinges once euery three weeks ; first 
in Rurall Deaneries, and therein to haue Prophecying, ac- 
cording as the Reuerend Father, Archbishop Grindall, and 
other Bishops desired of her late Maiestie. 2. that such 
thinges, as could not be resolued vpon, there, might bee 
referred to the Archdeacons Visitation : and so 3. from 
thence to the Episcopal/ Synode, where the Bishop with 
his Presbyteri, should determine all such pointes, as before 
could not be decided. 

At which speech, his Maiestie was somewhat stirred ; yet, 
which is admirable in him, without passion or shew thereof: 
thinking, that they aymed at a Scottish Presbytery, which 
saith he, as wel agreeth with a Monarchy, as God, and the 
Deuill. Then Jack & Tom & Witt & Dick, shall meete, and 
at their pleasures censure me, and my Councell, and all our 
proceedinges : Then Will shall stand vp, and say it must 
be thus; then Dick shall reply, and say, nay, mary. but 
wee will haue it thus. And therefore, here I must once 
reiterate my former speech, Le Rox s'auisera : Stay, I pray 
you, for one seuen yeares, before you demaund that of mee, 
and if then, you finde me purseye and fat, and my winde- 
pipes stuffed, I will perhaps hearken to you : for let that 
gouernement bee once vp, I am sure, I shall bee kept in 
r 209 



By Wn 1 1 \m 
Barlow 
(I-1613), 
Bishop of 
Ri m hester, 
and later of 
Lincoln. He 
was one of 
the eighteen 
representa- 
tives of the 
High Church 
party in the 
1 [ampton 
Court Con- 
ference. 
With the 
exception of 

a leu letters 

Barlow's ac- 
count is the 
main author- 
ity on the 
pi i tceedings 
of the Con- 
ference. — 
On |ames 
and the re- 
ligious issue, 
see I'rothero, 
Statutes ana 
( (institu- 
tional Docu- 
ments. 

Reynolds was 
one of the 
four Puritans 
who took 
part in the 
conference. 
He was one 
of the most 
learned di- 
vines of the 
time. 



2 IO 



Estrangement 



Prophecy- 
ing = meet- 
ings of the 
clergy for 
discussion 
and practice 
in speaking. 

The regular 
form of veto 
was "Le Roi 
s'i\ isera," or 
" The king 
will consider 
it." 



breath ; then shall we all of us, haue worke enough, both 
our hands ful. But Doctor Reyn. til you finde that I grow 
lazy, let that alone. 

And here, because D. Reyn. had twise before obtruded 
the Kinges Supremacy, i. In the Article, concerning the 
Pope ; 2. in the point of Subscription, his Maiestie at those 
times saide nothing : but now growing to an end, he sayde, 
I shal speak of one matter more ; yet, somewhat out of 
order, but it skilleth not. Doctor Reyn. quoth the K. 
you haue often spoken for my Supremacy, and it is well : 
but know you any here, or any else where, who like of the 
present Gouernement Ecclesiastical!, that finde fault, or dis- 
like my Supremacy ? D. Reyn. saide no ; why then, saith 
his Maiesty, I will tell you a tale. After that the Religion 
restored by King Edward the 6 was soone ouerthrown by 
the succession of Queene Mary, here in England, we in 
Scot/and felt the effect of it. whereupon Alas. Knoxe writes 
to the Queene Regent (of whome without flattery, I may say, 
that she was a vertuous and moderate Lady) telling her 
that she was Supreme head of the church, and charged her, 
as she would aunswere it before Gods Tribunall, to take 
care of Christ his Euangil, and of suppressing the Popish 
Prelates, who with stoode the same. But how long, trow 
yee, did this continue ? euen so long, till by her authority, 
the popish Bishops were repressed, hee, himselfe, and his 
adherentes were brought in, and well setled, and by these 
meanes, made strong enough to undertake the matters of 
Reformation themselues. Then, loe, they began to make 
smal account of her Supremacy, nor would longer rest 
vpon her authority, but tooke the cause into their owne 
hand, according to that more light wher with they were 
illuminated, made a further reformation of Religion. How 
they used that poore Lady my mother, is not unknowne, 
and with griefe, I may remember it : who because, she had 
not been otherwise instructed, did desire, only a priuate 



Hampton Court Conference 211 

Chappell, wherin to serue God, after her manner, with 
some few selected persons ; but her Supremacy was not 
sufficient to obtaine it at their handes. And how they 
dealt with me, in my Minority, you all know ; it was not done 
secretly & thogh I would, I cannot conceale it. I will apply 
it thus. And then putting his hand to his hat, his Maiestie 
saide ; my Lordes the Bishops, I may thanke you, that these 
men doe thus plead for my Supremacy; They think they 
cannot make their party good against you, but by appealing 
vnto it, as if you, or .some that adhere vnto you, were not 
well affected towardes it. But if once you were out, and 
they in place, I know what would become of my Supremacy. 
No Bishop, no King, as before I said. Neither doe I thus 
speak, at random, without grounde, for I haue obserued 
since my coming into England, that some preachers before 
me, can be content to pray for lames, King of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the Faith, but 
as for Supreme Gouernour in all Causes, and ouer all 
persons, (aswell Ecclesiasticall as Ciuill) they passe that 
ouer with silence ; & what cut they haue beene of, I after 
learned. After this asking them, if they had any more to 
obiect ; and D. Reyn. aunswering, No. his Maiestie ap- 
pointed the next Wednesday for both parties to meete 
before him, and rising from his Chaire, as hee was going 
to his inner Chamber, If this bee al, quoth he, that they 
haue to say, I shall make them conforme themselves, or I 
wil harrie them out of the land, or else doe worse. 

And this was the Summe of the Second dayes Conference, 
which'raysed such an admiration in the Lordes, in respect of 
the King, his singular readiness, and exact knowledge ; that 
one of them saide, hee was fully perswaded, his Maiestie 
spake by the instinct of the spirite of God. 

William Barlow, The Summe and Substance of the Conference, 
. . . at Hampton Court (London, 1604), 78-83. 



2 12 



Estrangement 



The docu- 
ment, given 
here in an 
abridged 
form, was 
draw n up by 
the ] louse of 
Commons 
during the 
disturbed 
session of 
1604, but ap- 
parently it 
was never 
presented to 
the king. 
" In it they 
(the House 
of ( !om- 
mi ms 1 took 
up the posi- 
tion which 
they never 
quitted dur- 
ing eighty- 
four long and 
Sti irmv years. 
To under- 
stand this 
Apology is 
to under- 
stand the 
causes of the 
success of 
the English 
Revolution. 
They did not 
ask for any- 
thing which 
was not in 
accordance 
with justice. 
They did not 
demand a 
single privi- 
lege which 
was not nec- 
essary for 
the good of 
Hi'' nation as 
well as for 
their own 
dignity." 
Gardiner. — 
On James I's 



70. Apology of the House of Commons 

(1604) 

To the King's most excellent Majesty, from the House 
of the Commons assembled in parliament. 

Most gracious Sovereign : . . . We know, and with great 
thankfulness to God acknowledge, that he hath given us a 
king of such understanding and wisdom as is rare to find in 
any prince in the world. Howbeit, seeing no human wis- 
dom, how great soever, can pierce into the particularities 
of the rights and customs of people or of the sayings and 
doings of particular persons, but by tract of experience and 
faithful report of such as know them, . . . what grief, what 
anguish of mind hath it been unto us at some time in pres- 
ence to hear, and so in other things to find and feel by 
effect your gracious Majesty (to the extreme prejudice of 
all your subjects of England, and in particular of this House 
of the Commons thereof) so greatly wronged by misinforma- 
tion, as well touching the estate of the one as the privileges 
of the other, and their several proceedings during this 
parliament. . . . 

Against which assertions, most gracious Sovereign, tend- 
ing directly and apparently to the utter overthrow of the 
very fundamental privileges of our House, and therein of 
the rights and liberties of the whole Commons of your realm 
of England, which they and their ancestors from time im- 
memorable have undoubtedly enjoyed under your Majesty's 
most noble progenitors, we the knights, citizens, and bur- 
gesses of the House of Commons assembled in parliament 
and in the name of the whole Commons of the realm of 
England, with uniform consent for ourselves and our poster- 
ity, do expressly protest, as being derogatory in the highest 
degree to the true dignity, liberty and authority of your 
Majesty's high court of parliament and consequently to the 



Apology of the Commons 2 1 3 

rights of all your Majesty's said subjects and the whole body political 

of this your kingdom ; and desire that this our protestation viewS| see 

may be recorded to all posterity. And contrariwise, with 5fe££°«rf 

all humble and due respect to your Majesty our sovereign ( r " st ' t ''- 

11 J 1 j • fc> clonal Docu- 

lord and head, against these misinformations we most truly ™ e,tts - 
avouch, first, that our privileges and liberties are our right 
and due inheritance, no less than our very lands and goods. 
Secondly, that they cannot be withheld from us, denied or 
impaired, but with apparent wrong to the whole state of the 
realm. Thirdly, that our making of request in the entrance 
of parliament to enjoy our privilege is an act only of man- 
ners. . . . Fourthly, we avouch also that our House is a 
court of record, and so ever esteemed. Fifthly, that there 
is not the highest standing court in this land that ought to 
enter into competency either for dignity or authority with 
this high court of parliament, which with your Majesty's 
royal assent gives laws to other courts, but from other courts 
receives neither laws nor orders. Sixthly and lastly, we 
avouch that the House of Commons is the sole proper judge 
of return of all such writs, and of the election of all such 
members as belong unto it, without which the freedom of 
election were not entire ; . . . 

^ From these misinformed positions, most gracious Sover- 
eign, the greatest part of our troubles, distrusts and jealousies 
have risen : having apparently found, that in the first par- 
liament of the happy reign of your Majesty the privileges 
of our House, and therein the liberties and stability of the 
whole kingdom, have been more universally and dangerously 
impugned than ever (as we suppose) since the beginnings 
of parliament. . . . First, the freedom of persons in our 
election hath been impeached. Secondly, the freedom of our 
speech prejudiced by often reproofs. Thirdly, particular 
persons noted with taunt and disgrace, who have spoken 
their consciences in matters proposed to the House, but 
with all due respect and reverence to your Majesty. 



*4 



Estrangement 



Reference to 
the case of 
Sir Thomas 

Shirley. 

The Bishop 
of Bristol. 



Whereby we have been in the end subject to so extreme 
contempt, as a gaoler durst so obstinately withstand the 
decrees of our House ; some of the higher clergy to write 
a book against us, even sitting the parliament ; the inferior 
clergy to inveigh against us in pulpits, yea to publish their 
protestations, tending to the impeachment of our most 
ancient and undoubted rights in treating of matters for the 
peace and good order of the Church. . . . 

The rights and liberties of the Commons of England con- 
sisted! chiefly in these three things : first, that the shires, 
cities and boroughs of England, by representation to be 
present, have free choice of such persons as they shall put in 
trust to represent them : secondly, that the persons chosen, 
during the time of the parliament, as also of their access 
and recess, be free from restraint, arrest and imprisonment : 
thirdly, that in parliament they may speak freely their con- 
sciences without check and controlment, doing the same 
with due reverence to the sovereign court of parliament, 
that is, to your Majesty and both the Houses, who all in this 
case make but one politic body, whereof your Highness is 
the head. . . . 

For matter of religion, it will appear, by examination of 
truth and right, that your Majesty should be misinformed, 
if any man should deliver that the kings of England have 
any absolute power in themselves, either to alter religion 
(which God defend should be in the power of any mortal 
man whatsoever) or to make any laws concerning the same, 
otherwise than as in temporal causes by consent of parlia- 
ment. We have and shall at all times by our oaths ac- 
knowledge, that your Majesty is sovereign lord and supreme 
governor in both. Touching our own desires and proceed- 
ings therein, they have not been a little misconceived and 
misreported. We have not come in any Puritan or Brownish 
spirit to introduce their parity, or to work the subversion of 
the state ecclesiastical, as now it standeth. . . . We dis- 



Apology of the Commons 215 

puted not of matters of faith and doctrine ; our desire was 
peace only ; and our device of unity, how this lamentable and 
long-lasting dissension amongst the ministers, from which 
both atheism, sects and all ill life have received such en- 
couragement and so dangerous increase, might at length, 
before help come too late, be extinguished. And for the 
ways of this peace, we are not at all addicted to our own 
inventions, but ready to embrace any fit way that may be 
offered ; neither desire we so much that any man in regard 
of weakness of conscience may be exempted after parlia- 
ment from obedience unto laws established, as that in this 
parliament such laws may be enacted, as by the relinquish- 
ment of some few ceremonies of small importance, or by 
any way better, a perpetual uniformity may be enjoyed and 
observed. Our desire hath also been to reform certain 
abuses crept into the ecclesiastical state, even as into the 
temporal : and lastly, that the land might be furnished with 
a learned, religious, and godly ministry, for the maintenance 
of whom we would have granted no small contributions, if 
in these (as we trust) just and religious desires we had found 
that correspondency from others which was expected. . . . 
There remaineth, dread Sovereign, yet one part of our 
duty at this present, which faithfulness of heart, not presump- 
tion, doth press : we stand not in place to speak or do things 
pleasing. Our care is, and must be, to confirm the love 
and tie the hearts of your subjects, the commons, most 
firmly to your Majesty. Herein lieth the means of our 
well deserving of both : there was never prince entered with 
greater love, with greater joy and applause of all his people. 
This love, this joy, let it flourish in their hearts for ever. 
Let no suspicion have access to their fearful thoughts, that 
their privileges, which they think by your Majesty should be 
protected, should now by sinister informations or counsel 
be violated or impaired ; or that those, which with dutiful 
respects to your Majesty, speak freely for the right and 



2 I 6 



Estrangement 



good of their country, shall be oppressed or disgraced. 
Let your Majesty be pleased to receive public information 
from your Commons in parliament as to the civil estate and 
government ; for private informations pass often by practice : 
the voice of the people, in the things of their knowledge, is 
said to be as the voice of God. . . . 

Cobbett. Parliamentary History (London, 1806), I, 1030-1042. 



By the 

1 i;i w KKk 
AND COI N- 
CIL OF 1 1 1 1-: 

London 

( :OMPANY. 

On the settle- 
ment of Vir- 
ginia, see 
1 [art, Ameri- 
can ti. 
told by 1 
tempoi c 

In March, 
1622, the 
Indians at- 
I the 
Virginia 
settlements, 
killing many 
colonists, 
and destroy- 
ing much 
pr< iperty. 

An Indian 
chief w ho 
was killed by 
the English a 
short time 
before the 
massacre in 
retaliation 
for the mur- 
der of snme 
of the colo- 
nists. 



71. The London Company to the Vir- 
ginia Colony (1622) 

" To our very loving frends Sr. Francis Wyatt Knight, 
Governor cv Captaine generall of Virginia, and to the rest 
of the Counsell of State there : 

" After our very hartie comendations ; Wee haue, to o r 
extreame grief, understood of the great Massacre executed 
on o r people in Virginia, and that in such a maner as is 
more miserable than the death itself. To fall by the hande 
of men so contemptible ; to be surprised by treacherie in a 
time of known danger ; to be deafe to so plaine a warning, 
as we now to late undrstand was last yeare given; to be 
secure on an occaon of so great suspition and iealousie as 
wis Nenemathanewe's death ; not to pceive any thing in 
so opne and generall conspiracie ; but to be made in parte in- 
struments of contriving it, and almost guiltie of the destrucon 
by a blindfold and stupid entertaininge of it, wch the least 
wisdome or courage sufficed to preuent euen on the point of 
execution, are circumstances that do add much to o r sorrow, 
and make us to confesse that it is the heavie hand of All- 
mightieGod for the punishment of o r and yo r transgressions ; 
to the humble acknowledgment and pfect amendment 



The London Company 217 

whereof, together with orselues, we seriously aduise and "So much 

inuite you, and in particular earnestly require the speedie Se^tera* 1 

redress of those two enormous excesses of apparell and become in 

drinkeing, the crie whereof cannot but haue gon up to Sono?"'*" 

Heaven, since the infamie hath spredd itself to all that tobacco thai 

have but heard the name of Virginia, to the detestation of seSSthe 

all good minds, the scorne of others, and o r extreame griefe JhelSre^* 

and shame. In the strength of those faults undoubtedly, arms.and 

and the neglect of the Devine worshipp, have the Indians Xm^hunt- 

prevailed, more than in yo r weaknes. Whence the euil there- ! n f *?. substi " 

fore spring, the remedy must first begin, and an humble Bruc'e. 

reconciliation be made with the Devine Ma tie , by future 

conformitie unto His most iust and holie lawes, which do- 

inge we doubt not but that you shall be safe from the hands 

of all yo r enemies, and them that hate you, from whom, if 

God's protection be not with you, no strength of situation 

can saue you, and wth it, we conceiue not, but where you 

be, you may make yourselues as secure as in any other place 

whatsoeuer, and in all other respects the chaung cannot but 

be to the worst, may to the utter ouerthrow not only of all 

o r labo" and changes the expectation of his Ma tie and the 

whole State ; wherefore you shall do well so wholie to 

abandon the thought thereof as in this point not to return 

us any answer ; Spartam quam nactus es hanc exorna ; than 

to applie all yo r thoughts and endeuo™ and in especiall to 

the setting upp of Staple comodities, according to those The com- 

often instruccons and reiterated aduises that wee haue con- p ;" ly had , 

often urged 
tmually giuen you, the want whereof hath been the truest the planting 

obiection against y e succeedinge of this Plantation and the i!'."'^, '',,,,! 

greatest hindrance and impediment (as we conceiue) that flax - 

his Ma tie and the State haue not set to a more liberall hand Up to this 

^1 c 1 . r , ,lin '' lames 1 

to the furtherance thereof, but now at last it hath pleased had shown 

God for the confirmation no doubt of o r hopes and redoub- Kh^™ 

ling of o r and y"' coradges, to encline his Ma ties Royall heart tobacco 

to graunt the Sole importation of Tobacco (a thing long industry- 



2l8 



Estrangement 



I.e. Ber- 
mudas. 



The Gov- 
ernor and 
Couneil 
urged the 
company to 
allow no i me 
■ Eng- 
land to a ime 
to the ci ili my 
without a 
supply of 
grain for a 
twelvemonth. 



and earnestly desired) to the Virginia and Sumer Hands 
Companies and that upon such condicons as the priuate 
profit of each man is likely be much improued and the 
generall state of the Plantation strongly secured, while his 
Ma'" reuenue is so closely ioyned as together with the 
Collonie it must rise and fade, grow and empaire, and that 
not a small matter neither, but of twenty thousand pounds p. 
ann. (for the offer of so much in certainty hath his Ma tie 
been pleased to refuse in fauor of the Plantations). 

'• The good effects likely hence to ensue are to obuious for 
us to sette downe and phapps greater than we can imagine; 
they'only in generall we may assure o r selues and yo rs , that 
there shal be no iust fauo r tending to the aduancement of the 
Plantacon that we may not hope from his Ma tie who uppon 
o r humble peticon and the mediation of the Lords of his 
most Hono ble Priuie Counsell hath out of his Royall bountie 
been pleased t<> bestow uppon us diu" amies (although in 
these parts unseruiseable yett such as against the Indian 
may be uery usefull : w ,h we doubt not but by the Abigaile 
to send you ; and are further put in an assured hope to 
obtaine the number of 400 young men well furnished out 
of England and Wales at 20 1 ' 1 a person to repaire w th aduan- 
tage the number that is lost, to sett upp the publique reu- 
enues of the Companie, and sattisfie the deserts of worthie 
persons in the Colony ; this suplie we hope to procure, so 
as they may be \v ,h you before the Spring. 

"The fear of y or want of Corne doth much perplex us, 
seeing so little possibility to supply you, the publique stock 
being utterly as yo r know exhausted and the last yeares 
aduentures made by priuate men not returned as was prom- 
ised, we haue no hope of raising any valuable Magazine but 
rather feare to see the effect of what we forwarned by the 
Warwick. 

" Other waies and meanes are so uncertaine as wee cannot 
wish you to rely uppon any thing but yo r selues, yet shall 



A Famous Scene 



219 



there not be left any meanes unatempted on o r parts in this 
kind and for other necessaries to supplie you hoping that 
the danger of this extremitie will hence forward pswade you 
not to comitt the certainty of yo r hues to the uncertainty of 
one haruest ; and that at last you will und r stand it is as fitt 
and necessarie to yeeld the return of Aduentures yearely as 
to receiue them ; . . . 

Yo r very Louing frends 
August the first The Treasurer & Counsell of Virginia. 

1622 

Edward Neill, History of the. Virginia Company of London 
(Albany, N.Y., 1869), 322-325. 



72. A Famous Scene in the House of 
Commons (1629) 

" Upon Monday the second of March, as soone as praiers 
were ended, the Speaker went into the chaire, and delivered 
the Kinges command for the adiornement of the Howse 
untill Tewsday sevenight following, being the tenth of 
March. 

" The Howse made him answere, that it was not the office 
of a Speaker to deliver any such command unto them, but 
for the adiornement of the Howse it did properly belong 
unto themselves, and, after they had uttered some thinges 
they thought fitt to be spoken of, they would sattisfie the 
King. 

"The Speaker tould them, he had an expresse command 
from his Maiestie that as soone as he had delivered his 
message he should rise, and upon that left the chaire, but 
was by force drawne to it againe by Mr. Densill Holies, 
sonn to the Earle of Clare, Mr. Valentine, and others: and 



Anony- 
mous. 

Sir Simon 
I >'Ewes (see 
No. 54) calls 
the second 
"I March, 
1629, " the 
most gloomy, 
sad, and 
dismal day 
for England 
that had hap- 
pened for 
500 years." 
On that day 
there was 
manifested a 
disagreement 
between 
Crown and 
Commons 
unknown in 
all previous 
parliamen- 
tary history. 
Our know- 
ledge of that 
famous oc- 
casion is 
derived from 



220 



Estrangement 



various 
sources, no 
one of which 
is quite com- 
plete. --See 
Parliamen- 
tary History; 
Gardiner, 
History of 
England, 
1603- 1642. 

Sir John 
Finch was 
Speaker. 

Eliot was 
the great 
champion of 
Parliamen- 
tary govern- 
ment, and 
died in prison 
for his part in 
this day's 
proceedings. 

Lord Weston 

was 

Treasurer. 

Eliot had 
prepared a 
series of reso- 
lutions de- 
claring that 
any one who 
introduced 
innovations 
in religion, 
or furthered 
the spread of 
Popery or 
Arminian- 
ism, or ad- 
vised the 
levying of 
tonnage or 
poundage 
without a 
grant by 
Parliament, 
or voluntarily 
paid such 
duties, 
should 
be regarded 



Mr. Hollis, notwithstanding the endeavour of Sir Thomas 
Edmonds, Sir Humfrey May, and other privie Councellers 
to free the Speaker from the chaire, swore, ' God's wounds !' 
he should sitt still until they pleased to rise. 

" Here Sir John Elliott begann in a rhetoricall oration to 
enveigh against the Lord Treasorer and the Bishop of Win- 
chester, saying he could prove the Lord Treasorer to be a 
great instrument in the inovation of Religion, and invation 
of the liberties of the hovvse ; and offered a remonstrance 
to the hovvse, wherein he said he could prove him to be 
the great enimie of the Commonwealth, saying that he had 
traced him in all his actions, and withall that if ever it were 
his fortune to meete againe in this honorable assemblie, he 
protested (as he was a gentleman) that where he nowe left 
he would there beginn againe ; and further said, ' God 
knowes I nowe speake with all dutie to the King. It is 
true y c misfortunes wee suffer are manie, wee knowe what 
discoveries have been made, howe Arminianisme creeps and 
undermines, and howe Poperie conies upon vs ; they maske 
not in strange disguises, but expose themselves to the vewe 
of the world : in search whereof wee have fixed our eyes, 
not simply one the Actors (the Jesuits and Preists) but one 
their masters, those that are in authoritie ; hence comes it 
wee suffer. The feare of them makes these interuptions. 
You have scene Prelates that are their Abetters. That great 
Bishop of Winchester, wee knowe what he hath done to 
favour them ; this feare extends to some others, that contract 
a feare of being discovered, and they drawe from hence this 
iealosie : This is the Lord Treasorer, in whose person is 
contracted all the evill : I find him acting and building one 
those grounds laid by his Master the late great Duke of 
Buckingham, and his spiritt is moving for these interrup- 
tions : And from this feare they breake Parliaments lest 
Parliaments should breake them. I find him the head of 
all that great party y e Papists ; and all Jesuits and Preists 



A Famous Scene 221 

derive from him their shelter and protection. In this great as an enemy 
question of Tonnage and Poundage, instruments moved att !T the kl , ng " 

1 ^ ° ' clom and a 

his command and pleasure, he dismaies our Merchants, and betrayer of 

he invites strangers to come in to drive our trade, and to of e Engknd S . 
serve their owne ends.' 

" The Remonstrance which he offered was put to a ques- The Speaker 

tion, but the Speaker refused to doe it, and said he was '^ reS/to 

otherwise commaunded from the King ; whereupon Mr. Sel- do the wil1 o f 

den spake: — 'You say, Mr. Speaker, you dare not put the was heldln 16 

question which wee commaund you ; if you will not put it, his d c t u air d 

we must sitt still, and thus wee shall never be able to doe kept locked 

anie thing ; they which maie come after you maie saie they HoUesre- 2 ' 1 

have the Kinges commandment not to doe it. We sitt here, peated Eliot's 

. . - , , , resolutions, 

by commaundement of the Kinge, under the great Seale ; and put the 
and for you, you are by his Maiestie (sitting in his Royall ^uich° n ' 
chaire before both Howses), appointed our Speaker, and answered 
novve you refuse to be our Speaker.' The Speaker made of "%■?•• S 
an humble supplicatory speach unto the Howse with ex- " A y ! " 
tremitie of weeping, shewing what commaund he had 
received from his Maiesty, and withall desiring them not to 
command his mine ; yet, notwithstanding the Speaker's 
extremetie of weeping and supplicatory oration, Sir Peter 
Hayman (a gentleman of his own country) bitterly enveighed 
against him, and tould him, he was sorrie he was a Kentish 
man, and that he was a disgrace to his country, and a blott 
to a noble familie ; and that all the inconveniences that 
should follow, and their distraccion should be derived to 
posteritie as the yssue of his basenes, with whome he should 
be remembred with scorne and disdaine. And that he, for 
his part, (since he would not be perswaded to doe his dutie,) 
thought it fitting he should be called to the Barr, and a newe 
Speaker chosen in the mean time, since neither advise nor 
threatninges would prevaile. Mr. Strowd spake much to the 
same effect, and tould the Speaker that he was the instru- 
ment to cutt of the libertie of the subject by the roote, and 



22 2 



Estrangement 



The House 
voted its own 
adjournment 
and then 
went forth. 
Eleven years 
passed before 
it was per- 
mitted to 
meet again. 



that if he would not be perswaded to put the same to ques- 
tion, they must all retorne as scattered sheepe, and a scorne 
put upon them as it was last session. 

" The King, hearing that the Hovvse continued to sitt (not- 
withstanding his command .for the adjornement thereof), 
sent a messinger for the Seriant with his mase, which being 
taken from the table there cann be noe further proceeding ; 
but the key of the dore was taken from the Seriant and 
delivered to Sir Miles Hubert to keepe, who, after he had 
receaved the same, put the Seriant out of the Howse, leav- 
ing his mase behind him, and then locked the dore. After 
this, the King sent Mr. Maxwell (the usher of the black 
rodd) for the dissolucion of the Parliament ; but being in- 
formed that neither he nor his message would be receaved 
by the Howse, the King grewe into much rage and passion, 
and sent for the Captaine of the Pentioners and Guard to 
force the dore ; but the rising of the Howse prevented the 
danger and ill consequence that might have followed." 

MS. of Lord Verulam (Archcelogia, London, i860. XXXVIII, 
242-244). 



By John 

WlNTHROP 

(1588-1649), 
a gentleman 
of Suffolk. 
In this same 
year Win- 
throp was 
chosen Gov- 
ernor of 
Massachu- 
setts Bay 
Colony, and 
in 1630 he 
sailed for 
New Eng- 
land. — 
On the New 
England 



73. Reasons for Going to New England 
(1629) 

" 1. It will be a service to the Church of great conse- 
quence to carry the Gospell into those parts of the world, to 
helpe on the comminge of the fullnesse of the Gentiles, & 
to raise a Bulworke against the kingdome of AnteChrist w ch 
the Jesuites labour to reare up in those parts. 

" 2. All other churches of Europe are brought to desola- 
tion, & o r sinnes, for w ch the Lord beginnes allreaddy to 
frowne upon us & to cutte us short, doe threatne evill times 
to be comminge upon us, & whoe knowes, but that God hath 



Going to New England 223 

provided this place to be a refuge for many whome he Colonies, see 
meanes to save out of the generall callamity, & seeinge the c ^His&ry U 
Church hath noe place lefte to flie into but the wildernesse, told by Con- 

, , , 111 o • i 1 temporaries, 

what better worke can there be, then to goe & provide taber- also Old 
nacles & foode for her against she comes thether : s r ouf/ ! . 

° Leaflets, 

" 3. This Land grovves weary of her Inhabitants, soe as Nos. 7, 50. 
man, whoe is the most pretious of all creatures, is here more Protestant- 
vile & base then the earth we treade upon, & of lesse prise ce i V ed severe 
among us then an horse or a sheepe : masters are forced by b, lows in „ 

°. l J trance, Bo- 

authonty to entertaine servants, parents to mainetaine there hemia, and 
owne children, all townes complaine of the burthen of theire ^ a ;ltm ~ 
poore, though we have taken up many unnessisarie yea un- 
lawfull trades to mainetaine them, & we use the authoritie 
of the Law to hinder the increase of o r people, as by urginge 
the Statute against Cottages, & inmates, & thus it is come to 
passe, that children, servants & neighboured especially if 
they be poore, are compted the greatest burthens, w ch if 
thinges weare right would be the cheifest earthly blessinges. 

" 4. The whole earth is the Lords garden & he hath 
given it to the Sonnes of men w th a gen 1 Comission : Gen : 
1:28: increace & multiplie, & replenish the earth & subdue 
it, w ch was againe renewed to Noah : the end is double & 
naturall, that man might enioy the fruits of the earth, & 
God might have his due glory from the creature : why then 
should we stand striving here for places of habitation, etc., 
(many men spending as much labour & coste to recover or 
keepe sometimes an acre or twoe of Land, as would procure 
them many & as good or better in another Countrie) & in 
the meane time suffer a whole Continent as fruitfull & con- 
venient for the use of man to lie waste w th out any improve- 
ment? 

"5. We are growne to that height of Intemperance in 
all excesse of Riott, as noe mans estate allmost will suffice 
to keepe saile w th his aequalls : & he whoe failes herein, 
must live in scorne & contempt. Hence it comes that all 



224 Estrangement 

artes & Trades are carried in that deceiptfull & unrighteous 
course, as it is allmost impossible for a good & upright man 
to mainetayne his charge & live comfortablie in any of 
them. 

" 6. The ffountaines of Learning & Religion are soe cor- 
rupted as (besides the unsupportable charge of there edu- 
cation) most children (even the best witts & of fairest 
hopes) are perverted, corrupted, & utterlie overthrowne by 
the multitude of evill examples & the licentious governm' 
of those seminaries, where men straine at knatts <S: swallowe 
camells, use all severity for mainetaynance of cappes & 
other accomplyments, but suffer all ruffianlike fashions & 
disorder in manners to passe uncontrolled. 

" 7. What can be a better worke, & more honorable & 
worthy a Christian then to helpe raise & supporte a particu- 
lar Church while it is in the Infancy, & to ioyne his forces 
w th such a company of faithfull people, as by a timely assist- 
ance may growe stronge & prosper, & for wante of it may 
be put to great hazard, if not wholly ruined : 

" 8. If any such as are knowne to be Godly, & live in 
wealth & prosperity here, shall forsake all this, to ioyne 
themselves w th this Church & to runne an hazard w ,h them 
of an hard & meane condition, it will be an example of 
great use both for removinge the scandall of worldly & 
sinister respects w ch is cast upon the Adventurers ; to give 
more life to the faith of Gods people, in their praiers for 
the Plantation ; & to incorrage others to ioyne the more 
willingly in it. 

" 9. It appeares to be a worke of God for the good of his 
Church, in that he hath disposed the hartes of soe many of 
his wise & faithfull servants, both ministers & others, not 
onely to approve of the enterprise but to interest them- 
selves in it, some in their persons & estates, other by their 
serious advise & helpe otherwise, & all by their praiers for 
the wealfare oi~ it. Amos 3 : the Lord revealeth his secreat 



A Puritan Gentleman 



225 



to his servants the prophetts, it is likely he hath some great 
worke in hand w ch he hath revealed to his prophetts among 
us, whom he hath stirred up to encourage his servants to 
this Plantation, for he doth not use to seduce his people by 
his owne prophetts, but comitte that office to the ministrie 
of false prophetts & lieing spiritts." 

John Winthrop, " Reasons to be considered for iustifieinge the 
undertakeres of the intended Plantation in New England" 
etc. (R. Winthrop. Life and Letters of fohn Winthrop, Boston, 
1864, I, 309-311). 



74- 



A Puritan Gentleman 



He was of a middle stature, of a slender and exactly well- 
proportioned shape in all parts, his complexion fair, his 
hair of light brown, very thick set in his youth, softer than 
the finest silk, and curling into loose great rings at the 
ends ; his eyes of a lively grey, well-shaped and full of life 
and vigour, graced with many becoming motions ; his visage 
thin, his mouth well-made, and his lips very ruddy and 
graceful, although the nether chap shut over the upper, yet 
it was in such a manner as was not unbecoming ; his teeth 
were even and white as the purest ivory ; his chin was some- 
thing long, and the mould of his face ; his forehead was not 
very high ; his nose was raised and sharp ; but withal he 
had a most amiable countenance, which carried in it some- 
thing of magnanimity and majesty mixed with sweetness, 
that at the same time bespoke love and awe in all that saw 
him ; his skin was smooth and white, his legs and feet 
excellently well-made ; he was quick in his pace and turns, 
nimble and active and graceful in all his motions ; he was 
apt for any bodily exercise, and any that he did became 
him ; he could dance admirably well, but neither in youth 
nor riper years made any practice of it ; he had skill in 
Q 



By Lucy 

III li'lUN- 
SON (1620- 
1675 ?), wife 
of Colonel 
John Hutch- 
inson. 

She wrote the 
biography of 
her husband, 
from which 
this extract is 
taken, be- 
tween the 
years 1664 
and 1671. 
" As a pic- 
ture of the 
lit.' 1 >t a Puri- 
tan family, 
and the char- 
acter of a 
Puritan 
gentleman, it 
is unique." 
Firth. 

Colonel 
John Hutch- 
inson was 
prominent 
on the parlia- 
mentary side 
during the 
civil wars. 
As governor 
of Notting- 



226 



Estrangement 



ham Castle 
he success- 
fully de- 
fended that 
stronghold 
against the 
royalist 
attacks. In 
1646 he en- 
tered the 
Long Parlia- 
ment, and he 
was one of 
those who 
I the 

rice 
against the 
king. 

I'll rough the 
intervention 
of royalist 
friends he 

led the 
fate of the 
other regi- 
cides after 
the Restora- 
tion, but he 
lived under 
suspicion 
until his 
death in 
1664. 



fencing, such as became a gentleman ; he had a great love 
of music, and often diverted himself with a viol, on which 
he played masterly; and he had an exact ear and judgment 
in other music ; he shot excellently in bows and guns, and 
much used them for his exercise ; he had great judgment 
in paintings, graving, sculpture, and all liberal arts, and had 
many curiosities of value in all kinds ; he took great delight 
in perspective glasses, and for his other rarities was not so 
much affected with the antiquity as the merit of the work; 
he took much pleasure in improvement of grounds, in plant- 
ing groves, and walks, and fruit-trees, in opening springs and 
making fish-ponds ; of country recreations he loved none 
but hawking, and in that was very eager and much delighted 
for the time he used it, but soon left it off; he was wonder- 
fully neat, cleanly, and genteel in his habit, and had a very 
good fancy in it. but he left off very early the wearing of 
anything that was costly, yet in his plainest negligent habit 
appeared very much a gentleman ; he had more address 
than force of body, yet the courage of his soul so supplied 
his members that he never wanted strength when he found 
occasion to employ it ; his conversation was very pleasant, 
for he was naturally cheerful, had a ready wit and apprehen- 
sion ; he was eager in everything he did, earnest in dispute, 
but withal very rational, so that he was seldom overcome ; 
everything that it was necessary for him to do he did with 
delight, free and unconstrained; he hated ceremonious com- 
pliment, but yet had a natural civility and complaisance to 
all people ; he was of a tender constitution, but through the 
vivacity of his spirit could undergo labours, watchings, and 
journeys, as well as any of stronger compositions; he was 
rheumatic, and had a long sickness and distemper occa- 
sioned thereby, two or three years after the war ended, but 
else, for the latter half of his life, was healthy though tender ; 
in his youth and childhood he was sickly, much troubled 
with weakness and toothaches, but then his spirits carried 



A Puritan Gentleman 227 

him through them ; he was very patient under sickness or 
pain, or any common accidents, but yet, upon occasions, 
though never without just ones, he would be very angry, and 
had even in that such a grace as made him to be feared, 
yet he was never outrageous in passion ; he had a very good 
faculty in persuading, and would speak very well, pertinently, 
and effectually without premeditation upon the greatest 
occasions that could be offered, for indeed, his judgment 
was so nice, that he could never frame any speech before- 
hand to please himself; but his invention was so ready, and 
wisdom so habitual in all his speeches, that he never had 
reason to repent himself of speaking at any time without 
ranking the words beforehand ; he was not talkative, yet 
free of discourse ; of a very spare diet, not given to sleep, 
and an early riser when in health ; he never was at any time 
idle, and hated to see any one else so ; in all his natural 
and ordinary inclinations and composure, there was some- 
thing extraordinary and tending to virtue, beyond what I can 
describe, or can be gathered from a bare dead description ; 
there was a life of spirit and power in him that is not to be 
found in any copy drawn from him. To sum up, therefore, 
all that can be said of his outward frame and disposition, we 
must truly conclude, that it was a very handsome and well 
furnished lodging prepared for the reception of that prince, 
who in the administration of all excellent virtues reigned 
there a while, till he was called back to the palace of the 
universal emperor. 

Lucy Hutchinson, Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson (edited by 
C. H. Firth, London, 1885), I, 32-35. 



228 



Estrangement 



ByG. Gar- 
rard, a 
clergyman. 



Chancellor 
of the Ex- 
chequer. 



The 
dramatist. 

See p. 230. 



1 [enry Bur- 
ti in, .i 1 
man w ho, 
for his at- 

iipon 
the bishops 
in sernv >ns 
and pam- 
phlets, was 
condemned 
l.\ the Star 
( Ihambei t< 1 
lose In 
pa) a I 
/'5000, an d 
undergi > 
mi; irison- 
menl for life. 

John Prynne 
was a learned 
Puritan bar- 
rister who 
was con- 
demned in 
[634 t" the 
il his 
ears 1 because 
of his attacks 
upon tin 
stage, and 
the govern- 



j 5. A Newsletter to Wentworth (1637) 

May it please your Lordship, 

My long Silence since the last of July I desire you to 
excuse, I must set the Saddle on the right Horse, and lay it 
on the Lord Cottington, who got me to Funtell, where he 
kept me near one Month, a Place near an hundred Miles 
from London, where I heard nothing of the Affairs of the 
World, therefore could write nothing. Since for this last 
Month I have been most at Sion, from whence now I write 
to your Lordship. Looking on my Diary, I find . . . Ben. 
Johnson dead in England; . . . horrible ado against the 
Bishops in Scotland, for seeking to bring in amongst them 
our Church-Service; strange flocking of the People after 
Burton, when he removed from the Fleet toward Lancaster 
Castle. Mr. Ingram, Sub-Warden of the Fleet told the 
King, that there was not less than one hundred thousand 
People gathered together to see him pass by, betwixt Smith- 
field and Brown's Well, which is two Miles beyond High- 
gate, his Wife went along in a Coach, having much Money 
thrown to her as she passed along. These ( )<xurrences are 
so ancient and stale, that I will enlarge them no further : 
... I will now come to more fresh Things. 

Complaint hath been made to the Lords of the Council 
of a Sheriff of West Chester, who when Prynne passed that 
Way through Chester to Carnarvon Castle, he with others 
met him, brought him into Town, feasted and defrayed him ; 
besides, this Sheriff gave him a Suit of coarse Hangings to 
furnish his Chamber at Carnarvon Castle, other Presents 
were offered him, Money and other Things, but he refused 
them. This Sheriff is sent for up by a Pursuivant. . . . 

The Fleet sent to Sallee by his Majesty under the Con- 
duct of Captain Rainsborough, Captain Cartwright, and 
others, consisting of four Ships and two Pinnaces, hath had 



Newsletter to Wentworth 229 



good Success. So that neither our English nor your Irish 
Coasts shall be troubled any more with them. The Sallee 
Men this Year had Ships in Readiness to come forth, of 
good Number, intending their Voyage for England and 
Ireland, were ready to set sail when our Fleet came before 
the Town, but they kept them in. . . . 

The great Ship of the King's built in the great Dock at 
Woolwich, which is 1637 Tun, built in the same year of our 
Lord, not by Design, but yet it is so fallen out, is named 
the Sovereign. Both King and Queen at the last Full of the 
Moon went to see her launched, but it could not then be 
done, the Tides not falling out so great as they expected ; 
but the next Spring-Tides they hope to do it. She is the 
goodliest Ship that was ever built in England. . . . 

Sir Henry Vane, the Comptroller's eldest Son, who hath 
been Governor in New- England this last Year is come 
Home; whether he hath left his former misgrounded 
Opinions for which he left us, I know not. . . . 

About the 20th of September my Lord of Holland went to 
keep his great Court of Justice in Eyre, both in Northamp- 
tonshire and Oxford. Against Rockingham Forest were 
found many great Trespassers ; my Lord was assisted by five 
Judges, Bridgeman, Finch, Trevor, /ones, and Crawley; 
and those who were found faulty, were soundly fined ; my 
Lord of Salisbury, for his Father's Faults, if he made any, 
for Brigstock-Parks given him by Queen Elizabeth, was 
fined 20000 1. but 1 hope he will come off, for 'tis said, if 
his Counsel had been well informed by those Servants of his 
who attended the Business, and had showed in Time those 
Pardons which King James gave Robert Earl of Salisbury, 
when he came to the Crown, he had escaped fining, but 
now he is at the King's Mercy. The Earl of Westmorland 
was fined 19000 1. Sir Christopher Hatton 12000 1. my Lord 
Newport 3000 1. Sir Lewis Watson 4000 1. Sir Robert Ban- 
nister 3000 1. my Lord of Peterborough, my Lord Brudenell, 



ment that 
counte- 
nanced it. 
In 1637, his 
1 iffence was 
violent lan- 
guage a 
the govern- 
ment of the 
Church. 
I he popular 
sympathy 
displayed at 
this time 
was in strik- 
ing contrast 
with the in- 
difference 
shown 
toward 
I '1 J n tie's 
sufferings in 
1634. 

The Sallee 
men were 
Barbary 
pirates. 

The Sover- 
eign saw- 
much service 
under Blake, 
and was 
burned 
through neg- 
ligence in 
1696. 
" A ship 
which was 
second to 
none in the 
w 01 Id, and 
which for 
more than a 
generation 

was the ''ii\ \ 

of foreign 
seamen." 

Clowes. 

Vane was 
one of the 
advanced 
thinkers of 
his time, 
lie left Eng- 



2 3° 



Estrangement 



land in 1635 
because of 
dissatisfac- 
tion with 
Charles's 
rule. Dis- 
gusted with 
the intoler- 
ance of the 
colonists he 
returned 
home in time 
to take an 
active part in 
the Puritan 
revolution. — ■ 
See 

J. Hosmer, 
i 'oung 
Sir Harry 
Vane. 

The bounda- 
ries of the 
forests in the 
whole of 
England had 
been fixed 
for more 
than three 
centuries in 
accordance 
with a sur- 
vey made in 
the reign of 
Edward I. 
In 1634 the 
survey was 
declared in- 
valid, and 
enormous 
fines were 
exacted from 
alleged tres- 
passers. 

The attempt 
of Charles 
and Laud to 
force the 
English Ser- 
vice Book 
upon Scot- 
land roused 
an opposition 
which was 
the opening 



Sir Lewis Tresham, and other little Fines, which I omit. 
The Bounds of this Forest of Rockingham are increased from 
six Miles to sixty. The Particulars of his Proceedings in 
Oxfordshire I know not ; it was no great Matter he did 
there. My Lord Dauby was fined 500 1. which he hath 
sent in. 

I mentioned before an Attempt to bring in our English 
Church-Service into Scotland, which made a great Hubbub 
there, and was repelled with much Violence by the Common 
People, though Women appeared most in the Action, fling- 
ing their Stools at the Bishop, and renting his episcopal 
Garments off him, as he went forth of the Church, others 
flinging Stones at him in the Streets, so that if the Earl of 
Roxborough had not sought to quiet them, and receive him 
into his Coach, they had stoned him to Death. A second 
Attempt hath been made, of which fresh News is come 
thence to the Court, wherein they have sped worse. Besides 
some of the Nobless, and many of the Gentry and better 
Sort appear in it, who withstand it with greater Violence 
than before, so that there is no Hope that it will be effected. 

On Michaelmas Day the King at Hampton- Court suddenly 
prickt the High Sheriffs of England and Wales, that so the 
more speedily they may go in Hand to gather the Ship- 
Monies for this next Year, the Writs being already sent to 
them. . . . 

The East India Company here are giving over their 
Trade, the Disturbances they have received abroad by Ships 
sent out in the Name of Sir Willi a in Cur tine and Endymion 
Porter have so disordered their Affairs, that except they 
receive present Comforts from the King and State here, and 
be by them protected, they cannot longer subsist ; their 
Goods are seized on in the East-Indies, the Bodies of their 
Factors imprisoned, whom to free they have already paid 
great Sums of Money. And they are now resolving to call 
Home their Men, Goods and Shipping. Their breaking 



Newsletter to Wentworth 231 

will certainly for a Time diminish the King's Customs, as scene in the 

Puritan 
most conceive. . . . rebellion. 

So wishing unto your Lordship all Happiness, I am, This was the 
My Lord, third ™' of 

ship money 

Your most humble Servant, made famous 

r " u G.Garrard. g™fS en>s 

SlOtl, Oct. 9th, 1637. resistance.— 

See Old 
The Earl of Strafforde's Letters and Despatches (edited by Sf^olk? 
W. Knowles, London, 1739), U> 114-118. 



CHAPTER XII — THE PURITAN 
REBELLION 



By R" 
Baillie 
(1599-1663), 
a learned 
Scottish 
Presbyterian 
divine. Bail- 
lie h as a 
member of 
the historic 
general as- 
sembly at 
( Jlasgow in 
1638, whii h 
heraldei l the 
revolt of 
Scotland 
against 

Laud's 

ecclesiastical 
policy. Id 

[640 tie was 

sent in 1 ,on- 
don by the 
covenanting 
lords ti 
up an 

sation against 
the arch- 
I lishi i]i. 
Later he was 
one "t the 
Scottish com- 
missi Unas in 
the famous 
Westminster 
asseml ily. 
1 le was not 
in sympathy 
with the In- 
dependents, 
and < ippi ised 
the execution 
of Charles I. 
At the time 



76. The Impeachment of Strafford (1640— 
1 64 1) 

ALL things here goes as our hearts could wish. The 
Lieutenant of Ireland came hot on Monday to toun 
late; on Tuesday rested; on Wednesday came to Parlia- 
ment; hot ere night, he was caged. Intolerable pryde and 
oppression cryes to Heaven for a vengeance. The Lower 
House closed their doores ; the Speaker keeped the keyes 
till his accusation was concluded. Thereafter, Mr. Pym 
went up, with a number at his back, to the Higher House 
and, in a prettie short speech, did, in name of the Lower 
House, and in name of the Commons of all England, 
accuse Thomas bade of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant of 
Ireland of high treasone and required his person to be 
arreisted till probatione might be heard. So Pym and 
his back were removed : the Lords began to consult on 
that strange and unexpected motion. The word goes 
in haste to the Lord Lieutenant, where he was with the 
King ; with speed he comes to the House ; he calls rudelie 
at the doore. James Maxwell keeper of the Black-Rod, 
op- ns; his Lordship, with a proud glouming countenance, 
makes towards his place at the boord-head : bot at once 
manie bills him void the house, so he is forced in con- 
fusion, to goe to doore till he was called. After consulta- 
tion, being called in, he stands, bot is commanded to 
kneell and, on his knees to hear the sentence. Being on 
his knees, he is delyvered to the keeper of the Black-Rod, 



Impeachment of Strafford 233 



to be prisoner till he was cleared of these crymes the House 
of Commons did charge him with. He offered to speak, 
bot was commanded to be gone without a word. In the 
outer roome James Maxwell required him, as prisoner, to 
deliver his sword ; when he had gotten it, he cryes, with 
a loud voyce, for his man to carrie my Lord Lieutenant's 
sword. This done, he makes through a number of people 
towards his coatch, all gazeing, no man capping to him, 
before whom that morning the greatest of England would 
have stood discovered : all crying. What is the matter? 
He said, A small matter I warrand yow ! They replyed, 
Yes indeed, high treason is a small matter ! . . . 

Westminster Hall is a roome as long as broad if not more 
than the outer house of the High Church of Glasgow, sup- 
pi ming the pillars wer removed. In the midst of it was 
erected a stage like to that prepared for the Assemblie of 
Glasgow, but much more large, taking up the breadth of 
the whole House from wall to wall, and of the length more 
than a thrid part. At the north end was set a throne for 
the King, and a chayre for the Prince ; before it lay a large 
wooll-seck, covered with green, for my Lord Steward, the 
Karle of Arundaill ; beneath it lay two other seeks for my 
Lord Keeper and the Judges, with the rest of the Chancerie, 
all in their red robes. Beneath this a little table for four 
or fyve Clerks of the Parliament in their black gouns ; 
round about these some furmes covered with green freese, 
whereupon the Earles and Lords did sitt in their red robes, 
of that same fashion, lyned with the same whyte ermin 
skinnes, as yow see the robes of our Lords when they ryde 
in Parliament ; the Lords on their right sleeve having two 
barres of whyte skinnes, the Viscounts two and ane half, 
the Earles three, the Marquess of Wincester three and ane 
half. England hath no more Marquesses: and he bot one 
late upstart of creature of Queen Elizabeth's. Hamilton 



of his death 
he was prin- 
cipal of the 
University of 
Glasgow. 
His Letters 
ami Journals 
are a valu- 
able record 
of the time. 

The Long 
Parliament 
met Novem- 
ber 3, and 
by the 6th the 
formal at- 
taek upon 
Strafford had 
begun. 
Strafford 
came at once 
to London in 
obedience to 
the kind's 
summons, 
but he knew 
his danger. 
I [e wrote t* > 
his secretary, 
" I am to- 
morrow to 
London with 
more dangers 
beset, I be- 
lieve, than 
ever any man 
went with out 
ot Yorkshire; 
yet in\ heart 
is good, and 
I find noth- 
ing eold in 
me." No- 
vember ii 
he appeared 
in the House 
of Lords. 

Strafford's 
trial opened 
March 22. — 

See Old 

South Leaf- 
lets, No. 61. 



234 The Puritan Rebellion 

goes here bot among the Earles, and that a late one. 
Dukes, they have none in Parliament : York, Richmond, and 
Buckinghame are but boyes ; Lennox goeth among the late 
Earles. Behinde the formes where the Lords sitt, there is a 
barr covered with green : at the one end standeth the Com- 
mittee of eight or ten gentlemen, appoynted by the House 
of Commons to pursue; at the midst there is a little dask, 
where the prisoner Strafford stands and sitts as he pleaseth, 
together with his keeper, Sir William Balfour the Lieuten- 
ant of the Tower. At the back of this is a dask, for Straf- 
ford's four secretars, who carries his papers and assists him 
in writing and reading ; at their side is a voyd for witnesses 
to stand ; and behinde them a long dask at the wall of the 
room for Strafford's counsell-at-law, some five or six able 
This was lawers, who were [not] permitted to disputt in matters of 

toe °aw of tC> fact ' bot q uest i° ns OI " r 'g nt . if an Y should be incident. This 
the time. is the order of the House below on the floore ; the same 

Right, i.e. that is used dailie in the Higher House. Upon the two 
sides of the House, east and west, there arose a stage of 
elevin ranks of formes, the highest touching almost the 
roof; everie one of these formes went from the one end of 
the roome to the other, and contained about fortie men ; 
the two highest were divided from the rest by a raill, and 
a raill cutted off at everie end some seatts. The gentle- 
men of the Lower House did sitt within the raile, others 
without. All the doores were keeped verie straitlie with 
guards ; we alwayes behooved to be there a little after five 
in the morning. My Lord Willoughbie, Earle of Lindesay, 
Lord Chamberland of England, (Pembroke is Chamberland 
of the Court,) ordered the House, with great difficultie. 
James Maxwell, Black-Rod, was great usher ; a number of 
other servant gentlemen and knights assisted. By favour 
we got place within the raile, among the Commons. The 
House was full dailie before seven ; against eight the Earle 
of Strafford came in his barge from the Tower, acompanied 



law 



Charles I and Strafford 235 

with the Lieutenant and a guard of musqueteers and halber- 
ders. The Lords, in their robes, were sett about eight ; 
the King was usuallie halfe ane howre before them : he 
came not into his throne, for that would have marred the 
action ; for it is the order of England, that when the King 
appears, he speaks what he will, bot no other speaks in his 
presence. At the back of the throne was two roomes on 
the two sydes ; in the one did Duke de Vanden, Duke de 
Vallet, and other French nobles sitt ; in the other, the King, 
the Queen, Princesse Mary, the Prince Elector, and some 
Court ladies ; the tirlies, that made them to be secret, the l.e. lattice. 
King brake doun with his own hands ; so they satt in the 
eye of all, bot little more regarded than if they had been 
absent ; for the Lords satt all covered ; these of the Lower 
House, and all other except the French noblemen, satt 
discovered when the Lords came, not else. A number of 
ladies wes in boxes, above the railes, for which they payed 
much money. It was dailie the most glorious Assemblie 
the Isle could afford ; yet the gravitie not such as I ex- 
pected ; oft great clamour without about the doores ; in the 
intervalles, while Strafford was making readie for answers, 
the Lords gott alwayes to their feet, walked and clattered ; 
the Lower House men too loud clattering ; . . . 

Robert Baillic, Letters and Journals (Bannatyne Club, Edin- 
burgh, 1841), I, 272, 273, 314-316. 



77. Charles I and Strafford (1641) By Charles 

' ' v ^ I I (loco- 
es re t l6 49)- The 

Strafford, bill of at- 

The misfortune that is fallen upon you by the strange talndc ^ . 

1 J & against Straf- 

mistaking and conjuncture of these times, being such, that ford had 

I must lay by the thought of employing you hereafter in p aS sed the 

my affairs ; yet I cannot satisfy myself in honour or con- Commons 



236 The Puritan Rebellion 



by a vote of 
204 to 49, and 
it was 1 
to pass the 
Lords, but 
Charles still 
hoped to 
save his 
minister. 
In the end it 
was the 
king's 
efforts that 
ruined Straf- 
ford. " It 
was not so 
much a ques- 
tion whether 
Strafford had 
been a traitor 
as whether _ 
Charles 
could be 
trusted." 
Gardiner. 

On the 10th 
of May the 
king, moved 

by fears for 
his wife and 
children, 
agreed to the 
bill of at- 
tainder. 
When Straf- 
ford heard 
what 1 

had don'- he 
exclaimed, 
" Put not 
your trust in 
princes nor 
in the sons 
of men, for 
in them there 
is no salva- 
tion." 

This letter 
was delivered 
to the Lords 
by tin- Prince 
oi Wales in 
person. 



science without assuring you (now in the midst of your 
troubles), that upon the word of a king you shall not surfer 
in life, honour, or fortune. This is but justice, and therefore 
a very mean reward from a master to so faithful and able a 
servant as you have showed yourself to be ; yet it is as much 
as I conceive the present times will permit, though none 
shall hinder me from being, 

Your constant, faithful friend, 

Charles R. 
Whitehall, April 23, 1641. 

The Earl of StratJ'ordc's Letters and Despatches (edited by W. 
Knowles, London, 1739) *b 4 10 - 

My lords, 

I did yesterday satisfy the justice of the kingdom, by 
passing of the bill of attainder against the earl of Straf- 
ford ; but mercy being as inherent and inseparable to a 
king as justice, I desire at this time in some measure, 
to show that likewise, by suffering that unfortunate man to 
fulfil the natural course of his life in a close imprisonment, 
yet so that, if ever he make the least offer to escape, or 
offer, directly or indirectly, to meddle with any sort of pub- 
lic business, especially with me, either by message or letter, 
it shall cost him his life, without further press. 

This, if it may be done without the discontent of my 
people, will be an unspeakable comfort to me ; to which end, 
as in the first place, I by this letter do earnestly desire your 
approbation ; and to endear it the more, have chosen him 
to carry, that of all your house is most dear to me ; so I do 
desire, that by a conference you will endeavour to give the 
House of Commons contentment ; likewise assuring you, 
that the exercise is no more pleasing to me than to see both 
Houses of Parliament consent, for my sake, that I should 
moderate the severity of the law in so important a case. I 
will not say, that your complying with me in this my pre- 



The Attempted Arrest 237 

tended mercy, shall make me more willing, but certainly it 
will make me more cheerful in granting your just grievances ; 
but, if no less than his life can satisfy my people, I must 
say, fiat justitia. 

Thus again earnestly recommending the consideration of 
my intentions to you, I rest, 

Your unalterable and affectionate friend, 

Charles R. 
Whitehall, nth May, 1641. 

If he must die, it were charity to reprieve him till Saturday. 

Harleian Mss. 1769, art. 12. 



78. The Attempted Arrest of the Five 
Members (1642) 

. . . The said five accused Members this day after dinner 
came into the House, and did appear according to the special 
Order and Injunction of the House laid upon them yester- 
day, to give their attendance upon the House, de die in diem 
and their appearance was entred in the Journal. 

They were no sooner sate in their places, but the House 
was informed by one Captain Langrish, lately an Officer in 
Arms in France, that he came from among the Officers, and 
Souldiers at White Hall, and understanding by them, that 
his Majesty was coming with a Guard of Military Men, 
Commanders and Souldiers, to the House of Commons, he 
passed by them with some difficulty to get to the House 
before them, and sent in word how near the said Officers 
and Souldiers were come ; Whereupon a certain Member 
of the House having also private Intimation from the Coun- 
tess of Car/i/e, Sister to the Karl of Nortlutnthei-land, that 
endeavours would be used this day to apprehend the five 



By John 

RUSHWORI II 
(1612?- 
1690), histo- 
rian. During 

the civil 

troubles 
Rushworth 
acted as 
clerk to die 

I 1' 'Use of 
Commons, 
1 n u ry to 
until 
"i War of the 
New Model, 
and for a 
short time as 

i ry to 
Cromwell. 
He was also 
employed in 
various im- 
portant nego- 
tiations. At 
the Restora- 
tion he made 
his peace 
with the 
court. He 
sat in Parlia- 
ment, and 



238 The Puritan Rebellion 



for a time 
was em- 
ployed by 
the 1 lolony 
of Massachu- 
setts to act as 

[1 :nt. 
I lis Histori- 

'llec- 
tions fill eight 
ies, and 
are a valu- 
able and 
fairly impar- 
tial record of 
the period. 

The report 
that the 
House of 
Commons 
intend' 
impeai 

fi .: 

plotting 
against Par- 
liament im- 
pelled 

s to a 
counter at- 
tack against 

irlia- 
mentary 

Urged by the 

, who 

cried, " 1 ■ », 
you coward ! 
and pull 
those rogues 
out by the 
ears, or 
never see my 
face more," 
Charles de- 

1 to 
make sure of 
his \ ictims 
by a 1 resting 
them hi 

e the 
king left 

Kill the 
queen had 
trusted the 
secret to 



Members, the House required the five Members to depart 
the House forthwith, to the end to avoid Combustion in the 
House, if the said Souldiers should use Violence to pull any 
of them out. To which Command of the House, four of 
the said Members yielded ready Obedience, but Mr. Stroud 
was obstinate, till Sir // 'alL r Earle ( his ancient acquaintance) 
pulled him out by force, the King being at that time entring 
into the New Pallace-yard, in Westminster: And as his 
Majesty came through Westminster Hall, the Commanders, 
Reformadoes, &c. that attended him, made a Lane on both 
sides the Hall (through which his Majesty passed and came 
up the Stairs to the House of Commons) and stood before 
the Guard of Petitioners, and Halberteers, (who also at- 
tended the Kings Person,) and the door of the House of 
Commons being thrown open, his Majesty entred the 
House, and as he passed up towards the Chair he cast his 
eye on the Right-hand near the Bar of the House, where 
Mr. Pym used to sit, but his Majesty not seeing him there 
(knowing him well) went tip to the Chair, and said, " By your 
leave, (Mr. Speaker) I must borrow your Chair a little," 
whereupon the Speaker came out of the Chair, and his 
Majesty slept up into it, after he had stood in the Chair a 
while, casting his Eye upon the Members as they stood up 
uncovered, but could not discern any of the five Members to 
be there, nor indeed were they easie to be discerned (had 
they been there) among so many bare Faces all standing up 
together. 

Then his Majesty made this Speech, 

" Gentlemen, 

I Am sorry for this occasion of coming unto you : 
Yesterday 1 sent a Serjeant at Arms upon a very Impor- 
tant occasion to apprehend some that by my command 
were accused of High Treason, whereunto I did expect 
Obedience and not a Message. And I must declare unto 



The Attempted Arrest 239 



Lady 
Carlisle. 

On Strode, 
see No. 72. 

The king's 
. iid 
was held to 
be breach oi 

privilege. 



you here, that albeit, no King that ever was in England, 
shall be more careful of your Priviledges, to maintain them 
to the uttermost of his power then I shall be ; yet you must 
know that in Cases of Treason, no person hath a priviledge. 
And therefore I am come to know if any of these persons 
that were accused are here : For I must tell you Gentlemen, 
that so long as these persons that I have accused (for no 
slight Crime but for 'Treason) are here, I cannot expect that 
this House will be in the Right way that I do heartily wish 
it : Therefore 1 am come to tell you that I must have them 
wheresoever I find them. Well since I see all the Birds are 
Flown, I do expect from you, that you shall send them unto 
me, as soon as they return hither. But I assure you, in the 
word of a King, I never did intend any Force, but shall 
proceed against them in a legal and fair way, for I never 
meant any other. 

And now since I see I cannot do what I came for, I 
think this no unfit occasion to repeat what I have said 
formerly, That whatsoever I have done in favour, and to the 
good of my Subjects, I do mean to maintain it. 

I will trouble you no more, but tell you I do expect as 
soon as they come to the House, you will send them to 
me ; otherwise I must take my own Course to find them." 

When the King was looking about the House, the 
Speaker standing below by the Chair, his Majesty ask'd 
him, whether any of these persons were in the House? 
Whether he saw any of them? and where they were? To 
which the Speaker falling on his Knee, thus Answered. 

William 
" May it pirate your Majesty, I Have neither Eyes to Lenthall, 

see, nor Tongue to speak in this place, but as the House is realisethe* 
pleased to direct me, whose Servant I am here, and humblv position of a 

, „ , . . „ . . _ . , Speaker in 

beg your Majesties Pardon, that I cannot give any other times of 

Answer than this, to what your Majesty is pleased to demand P oll,lcal , con * 
j j j \ troversy. 

Of me." Gardiner. 



240 The Puritan Rebellion 

The King having Concluded his Speech, went out of the 
House again which was in great disorder, and many Mem- 
bers cried out, aloud so as he might hear them, " Priviledge ! 
Priviledge ! " and forthwith Adjourned till the next Day at 
One of the Clock. . . . 

John Rushworth, Historical Collections (London. 1691); IV, 
477, 478. 



Rv Oliver 

Cromwell 

(1599-1658), 

soldier, 

statesman, 

practical 

idealist. 

" In the 
world of ac- 
tion what 
Shake 
was in the 
wi irld of 
thought, the 
gi eatest be- 
cause the 
most typical 
Englishman 
of all time." 
Gardiner. — 
See 1 'ram- 
well, Letters 
and Speeches; 
Gardiner, 
Cromwell's 
Plat e in 
History. 

The officer 
here referred 
to, Lieuten- 
ant Colonel 
Packer, is 
probably the 
same with 
one who 
later gave 
Cromwell 
much trouble 
because of 
his extreme 
opinions. 



79. Toleration in the Army (1643) 

"To Major-General Crawford : These" 

Cambridge, 10th March " 1643." 

Sir, — The complaints you preferred to my Lord against 
your Lieutenant-Colonel, both by Mr. Lee and your own 
Letters, have occasioned his stay here: — my Lord being 
"so" employed in regard of many occasions which are 
upon him, that he hath not been at leisure to hear him 
make his defence: which, in pure justice, ought to be 
granted him or any man before a judgment be passed 
upon him. 

During his abode here and absence from you, he hath 
acquainted me what a grief it is to him to be absent from 
his charge, especially now the regiment is called forth to 
action: and therefore, asking of me my opinion, I advised 
him speedily to repair unto you. Surely you are not well 
advised thus to turn-off one so faithful to the Cause, and 
so able to serve you as this man is. Give me leave to 
tell you, I cannot be of your judgment; "cannot under- 
stand," if a man notorious for wickedness, for oaths, for 
drinking, hath as great a share in your affection as one who 
fears an oath, who fears to sin, — that this doth commend 
your election of men to serve as fit instruments in this 
work ! — 



Toleration in the Army 241 



Ay, but the man 'is an Anabaptist.' Are you sure of 
that? Admit he be, shall that render him incapable to 
serve the Public? 'He is indiscreet.' It may be so, in 
some things: we have all human infirmities. I tell you, 
if you had none but such 'indiscreet men ' about you, and 
would be pleased to use them kindly, you would find as 
good a fence to you as any you have yet chosen. 

Sir, the State, in choosing men to serve it, takes no 
notice of their opinions; if they be willing faithfully to 
serve it, — that satisfies. I advised you formerly to bear 
with men 'of different minds from yourself: if you had 
done it when I advised you to it, I think you would not 
have had so many stumblingblocks in your way. It may 
be you judge otherwise : but I tell you my mind. — I desire 
you would receive this man into your favour and good 
opinion. I believe, if he follow my counsel, he will 
deserve no other but respect from you. 'lake heed of 
being sharp, or too easily sharpened by others, against 
those to whom you can object little but that they square 
not with you in every opinion concerning matters of reli- 
gion. If there be any other offence to be charged upon 
him, — that must in a judicial way receive determination. 
I know you will not think it fit my Lord should discharge 
an Officer of the Field but in a regulate way. I quest inn 
whether you or I have any precedent for that. I have not 
farther to trouble you : — but rest, your humble servant, 

Oliver Cromwell. 

Oliver Cromwell, Letters and Speeches (edited by T. Carlyle, 
London, 1870), I, 186-188. 



Baillie (see 
No. 76) 
wrote in 1644, 
" Manchester 
himself a 
sw eet, meek 
man, per- 
mitted his 
lieutenant 
General, 
Cromwell, to 
guide all the 
army at his 
p leasure. 
The man had 
a very wise 
and an active 
head, univer- 
sally well hc- 
li ived, as re- 
ligious and 
stout ; being 
a known In- 
dependent, 
the most of 
liers 
who It ived 
new \\.t\-* 1 nit 
themsi 
under his 
command. 
( 'in country 
man, ( !raw- 

a as 
made major 
( leneral of 
that army. 
This man 
proving very 
stout and 

jful, 
got a great 

w i tli 
Manchester 
and with all 
the army that 
were not for 
the sects." 
See No. 80. 



242 The Puritan Rebellion 



By john 80. The Self-denying Ordinance (1644) 



Rush 
worth. 

See No. 78 



December 3 
at Essex 
House. 

Probably 
Whitelock 

himself 
(see No. 81). 



. . . Some were thought too fond of a Peace, and others 
over-desirous to spin out the War, and others engaged in 
such particular Feuds, that there was little vigorous Action 
to be expected from such disagreeing Instruments. And yet 
to search too deep into past Miscarriages, or determine in 
ir of either of those that mutually Recriminated each 
other, might (under their then present Circumstances) 
prove the next danger to suffering a Continuance of the 
same Inconveniencies. Besides, there were of the Army- 
Officers (especially since the coming in of the Scots) two 
apparent Parties, the fust zealous fur setting up Presbytery, 
the other (called Independents) endeavoured to decline that 
Establishment; and of this latter party Lieutenant General 
Cromwell was esteemed one of the Chief; and as on that 
score he was little beloved by the Seots, so by reason of his 
Popularity, General Essex began to Entertain some Jeal- 
ousies of him, and therefore with the Sec/eh Commissioners 
had a Consultation (about the end of November or begin- 
ning of Decemb. 1644) touching the means how to remove 
him, which by Mr. Whitlock (a Person present and con- 
cern'd) is related to this effect. . . . 

Put Mr. Whitlock adds, That "there was cause to believe, 
that some present at this Debate were false Brethren, and 
informed Cromwell of all that passed, which might make 
him carry on his designs more actively for his own Ad- 
vancement." And indeed it may w< 11 be presumed he was 
not like to be behind-hand in Artifices for removing of 
those that would have removed him. 

But from whatever Grounds or Motives it sprang, so it 
was that on the Ninth of Decemb. 1644, (the Parliament's 
Forces being then setled in their Winter Quarters, and 
most of the Commanders in Chief, who were Members of 
either House of Parliament, being in Town) the House of 



The Self-Denying Ordinance 243 



Commons took into Consideration the sad Condition of the 
Kingdom in reference to its Grievances by the Burthen of 
the War in case the Treaty for a Peace, which was then 
propounded (and of the successless issue of which we have 
before in the former Volume given an Account.) should not 
take effect, nor the War be effectually prosecuted. After 
a long Debate of this matter, the House Voted themselves 
into a Grand Committee, where there was a general silence 
for a good space of time, many looking one upon another, 
to see who would break the Ice, and speak first in so ten- 
der and sharp a Point: Amongst whom Oliver Cromwell 
stood up, and spake shortly to this effect. 

"THAT it was now time to speak, or for ever to hold the 
tongue: The important occasion being no less than to save 
a Nation out of a Bleeding, nay, almost dying condition, 
which the long continuance of the War had already brought 
it into; so that without a more speedy \ igorous and effect- 
ual prosecution of the War, casting off all lingering pro- 
ceedings like Soldiers of Fortune beyond Sea, to spin out 
a War, we shall make the Kingdom weary of us, and hate 
the Name of a Parliament. For what do the Enemy say? 
Nay, what do many say that were Friends at the beginning 
of the Parliament? even this, That the Members of both 
Houses have got great Places and Commands, and the Sword 
into their hands, and what by Interest in Parliament, and 
what by power in the Army, w ill perp< tually continue them- 
selves in Grandeur, and not permit the War speedily to 
end, lest their own power should determine with it. 'Phis 
1 speak here to our own Faces, is but what others do utter 
abroad behind our Backs. I am far from reflecting on 
any, I know the worth of those Commanders, Members of The desire of 
both Houses who are yet in power; but if 1 may speak my and'oHhose 

Conscience without reflection upon any, I do conceive if who held 

■ , • , -, , " i i , , „• with him, was 
the Army be not put into another Method, and the War not to ad- 
more vigorously prosecuted, the People can bear the War vance tl "' lr 



244 The Puritan Rebellion 

own inter- no longer, and will enforce you to a dishonourable Peace, 
strike'down ^ ut tnis ^ would recommend to your Prudence not to insist 

orthat upon any Complaint or over-sight of any Commander in 
man, but to Jf . . . , ' T 

bring the war Chief upon any occasion whatsoever; tor as 1 must acknow- 

tor' 1 roi' St ' 'edge my self Guilty of Over-sights, so I know they can 
rarely be avoided in Military Affairs; therefore waving a 
strict inquiry into the C tuses of these things, let us apply 
our selves to the Remedy which is most necessary: And I 
hope, we have such true English Hearts, and zealous Affec- 
tions towards the General Weal of our Mother-Country, as 
no Members of either House will scruple to deny them- 
selves and their own private Interests for the publick Good, 
nor account it to be a dishonour done to them whatever the 
Parliament shall resolve upon in this weighty matter." 

Another spoke to this purpose. 
" Whatever is the matter i which I list not so much to inquire 
after) two Summers are past over, and we are not saved: 
Our Victories (the price of Blood invaluable) so gallantly 
gotten, and -which is more pity) so Graciously bestowed, 
seem to have been put into a Bag with holes; what we won 
one time, we lost another: The Treasure is Exhausted, The 
Country's Wasted: A Summer's Victory has proved but a 
Winter's Story; the Game however shut up with Autumn, 
was to be new play'd again the next Spring; as if the Blood 
that has been shed were only to manure the Field of War 
for a more plentiful Crop of Contention. Mens hearts 
have failed them with the Observation of these things; The 
Cause whereof the Parliament has been tender of Ravelling 
into. But Men cannot be hundred from venting their 
Opinions privately, and their Fears, which are various, and 
no less variously express'd; concerning which I determine 
nothing, but this I would say, 'tis apparent that the Forces 
being under several great Commanders, want of good Cor- 
respondency amongst the Chieftains, has oftentimes hun- 
dred the Publick Service." 



Naseby 



245 



But the first that moved expresly to have all Members of 
Parliament Excluded from Commands and Offices was Mr. 
Zouch Tate ; wherein he was seconded by Sir Henry Vane 
Jun. and others. The Debate lasted long, but in conclu- 
sion the Grand Committee came to this Resolution, "That 
"no Member of either House of Parliament shall during 
"the War Enjoy or Lxecute any Office or Command Mili- 
"tary or Civil, and that an Ordinance be brought in to 
"that purpose." 

John Rushworth, Historical Collections (London. 1 701), VI, 1-5. 



81. Naseby (1645) 

This was the day of the famous Battel at Naseby. The 
King had drawn oft from Borough-hill to ffarborough, pur- 
posing to march to Pom/ret, and thinking if he were fol- 
lowed, he should fight with more advantage Northward. 

Fairfax sent out Ireton with a flying party of 1 forse, who 
fell upon a party of the King's Rere quartered in Naseby 
Town, took many prisoners, some of the Prince's Life- 
guard, and Langdale's Brigade. 

This gave such an alarm to the whole Army, that the 
King at Midnight leaves his own quarters, and for security 
hastens to Harborough, where the Van of his Army was 
quartered, raiseth P. Rupert, and calls a Council of War. 

There it was resolved (and chiefly by P. Rupert's eager- 
ness, old Commanders being much against it) to give Bat- 
tel : and because Fairfax had been so forward, they would no 
longer stay for him, but seek him out. Fairfax was come 
from Gilborough to Gilling, and from thence to Naseby, 
where both Armies drawn up in Battalia, faced each other. 

The King commanded the main Body of his Army, Prince 



The effect of 
this resolu- 
tion would be 
to exclude 
Cronr« 
well as Man- 
chester and 
Ksscx from 
commands. 
But Crom- 
well desired 
to seem 
success of 
his cause 
even at the 
cost of his 
own posi- 
tion. 

On Decem- 
ber 10 the 
Self-denying 
Oidinance 
passed the 
Commons, 
bin it was 
thrown out 
by the Lords. 
Finally, on 
April 3 
1 >nd 
enying 
( Irdin 
was passed. 

marked 
the triumph 
In- 
dents. 

B) BUL- 
sl RODE 
Will 1 1 
1 I " 1. (1605- 
1675), n 
ber ot the 

Parlia- 
ment, and 
prominent in 
the various 
peace negoti- 
ations. See 
No. 80. 

Sir Thomas 
Fairfax was 
commander- 



246 The Puritan Rebellion 



in-chief of 
the New 
Model. 



I hider the 
Se t denying 
Ordinance 
Cromw 
signed his 
place as 
lieutenant- 
general, but 
in response 
to a general 
demand he 
was rein- 
staled by the 
Commons on 
the 10th of 
June, four 
days before 
the battle of 
Naseby. 



Rupert and Prince Maurice the Right Wing, Sir Marma- 
duke Langdale the Left, the Earl of Lindsey and the Lord 
Ashley the right hand Reserve, the Lord Lard and Sir 
George LTsle the left Reserve. 

Of the Parliaments Army Fairfax and Skippon commanded 
the Main Body, Cromwel the Right Wing, with whom was 
Rosseter, and they both came in but a little before the 
Fight: Ireton commanded the Left Wing, the Reserves 
were brought up by Rainsborough, Hammond and Pride. 

P. Rupert began and charged the Parliaments Left Wing 
with great resolution; Ireton made gallant resistance, but 
at last was forced to give ground, he himself being run 
through the Thigh with a Pike, and into the Face with a 
Halbert, and his Horse shot under him, and himself taken 
Prisoner. 

Prince Rupert follows the chase almost to Naseby Town, 
and in Ids return, summoned the Train, who made no 
other answer but by their Fire-locks, he also visited the 
Carriages where was good plunder, but his long stay so far 
from the Main Body was no small prejudice to the King's 
Army. 

In the mean time Cromwel charged furiously on the 
King's Left Wing, and got the better, forcing them from 
the Body, and prosecuting the advantage, quite broke them, 
and their Reserve. 

During which, the Main Bodies had charged one another 
with incredible fierceness, often retreating and rallying, 
falling in together with the Butends of their Muskets, and 
coming to hand blows with their Swords. 

Langdale's men having been in some discontent before, 
did not in this Fight behave themselves as they used to 
doe in others, as their own party gave it out of them; yet 
they did their parts, and the rest of the King's Army both 
Horse and Foot performed their duties with great courage 
and resolution, both Commanders and Souldiers. 



Naseby 247 



Some of the Parliament horse having lingred awhile 
about pillage, and being in some disadvantage, Skippon 
perceiving it, brought up his foot seasonably to their assist- 
ance, and in this charge (as himself related it to me) was 
shot in the side. 

Cromwel coming in with his victorious Right Wing, they 
all charged together upon the King, who unable to endure 
any longer, got out of the Field towards Leicester. 

P. Rupert, who now too late returned from his improvi- 
dent eager pursuit, seeing the day lost, accompanied them 
in their flight, leaving a compleat Victory to the Parlia- 
mentarians, who had the chase of them for 14 Miles, within 
two Miles of Leicester ; and the King finding the pursuit so 
hot, left that Town, and hasts to Litchfield. 

This Battel was wone and lost as that of Marston Afoor, 
but proved more destructive to the King and his party : and 
it was exceeding bloody, both Armies being very coura- 
geous and numerous, and not 500 odds on either side. 

It was fought in a large fallow Field, on the North-west 
side of Naseby, about a Mile broad, which space of ground 
was wholly taken up. 

On the Parliaments side were wounded and slain above 
1000 Officers and private Souldiers. M. G. Skippon (an 
old experienced Souldier) was ordered to draw up the form 
of the Battel, he fought stoutly that day, and although he 
was sorely wounded in the beginning of the Fight, and the 
General desired him to go off the Field, he answered, he Fairfax. 
would not stir so long as a /nan would stand, and accord- 
ingly staid till the Battel was ended. 

Lreton was dangerously hurt, and taken Prisoner for a 
while, after he had done his part, but, in the confusion of 
the Fight got loose again, and saw the Victory atchieved 
by his party. 

The General had his Helmet beat off, and riding in the 
field bare headed up and down from one part of his Army 



248 The Puritan Rebellion 

to another, to see how they stood, and what advantage 
might be gained, and coming up to his owne Life Guard 
commanded by Colonel Charles D' Oyley, he was told by 
him that he exposed himself to too much danger, and the 
whole Army thereby, riding bare headed in the fields, and 
so many Bullets flying about him, and D' Oyley offered his 
Genera] his Helmet, but he refused it, saying, it is well 
enough Charles: and seeing a body of the King's foot 
stand, and not at all broken, he asked D' Oyley if he had 
charged tliat Body, who answered, that he had twice charged 
them, hut could not break them. 

With that Fairfax bid him to charge them once again in 
the front, and that he would take a commanded party, and 
charge them in the Rere at the same time, and they might 
meet together in the middle, and bad him, when Fairfax 
gave the sign to begin the charge. 

D' Oyley pursued his General's Orders, and both together 
charging that body put them into a confusion, and broke 
them, and Fairfax and D' Oyley met indeed in the middle 
of them, where Fairfax killed the Ensign, and one of 
D' Oyley' s Troupers took the Colours, bragging of the ser- 
vice he had done in killing the Ensign and taking the chief 
Colonic. 

D' Oyley chid the Trouper for his boasting and lying, 
telling him how many witnesses there were who saw the 
General doe it with his own hand, but the General him- 
self bad U Oyley to let the Trouper alone, and said to 
him, I have honour enough, let him take that honour to 
himself. 

Both the General and the Lieutenant General performed 
their work with admirable resolution, and by their par- 
ticular examples infused valour into their followers, so 
likewise did the other Officers, of whom divers were 
wounded. 

On the other side the King shewed himself this day a 



Death-Warrant of Charles I 249 

courageous General, keeping close with his Horse, and 
himself in person rallying them to hot encounters. 

Sir Bulstrode Whitelock, Memorials (London, 1682), 145, 146. 



82. The Death-Warrant of Charles I 
(1649) 

At the high Co D t of Justice for the tryinge and iudginge 
of Charles Steuart Kinge of England January xx/.v" 
Anno Dni [648. 
Whereas Charles Steuart Kinge of England isandstandeth 

convicted attaynted and condemned of High Treason and 

other high ("nines, And sentence appon Saturday last"*' pro- 
nounced against him by this Co°t to be putt to death by the 
severinge of his head from his body Of w ch sentence exe- 
cucOn yet remayneth to be done, These are therefore to will 
and require you to see the said sentence executed /// the 
open Streete before Whitehall vppon the morrowe being 
the Thirtieth day of this instante moneth of January 
betweene the houres of Tenn in the morninge and Five in 
the afternoone of the same day w th full effect And for soe 
doing this shall be yo r sufficient warrant And these are to 
require All Officers and Souldiers and other the good people 
of this Nation of England to be assistinge vnto you in tiiis 
Service Given vndero' hands and Scales. 

To Colonell Ffrancis Hacker, Colonel! Huncks and Liev- 
tenant Colonell Phayre and to every of the m. 

Jo. Bradshaw 
Tho. ( '.11 \ 
O. Cromwell 
&c. &c. 
Notes and Queries, 4/I1 S. X. 21. 



By the HIGH 

( (il KT OF 
J I >l If K. On 

the -7th of 
January, 

1649, the 
High Court 
of Justice 

I sen- 
tence of 
death upon 
Charles I 

" ;is .1 tyrant, 
traitor, nuir- 
derer, and 
public 

enemy." The 
death-war- 
rant I" 

fifty-nine sig- 
natures, but 
all accounts 
go to prove 
that some 
ob- 
! "illy 
with diffi- 
culty. — On 
the trial and 
execution of 
< lharles 1 . see 
Gardiner, 
Hist." ■ 
the Great 
Civil 1 1 \ir. 

The italics 
indicate 
erasures. 



250 The Puritan Rebellion 



By Andrew 83. The Death of Charles I (1649) 

Marvell. 

See No. 89. 

He nothing common did, or mean, 
Upon that memorable scene, 

But with his keener eye 

The axe's edge did try; 
Nor called the gods with vulgar spite 
To vindicate his helpless right, 

But bowed his comely head 

Down, as upon a bed. 

Andrew Marvell, A Horatian Ode upon Cromwell's Return from 
Ireland. Poetical Works (Boston, 1857), 136. 



CHAPTER XIII — PURITAN RULE 

84. Milton to Cromwell (1652) 

CROMWELL, our chief of men, who, through a cloud 
Not of war only, but detractions rude, 
Guided by faith and matchless fortitude, 
To peace and truth thy glorious way hast plough'd, 

And on the neck of crowned fortune proud 

Hast rear'd God's trophies, and his work pursued, 
While Darwen stream, with blood of Scots imbrued, 
And Dunbar field, resounds thy praises loud, 

And Worcester's laureate wreath. Vet much remains 
To conquer still; peace hath her victories 
No less renown'd than war: new foes arise 

Threatening to bind our souls with secular chains: 

Help us to save free conscience from the paw 
Of hireling wolves, whose gospel is their maw. 

John Milton. Ode to the Lord General Cromwell. Poetical Works 
(edited by J. Montgomery, London, 1843). II, 214. 



85. Cromwell and the Long Parliament 

(>6 53 ) 



By John 
M'iLton 
(1608-1674), 
one of the 
greatest of 
English 
poets. Dur- 
ing the Puri- 
tan revolu- 
tion Milton's 
sympathies 
were with the 
Independent 
and Republi- 
can party. 
Under the 
Common- 
wealth he 
became Latin 
secretary to 
the council of 
state, retain- 
ing this office 
throughout 
the Protecto- 
rate of Oliver 
Cromwell. 
" By a rare or 
unexampled 
fortune, the 
first political 
genius of his 
age was 
served by the 
first literary 
genius of his 
time." 
F. Harrison. 

This sonnet 
was written 
during 
Cromv 
struggle with 
the Long 
Parliament. 



The Parliament now perceiving to what kind of excesses R >' Edmund 

the madness of the army was like to carry them, resolved (1617?- 

to leave as a legacy to the people the Government of a Jwmember 

Commonwealth by their representatives, when assembled in the Long 

in Parliament, and in the intervals thereof by a Council of colonel in' 

25 » 



2^2 



Puritan Rule 



the parlia- 
mentary 
army, and a 
signer of the 
sentence 
against the 
king. j 
the Com- 
monwealth 

ond in com- 
mand in 
Ireland. His 
sympathies 
were w ith the 
extrem 
publican 
party, and he 

ed the 
Protei torate. 
Aftei ■ 
Restoration 
he escaped 
to the i 
nent, return- 
ing for a few 
months .it the 

iition. 
His Memoirs, 
ei imposed 
during his 
exile, give a 
valuable pic- 

I the 

civil war in 
England and 

Ireland, and 
thri >\v much 
light li- 
the sti 11 

I iriw een the 
popular party 
and Crom- 
well, but the 
\\ riter's 
prejudices 
are strong, 
and he is not 

accurate. 

Cromwell 
and the army 

did not ob- 
ject to the 
dissolution 



State, chosen by them, and to continue till the meeting of 
the next succeeding Parliament, to whom they were to give 
an account of their conduct and management. To this 
end they resolved, without any further delay, to pass the 
Act for their own dissolution; of which Cromwel having 
notice, makes haste to the House, where he sat down and 
heard the debate for some time. Then calling to Major- 
General Harrison, who was on the other side of the House, 
to come to him, he told him, that he judged the Parliament 
ripe for a dissolution, and this to be the time of doing it. 
The Major-General answered, as he since told me; 'Sir, 
the work is very great and dangerous, therefore I desire you 
seriously to consider of it before you engage in it.' 'You 
say well,' replied the General, and thereupon sat still for 
about a quarter of an hour: and then the question for passing 
the Bill being to be put, he said again to Major-General 
Harrison, 'this is the time I must do it; ' and suddenly 
standing up, made a speech, wherein he loaded the Parlia- 
ment with the vilest reproaches, charging them not to have 
a heart to do any thing for the publick good, to have espoused 
the corrupt interest of Presbytery and the lawyers, who were 
the supporters of tyranny and oppression, accusing them of 
an intention to perpetuate themselves in power, had they 
not been forced to the passing of this Act, which he affirmed 
they designed never to observe, and thereupon told them, 
that the Lord had done with them, and had chosen other 
instruments for the carrying on his work that were more 
worthv. This he spoke with so much passion and discom- 
posure of mind, as if he had been distracted. Sir Peter Went- 
worth stood up to answer him, and said, that this was the 
first time that ever he had heard such unbecoming language 
given to the Parliament, and that it was the more horrid in 
that it came from their servant, and their servant whom they 
had so highly trusted and obliged : but as lie was going on, 
the General stept into the midst of the House, where con- 



Long Parliament 253 



tinning his distracted language, he said, 'Come, come, I 
will put an end to your prating; ' then walking up and down 
the House like a mad-man, and kicking the ground with 
his feet, he cried out, 'You are no Parliament, I say you 
are no Parliament; I will put an end to your sitting; call 
them in, call them in:' whereupon the serjeant attending 
the Parliament opened the doors, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Worsley with two files of musqueteers entred the House; 
which Sir Henry Vane observing from his place, said aloud, 
'This is not honest, yea it is against morality and common 
honesty.' Then Cromwel fell a railing at him, crying out 
with a loud voice, ' O Sir Henry Vane, Sir Henry Vane, the 
Lord deliver me from Sir Henry Vane.' Then looking 
upon one of the members, he said, 'There sits a drunkard,' 
and giving much reviling language to others, he commanded 
the mace to be taken away, saying, ' What shall we do with 
this bauble? here, take it away.' Having brought all into 
this disorder, Major-General Harrison went to the Speaker 
as he sat in the chair, and told him, that seeing things were 
reduced to this pass, it would not be convenient for him to 
remain there. The Speaker answered, that he would not 
come down unless he were forced. 'Sir,' said Harrison, 
'1 will lend you my hand;' and thereupon putting his 
hand within his, the Speaker came down. Then Cromwel 
applied himself to the members of the House, who were in 
number between 80 and 100, and said to them, 'It's you 
that have forced me to this, for I have sought the Lord night 
and day, that he would rather slay me than put me upon 
the doing of this work.' 

Edmund Ludlow. Memoirs (edited by C. H. Firth. Oxford, 
1894), I, 351-354. 



of Parlia- 
ment, but to 
the provision 
by vt hich the 
nt mem- 
bers were to 
retain their 
seats. 

Ludlow was 
n« it present 
at the expul- 
sion, but 
learnt I 
details from 
1 larrison in 
1656. Ac- 
cording to 
other ac- 
counts 
Cromwell's 
action was 
much less 

For Sir 
Henry Vane, 

see No. 75. 



I )eaths, with- 
drawals, ex- 
pulsions, had 

number of 
the members 
to about 100. 



2 54 



Puritan Rule 



Anony- 

MOUS. Dur- 
ing the year 
1653 Eng- 
land dealt 
the commer- 
cial and 
maritime 
supremacy 
of Holland 
many severe 
blows. I he 
fight hep' de- 
scribed was 
one ol the 
most stub- 
born CI 
1 it thai year. 
( in the 12th 
and 13th of 
|une, Tromp, 

eatesl 

( om- 
mander ot 
the age, en- 

d in 
battle w ith 
Monck and 
Blake off 
Dunkirk. In 
the end the 

1 were 

1 to 
seek the shel- 

their 
own ports.. 
The English 
el. umed to 
have sunk 
eight of the 
enemy's 
ships, and to 
have taken 
eleven. 
The Dutch 
Vice- 
admiral, 
de-With, 
declared to 

ttes- 
ral, 
" The Eng- 
lish are now 
masters of us, 
and there- 



86. The Rivalry of England and Holland 

(1653) 

With this unexpected news of the beating of our fleete 
here is gnat amusement; and the more, because the great 
fleete at the Flie for Eastland and other parts are sent for 
up, which caused the corne to rise yesterday four pounds 
upon a last, and feared may rise more, if noe shipps may 
goe to sea; and if the busses cannot goe out neyther to gett 
herrings, heere will be desolate time. All the mariners of 
the Eastland fleete shal be prest, and put aboarde the men 
of warr; and soldiers also shal be prest out of every com- 
pany to supply every shipp with twenty new souldiers; so 
that the garrisons are made so bare of souldiers that we 
feare the cytisens must be forced to march to the fronter 
towns to preserve them. At Amsterdam are five or six men 
of wan redy to goe downe to the Texell, and seven or eight 
Hi' ne are hasted to be shortly redye, which are lusty shipps; 
and from thence goe two commissioners to Zealand to 
haste out their shipps all that are fitt for warr. For if we 
cannot prevent the Inglish from layinge upon our coste, this 
land wil be quickly undone, which wil not be indured; and 
therefore 'tis taken deepely to harte, and every stone wil 
be moved to prevent such an evill. For in three or four 
weekes we heere expect five Straites shipps, with two men 
of warr for convoye, which we have writinge sett sail some 
three or four weekes agoe from Livorne; and in few dais 
after were ten men of warr to follow to goe to Hollande, 
beinge there stronge enough besides, seeing the Inglish 
have abandoned the Straites; all which and many other will 
be taken by the Inglish, if they may lay upon our costs, 
but here 'tis not doubted of, but we shall quickly have a 
mighty fleete at sea, to beare heade against the Inglish. 
Heere is also great feare, that our East-Indie ships, 



England and Holland 255 



expected this yeare, may fall into the Inglish handes; to 
prevent which, the East India company are resolved to 
sende out fifty men of warr at their owne charge, if they 
can possibly get them. 

The six East India ships, that were laden and below redy 
to goe out with the fleete, are sent for up to be unladen, to 
be made men of warr; for now all our welfarre hangs upon 
it. . . . 

Here is a generall arrest of all shipps, noe shipps or 
boats soe small, that may goe to sea; and the more for 
feare any marriners should goe away; for they goe not 
now gredyly against the Inglish, seeing they gett nothinge 
but blowes. 

'Tis heere pitifull to see the amasement amongst all sorts 
of people; yea the merchant never looked with such a coun- 
tenance, which is sad to see upon the exchange. 

Another writes, that seeinge we are now blocked up in 
our havens, all our hoopes is of a good peace; to which 
end deputies are a sending for Inglande. . . . 

... It is collected by all reports made, that this fight was 
only performed with the cannon, and that the ships came not 
so near as to charge each other with musket shot; and that 
the English had greater guns than the Hollanders, and there- 
fore had the advantage, and prevailed. We had also certain 
Information, that Blake with twenty or thirty ships had 
joined himself with the English fleet; so that the English 
fleet is now above 130 sail strong. Nevertheless we are 
nowise out of hope, but all this shall be repaired again, 
and a fleet put out to sea, which shall force the English to 
go and keep their own coast. 

The fleet of merchants bound for the Eastland lie in the 
Flye four or five hundred sail, and are commanded to stop 
and lie still; but as soon as we shall observe the English 
gone away, the aforesaid Eastland fleet shall put to sea; as 



fore of the 
sea.'' The 
first of these 
two " letters 
of intelli- 
gence," 
written from 
Holland a 
u<-< k after 
the fight, 
depicts the 
feeling of 
tin- people, 
and shows 
incidentally 
tin- wide 
commercial 
interests of 
the Dutch ; 
the second 
throws some 
light on 
methods of 
fighting at 
that time. — 
On the 
trouble with 
the Dutch see 
American 
History Leaf- 
lets, No. 19. 



256 



Puritan Rule 



also a considerable number of herring busses; together with 
the ships appointed for Muscovia. 

Men labour here to extenuate the retreat of the Holland 
fleet (none daring to call it a beating) as much as is pos- 
sible to do. It was a misfortune that the English had 
always the wind of them, which gives a very great advan- 
tage, and if the Hollanders should have had that advantage 
against the English, they had totally routed and ruined 
them; and they are confidant here, if there happen another 
encounter, and the Dutch get the wind of the English, that 
they will either take, or burn, or sink the English wholly. 
Also that the Hollanders and Zealanders will prevail in point 
of boarding and entring, because the English have no mind 
to work, being diffident and fearful of themselves. They 
De Ruyter report that de Ruyter had once boarded admiral Monck 
nian^oHhe an ^ na( ^ a ' rea<: ly driven and chased all Monck's men under 
patch fleet deck and out of sight, and that he had undoubtedly taken 
See No. 94. him, had he not been succoured and seconded with five or 
six friggats, by which means Ruyter was forced to leave 
him. They say the English have no defence on deck, but 
that the soldiers and marriners are compelled to stand there 
naked. 

They speak also of the gunport holes in the English 
ships, that they are too narrow, by which their ordnance 
cannot play but forth outright; whereas on the contrary 
those of the Hollanders are wide and large, by which 
means their guns have liberty to turn more ways than one. 

Two Letters of Intelligence, written from Holland, June 20, 1653. 
John Thurloe, Collection of State Papers (London, 1742), I, 
279-282. 



Commonwealth and Europe 257 



87. The Commonwealth and Europe 

(i 6 54) 

. . . And in the mean time all endeavours possible were 
used to hinder the work of God in Ireland, and the pro- 
gress of the work 'of God' in Scotland; by continual intelli- 
gences and correspondences, both at home and abroad, 
from hence into Ireland, and from hence into Scotland. 
Persons were stirred up, from our divisions, and discom- 
posure of affairs, to do all they could to ferment the War 
in both these places. To add yet to our misery, whilst 
we were in this condition, we were in a 'foreign' War. 
Deeply engaged in War with the Portuguese; whereby our 
Trade ceased: the evil consequences by that War were 
manifest and very considerable. And not only this, but 
we had a War with Holland; consuming our treasure; 
occasioning a vast burden upon the people. A War that 
cost this Nation full as much as the 'whole ' Taxes came 
unto; the Navy being a Hundred-and-sixty Ships, which 
cost this Nation above 100,000 1. a-month; besides the 
contingencies, which would make it 120,000 1. That very 
one War did engage us to so great a charge. — At the same 
time also we were in a War with France. The advantages 
that were taken of the discontents and divisions among our- 
selves did also ferment that War, and at least hinder us of 
an honourable peace; every man being confident we could 
not hold-out long. And surely they did not calculate 
amiss, if the Lord had not been exceedingly gracious to us! 
I say, at the same time we had a War with France. And 
besides the sufferings in respect to the Trade of the Nation, 
it's most evident that the Purse of the Nation could not 
have been able much longer to bear it, — by reason of the 
advantages taken by the other States to improve their own, 
and spoil our Manufacture of Cloth, and hinder the vent 



By Oliver 
Cromwell. 
See No. 79. 
'I he year 
1654 maiks 
the turning- 
point in 
Cromwell's 
foreign pol- 
icy, when the 
interests of 
this world 
gained the 
upper hand 
over the 
things of the 
spirit. The 
measures of 
the next few 
years were 
concerned 
with trade, 
little with re- 
ligion, but 
they were 
brilliantly 
successful. 
"At the 
death of the 
Protector, 
England held 
a rank in the 
eyes of Eu- 
rope, such as 
she had 
never 
reached 
since the 
days of the 
Plantagenets, 
such as she 
has never 
reached 
since, but in 
the time of 
Marlbor- 
ough, Nel- 
son, and 
Wellington." 
F. Harrison. 
This extract 
is from the 
speech which 
Cromwell 
made at the 



2 5 8 



Puritan Rule 



assembling 
of the First 
Protectorate 
Parliament, 
September 4, 
1654. 

In 1649 the 
Puritan 

Common- 
wealth could 
count on the 
hostility of 
every impor- 
tant power 
in Europe. 

War with 
Holland, 
1652-1654. 

In 1654 
Whitelock 
negotiated a 
commercial 
treaty with 
Sweden. 



A commer- 
cial treaty 
with Den- 
mark, in 
1654, opened 
to England 
the naval 
supplies of 
the Baltic 
states. 



thereof; which is the great staple commodity of this 
Nation. Such was our condition: spoiled in our Trade, 
and we at this vast expense; thus dissettled at home, and 
having these engagements abroad. . . . 

I did instance the Wars; which did exhaust your treas- 
ure; and put you into such a condition that you must have 
sunk therein, if it had continued but a few months longer: 
this I can affirm, if strong probability may be a fit ground. 
And now you have, though it be not the first in time, — 
Peace with Swedeland; an honourable peace; through the 
endeavours of an honourable Person here present as the 
instrument. I say you have an honourable peace with a 
Kingdom which not many years since, was much a friend 
to France, and lately perhaps inclinable enough to the 
Spaniard. And I believe you expect not much good from 
any of your Catholic neighbours; nor yet that they would 
be very willing you should have a good understanding with 
your Protestant friends. Yet, thanks be to God, that Peace 
is concluded; and as I said before, it is an honourable 
Peace. 

You have a Peace with the Danes, — a State that lay con- 
tiguous to that part of this Island which hath given us the 
most trouble. And certainly if your enemies abroad be 
able to annoy you, it is likely they will take their advan- 
tage (where it best lies) to give you trouble from that 
country. But you have a Peace there, and an honourable 
one. Satisfaction to your Merchants' ships; not only to 
their content, but to their rejoicing. I believe you will 
easily know it is so, — 'an honourable peace.' You have 
the Sound open; which used to be obstructed. That which 
was and is the strength of this Nation, the Shipping, will 
now be supplied thence. And whereas you were glad to 
have anything of that kind at secondhand, you have now 
all manner of commerce there, and at as much freedom 
as the Dutch themselves, ' who used to be the carriers and 



Commonwealth and Europe 259 



venders of it to us;' and at the same rates and tolls; — and 
I think, by that Peace, the said rates now fixed-upon can- 
not be raised to you ' in future.' 

You have a Peace with the Dutch: a Peace unto which I 
shall say little, seeing it is so well known in the benefit and 
consequences thereof. And I think it was as desirable, 
and as acceptable to the spirit of this Nation, as any one 
thing that lay before us. And, as I believe nothing so 
much gratified our enemies as to see us at odds 'with that 
Commonwealth;' so I persuade myself nothing is of more 
terror or trouble to them than to see us thus reconciled. 
' Truly ' as a Peace with the Protestant States hath much 
security in it, so it hath as much of honour and of assur- 
ance to the Protestant Interest abroad ; without which no 
assistance can be given thereunto. I wish it may be writ- 
ten upon our hearts to be zealous for that Interest ! For if 
ever it were like to come under a condition of suffering, it 
is now. In all the Emperor's Patrimonial Territories, the 
endeavour is to drive the Protestant part of the people out, 
as fast as is possible ; and they are necessitated to run to 
Protestant States to seek their bread. And by this conjunc- 
tion of Interests, I hope you will be in a more fit capacity 
to help them. And it begets some reviving of their spirits, 
that you will help them as opportunity shall serve. 

You have a Peace likewise with the Crown of Portugal; 
which Peace, though it hung long in hand, yet is lately 
concluded. It is a Peace which, your Merchants make us 
believe, is of good concernment to their trade; the rate of 
insurance to that Country having been higher; and so the 
profit which could bear such rate, than to other places. 
And one thing hath been obtained in this treaty, which 
never 'before ' was, since the Inquisition was set up there: 
That our people which trade thither have Liberty of Con- 
science, — ' liberty to worship in Chapels of their own.' 

Indeed, Peace is, as you were well told today, desirable 



A treaty with 
the Dutch in 
1654 secured 
the exclusion 
of the Stuarts 
from Hol- 
land and 
reparation 
for damages 
to English 
trade. 



A treaty with 
Portugal 
opened to 
the English 
the trade of 
the Portu- 
guese colo- 
nies. 



260 



Puritan Rule 



with all men, as far as it may be had with conscience and 
honour! We are upon a Treaty with France. And we 
may say this, That if God give us honour in the eyes of the 
Nations about us, we have reason to bless Him for it, and 
so to own it. And I dare say that there is not a Nation in 
Europe but is very willing to ask a good understanding 
with you. . . . 

Oliver Cromwell, Speech to his First Parliament, 1654. Crom- 
well's Letters and Speeches (edited by T. Carlyle, London, 
1870), IV, 36-44. 



By Daniel 

( ,' i> »KIN, 
English 
agent, to fohn 
Tlmrloe, 

try nt 
state under 
the Common- 
wealth and 
Protectoi ate. 



It was Crom- 
well's wish to 
further the 
interests of 
the Puritan 
colonists, 
and at the 
same time 
strengthen 
the " godly" 
party by 
transplanting 
them to im- 
portant dis- 
tricts. 
Already he 
had sought 
to induce 
them to 



88. A Colonial Scheme of Oliver Crom- 
well (1656) 

Right Honorable. 

Since my arrival in New England, which was the 20th 
of fanuary last, I wrote two letters by way of Barbadoes, 
and this 3d also the same way, being destitute of a direct 
conveyance from hence. The sum of the 2 first were to 
inform your honour of my arrivall here, and of a little 
in ition, that I had then made in his highnesse's affayres; 
but the sharpness of the winter prevented my travill into 
other colonies. But 1 procured a meeting of the council 
of this colony March the 7th, being the soonest they mett, 
although the governour called them a month before; but in 
the interval between my arival and the counsel's meeting, 
I endeavoured to make knowne, as far as I could, the sum 
of his highness desires; but their was litle done during 
that season, for the forementioned reson, but after the 
counsell of this colony mett, and 1 had delivered his high- 
ness letters, and declared the cause of my coming, they 
thankfully accepted, and readily made an order for the 
promotion thereof, requiring their officers to attend my 
motions in the publishing the same. Whereupon, I did 



A Colonial Scheme 261 



forthwith cause a short declaration to be printed and pub- 
lished unto all the towns and plantations of the English, 
not only in this, but other colonys, (the copie of which 
printed paper and order I have inclosed) and together 
therewith 1 procured and imployed persons of trust in 
severall parts (where I could not be in person) to promote 
the business and take subscriptions. Shortly after this 
was done in mid Aprill (as soone as the waies were well 
passable) I tooke my journey to the colonies of Conectieut 
and New Haven (about 150 miles, for the most part through 
the woods) and unto the magistrates of those colonies 
declared my busines, delivering his highnes letters to Mr. 
Eaton, etc. They all thankfully accepted his great love, 
manifesting themselves very ready to further the worke in 
the West Indies, which they trust is of God. But as for 
this place of Jamaica now tendred, the minds of most were 
averse at present, for as much as at that very season their 
came divers letters from thence singnifieing the sore afflict- 
ing hand of God in the mortalitie of the English upon the 
Island, in so much that of 8000 and upward, that landed 
there, there was not living above one halfe; and those very 
weake, and lowe, and many of them dicing daily, wherein 
also was related the death of major general Fortescue, Mr. 
Gage, and divers others. These tydings are a very great 
discouragement unto the most and best persons, which 
otherwise would have ingaged to remove; only some few 
families have subscribed, but not considerable. If the 
Lord please to give the state either Hispaniola, Cuba, or 
any -other helthful place, I have good reason to beeleve, that 
sundry persons of worth, yea and some whole Churches 
would remove from hence into those parts. . . . For the pres- 
ent their are some few godly discrett persons, that intend to 
pass theither in a ship of the states called the Hope, whereof 
one Martin is comander, which is now here ladeing masts 
for the fleet. These persons leave there familie here; and 



remove to 
Ireland, 
u here his 
arms had 
conquered a 
peace. He 
now strove 
to turn their 
minds 
toward his 
new con- 
quest, the 
rich island of 
famaii .1, 
promising 
them that 
they should 
have the 
government 
in their own 
hands. He 
declared to 
the agent for 

onies 
in England 
that he be- 
lieved that 
" the people 
of New Eng- 
land had as 
clear a call 
to tran 
themselves 

ence 
to Jamaica, 
as they had 
from Eng- 
land to New 
England in 
order to the 
bettering 

it ward 
condition, 
God having 
promised his 
people 
should be 
the head, 
.mil not the 
tail; besides 
that design 
hath its ten- 
dency to the 
overturn of 
the man of 
Sin." 



262 Puritan Rule 

if it shall please God to cary them safe, and that the island 
be liked by them (as I hope it may) then upon their returne 
and inteligence, 'tis probable, that many will remove. . . . 
There is one thing, that I desire to mention to your honour, 
that is, an objection I mett with from some principal per- 
sons, that incline to transplant, and indeed the motions of 
such will draw or hinder many. If his highness see cause 
to remove it, 'tis probable it may further the work. They 
say, there is no incouradgment in the propositions for min- 
isters or men of place, but what is equall with other men. 
Now if a minister and people remove, the people wil not 
be in a capacity, untill they are setled, to maintayne their 
ministers, for as much as they cannot cary their estates from 
hence, being it principally consists in land and cattle. 
Now if there were some annual allowance made unto such 
persons for a few yeares, untill the people recruite, or other 
waies be contrived, it would then take of that hinderance. 
Thus I have, as breefly as 1 may, perticulerly signified 
unto your honour, the sume of what is hetherto done. I 
am hartily sorry, that my service hath beene hetherunto so 
In the end unprofitable to his highness and the state . . . but yet 1 am 
only a few not out f hope, that his highness pious intentions and 
fnvhatfon. ie motions in this great worke, both in the West Indies, and 
elsewhere, shal be owned and crowned with the Lord's 
blessing in his best season. . . . 

I remaine desirous to be, 
sir, 

his highnes and your honer's 

most humble and faithful servant. 
Daniel Gookin. 
Cambridge, in New England, 
May 10th, 1656. 

John Thurloe, A Collection of State Papers (London, 1752), 

V, 6, 7. 



Cromwell 



263 



89. Cromwell (1658 



He without noise still travelled to his end, 
As silent suns to meet the night descend; 
The stars that for him fought, had only power 
Left to determine now his fatal hour, 
Which since they might not hinder, yet they cast 
To choose it worthy of his glories past. 
No part of time but bare his mark away 
Of honour, —all the year was Cromwell's day; 
But this, of all the most auspicious found, 
Twice had in open field him victor crowned, 
When up the armed mountains of Dunbar 
He marched, and through deep Severn, ending war: 
What day should him eternize, but the same 
That had before immortalized his name, 
That so whoe'er would at his death have joyed, 
In their own griefs might find themselves employed, 
But those that sadly his departure grieved, 
Yet joyed, remembering what he once achieved? 



O Cromwell ! Heaven's favourite, to none, 
Have such high honours from above been shown, 
For whom the elements we mourners see, 
And Heaven itself would the great herald be, 
Which with more care set forth his obsequies 
Than those of Moses, hid from human eyes; 
As jealous only here, lest all be less 
Than we could to his memory express. 

Then let us too our course of mourning keep; 
Where Heaven leads, 'tis piety to weep. 
Stand back ye seas, and shrunk beneath the veil 
Of your abyss, with covered head bewail 



By Andrew 
Marvell 
(1621-1678), 
poet and 
satirist. His 
sympathies 
were with the 
parliamen- 
tary cause, 
and in 1657 
he was 
appointed 
Milton's 
colleague in 
the Latin 
secretary- 
ship. See 
No. 84. 
After the 
Restoration 
he sat in the 
Cavalier 
l'ailiament, 
but his en- 
ergies were 
spent mainly 
in writing 
political 
satires, few 
of which 
were pub- 
lished during 
his lifetime. 

Cromwell 
died on " his 
day of tri- 
umph, the 
3d of Sep- 
tember, the 
day of Dun- 
bar and of 
Worcester." 

Reference to 
the historic 
storm of 
August 30, 
1658. 



264 



Puritan Rule 



Your monarch : we demand not your supplies 
To compass-in our isle, — our tears suffice, 
Since him away the dismal tempest rent, 
Who once more joined us to the continent; 
Who planted England on the Flanderic shore, 
Reference to And stretched our frontier to the Indian ore; 

Whose greater truths obscure the fables old, 
Whether of British saints or worthies told, 
And in a valour lessening Arthur's deeds, 
For holiness the Confessor exceeds. 

He first put arms into Religion's hand, 
And timorous conscience unto courage manned; 
The soldier taught that inward mail to wear, 
And fearing God, how they should nothing fear; 
Those strokes, he said, will pierce through all below, 
Where those that strike from Heaven fetch their blow. 
Astonished armies did their flight prepare, 
And cities strong were stormed by his prayer; 
Of that forever Preston's field shall tell 
The story, and impregnable Clonmel, 
And where the sandy mountain Fenwick scaled, 
The sea between, yet hence his prayer prevailed. 
What man was ever so in Heaven obeyed 
Since the commanded sun o'er Gideon stayed? 
In all his wars needs must he triumph, when 
He conquered God, still ere he fought with men: 
Hence, though in battle none so brave or fierce, 
Yet him the adverse steel could never pierce; 
Pity it seemed to hurt him more, that felt 
Each wound himself which he to others dealt, 
Danger itself refusing to offend 
So loose an enemy, so fast a friend. 

Andrew Marvell, A Poem upon the Death of his Late Highness, 
the Lord Protector . Poetical Works (Boston, 1857), 160-163. 



CHAPTER XIV — THE STUART 
RESTORATION 



90. The Return of Charles II (1660) 

[ "|\ /FAY] 23rd. ... All day nothing but Lords and per- 
IV X. sons of honour on board, that we were exceedingly 
full. Dined in a great deal of state, the Royall company 
by themselves in the coach, which was a blessed sight to 
see. I dined with Dr. Clerke, Dr. Quarterman, and Mr. 
Darcy in my cabin. This morning Mr. Lucy came on 
board, to whom and his company of the King's Guard in 
another ship my Lord did give three dozen of bottles of 
wine. He made friends between Mr. Pierce and me. 
After dinner the King and Duke altered the name of 
some of the ships, viz. the Nazeby into Charles; the 
Richard, James ; the Speaker, Mary; . . . That done, 
the Queen, Princess Royal, and Prince of Orange, 
took leave of the King, and the Duke of York went 
on board the London, and the Duke of Gloucester, the 
Swiftsure. Which done, we weighed anchor, and with a 
fresh gale and most happy weather we set sail for England. 
All the afternoon the King walked here and there, up and 
down (quite contrary to what I thought him to have been), 
very active and stirring. Upon the quarter-deck he fell 
into discourse of his escape from Worcester, where it made 
me ready to weep to hear the stories that he told of his 
difficulties that he had passed through, as his travelling 
four days and three nights on foot, every step up to his 
knees in dirt, with nothing but a green coat and a pair of 
country breeches on, and a pair of country shoes that made 

265 



By Samuel 
Pepys(i633- 
1703), clerk 
in the navy 
office in the 
reign of 
Charles II, 
and secretary 
of the Admi- 
ralty under 
James II. 
In 1660, 
Pepys was 
appointed 
secretary to 
Sir Edward 
Montague on 
his expedi- 
tion to bring 
about the 
restoration of 

es II. 
Thus it hap- 
pened that he 
was one of 
the company 
that brought 
the young 
king to 
Dover. 
During the 
years 1659- 
1669 Pepj s 
kept a diary, 
which is 
invaluable to 
the student of 
the social 
life and 
manners of 
the time. 

My Lord = 
Sir Edward 
Montague, 



266 The Stuart Restoration 



later Earl of 
Sandwich. 

The Duke = 
the Duke of 
York. 



I.e. boot hose 
tops. 



Hollis was 
one of the 
commission- 
ers sent by 
Parliament to 
wait on 
Charles II at 
the Hague. 
See Nos. 72 
and 78. 



him so sore all over his feet, that he could scarce stir. Yet 
he was forced to run away from a miller and other company, 
that took them for rogues. His sitting at table at one place, 
where the master of the house, that had not seen him in 
eight years, did know him, but kept it private; when at the 
same table there was one that had been of his own regiment 
at Worcester, could not know him, but made him drink the 
King's health, and said that the King was at least four 
fingers higher than he. At another place he was by some 
servants of the house made to drink, that they might know 
him not to be a Roundhead, which they swore he was. In 
another place at his inn, the master of the house, as the 
King was standing with his hands upon the back of a chair 
by the fire-side, kneeled down and kissed his hand, pri- 
vately, saying, that he would not ask him who he was, but 
bid God bless him whither he was going. Then the diffi- 
culty of getting a boat to get into France, where he was 
fain to plot with the master thereof to keep his design from 
the four men and a boy 1 which was all his ship's company), 
and so got to Fecamp in France. At Rouen he looked so 
poorly, that the people went into the rooms before he went 
away to see whether he had not stole something or other. . . . 

24th. Up, and made myself as fine as I could, with the 
linning stockings on and wide canons that I bought the 
other day at Hague. Extraordinary press of noble com- 
panv. and great mirth all the day. There dined with me 
in my cabin (that is, the carpenter's) Dr. Earle and Mr. 
Hollis, the King's Chaplins. ... I was called to write a pass 
for my Lord Mandeville to take up horses to London, which 
I wrote in the King's name, and carried it to him to sign, 
which was the first and only one that he ever signed in the 
ship Charles. To bed, coming in sight of land a little 
before night. 

25th. By the morning we were come close to the land, 
and every body made ready to get on shore. The King and 



Return of Charles II 267 

the two Dukes did eat their breakfast before they went, 
and there being set some ship's diet before them, only to 
show them the manner of the ship's diet, they eat of nothing 
else but pease and pork, and boiled beef. I had Mr. Darcy 
in my cabin and Dr. Clerke, who eat with me, told me how 
the King had given ,£50 to Mr. Sheply for my Lord's ser- 
vants, and ^500 among the officers and common men of 
the ship. I spoke with the Duke of York about business, 
who called me Pepys by name, and upon my desire did 
promise me his future favour. Great expectation of the 
King's making some Knights, but there was none. About 
noon (though the brigantine that Beale made was there 
ready to carry him) yet he would go in my Lord's barge 
with the two Dukes. Our Captain steered, and my Lord 
went along bare with him. I went, and Mr. Mansell, and 
one of the King's footmen, with a dog that the King loved, See No. 91. 
... in a boat by ourselves, and so got on shore when the 
King did, who was received by General Monk with all 
imaginable love and respect at his entrance upon the land 
of Dover. Infinite the crowd and the horsemen, citizens, 
and noblemen of all sorts. The Mayor of the town came 
and gave him his white staff, the badge of his place, which 
the King did give him again. The Mayor also presented him 
from the town a very rich Bible, which he took and said it 
was the thing that he loved above all things in the world. 
A canopy was provided for him to stand under, which he 
did, and talked awhile with General Monk and others, and 
so into a stately coach there set for him, and so away 
through the town towards Canterbury, without making any 
stay at Dover. The shouting and joy expressed by all is 
past imagination. . . . 

Samuel Pepys, Diary (edited by H. B. Wheatley, London, 
i§93)> L I55- 162 - 



268 The Stuart Restoration 



Charles II's 
love of dogs 
is well 
known. 
See No. 90. 
A ls< > Roch- 
ester's satire, 
" His very 
dog at 
Connal- 
board 
Sit- grave 
and wise as 
any lord." 
History of 
In sip ids. 

The first of 
these adver- 
tisements 
was probably 
written by 
the John 

men- 
tioned in it, 
but the sec- 
ond shows 
the hand of 
the witty 
king himself. 



91. Charles II and His Dogs (1660) 

A Smooth Black DOG, less than a Greyhound, with white 
under his breast, belonging to the King's Majesty, was taken 
from Whitehalj the eighteenth day of this instant June, or 
thereabout. If any one can give notice to John Ellis, one 
of his Majesties Servants, or to his Majesties Back-Stayrs, 
shal be well rewarded for their labour. 

Mercurius Publicus, June - . 1660. 
28 

We must call upon you again for a Black Dog between a 
Greyhound and a Spaniel, no white about him onely a streak 
on his P.R'st and his Tayl a little bobbed. It is His Majes- 
ties own Dog, and doubtles was stoln, for the Dog was not 
born nor bred in England, and would never forsake his 
Master. Whosoever findes him may acquaint any at YVhite- 
hal, for the Dog was better known at Court than those who 
stole him. Will they never leave robbing His Majesty? 
Must he not keep a Dog? This Dog's place (though better 
than some imagine) is the only place which nobody offers 
to beg. 

Mercurius Publicus* ± —,1660. 

Julys' 



By Gilbert 
Burnet 

(1643-1715), 

a lea 1 ned 
and broad- 
minded 
Scotch 
clergyman. 
He took an 
important 
part in the 
Revolution of 



92. The Five Mile Act (1665) 

England was at this time in a dismal state. The plague 
continued for the most part of the summer in and about 
London, and began to spread over the country. The earl 
of Clarendon moved the king to go to Salisbury. But the 
plague broke out there. So the court went to Oxford, 
where another session of parliament was held. And tho' 



The Five Mile Act 269 



the conduct at sea was severely reflected on, yet all that 
was necessary for carrying on the war another year was 
given. The house of commons kept up the ill- humour they 
were in against the non-conformists very high. A great 
many of the ministers of London were driven away by the 
plague; tho' some few staid. Many churches being shut 
up, when the inhabitants were in a more than ordinary dis- 
position to profit by good sermons, some of the non-con- 
formists upon that went into the empty pulpits, and 
preached; and, it was given out, with very good success: 
and in many other places they began to preach openly, not 
reflecting on the sins of the court, and on the ill usage that 
they themselves had met with. This was represented very 
odiously at Oxford. So a severe bill was brought in, 
requiring all the silenced ministers to take an oath, declar- 
ing it was not lawful on any pretence whatsoever to take 
arms against the king, or any commissioned by him, and 
that they would not at any time endeavour an alteration in 
the government of the church or state. Such as refused this 
were not to come within five miles of any city, or parlia- 
ment borough, or of the church where they had served. 
This was much opposed in both houses, but more faintly in 
the house of commons. The earl of Southampton spoke 
vehemently against it in the house of lords. He said, he 
could take no such oath himself: for how firm soever he 
had always been to the church, yet, as things were managed, 
he did not know but he himself might see cause to endeav- 
our an alteration. Doctor Earl, bishop of Salisbury, died 
at that time. But, before his death, he declared himself 
much against this act. He was the man, of all the clergy, 
for whom the king had the greatest esteem. He had been 
his subtutor, and had followed him in all his exile with so 
clear a character, that the king could never see or hear of 
any one thing amiss in him. So he, who had a secret 
pleasure in finding out any thing that lessened a man 



1688, and 
was re- 
warded with 
the bishopric 
of Salisbury. 
In spite of 
his political 
activity he 
was consci- 
entious in 
the woik of 
his office. 
His influence 
was always 
on the side 
of toleration. 
His most 
important 
work was the 
History of his 
( htm /lines, a 
candid and 
fairly accu- 
rate reci id 
ot the period. 

The Bishop 
of London 

-I the 
ministers to 
return on 
pain of for- 
feiting their 
offices. 

" Silenced 
ministers," 
i.e. those who 
had been 
driven from 
the church in 
1662 for re- 
fusing to take 
the oaths re- 
quired by the 
Act of Uni- 
formity. 



2 70 The Stuart Restoration 



esteemed eminent for piety, yet had a value for him beyond 
all the men of his order. Sheldon and Ward were the 
bishops that acted and argued most for this act, which came 
to be called the five mile act. All that were the secret 
favourers of popery promoted it: their constant maxim 
being, to bring all the sectaries into so desperate a state, 
that they should be at mercy, and forced to desire a tolera- 
tion on such terms, as the king should think fit to grant it 
on. . . . The act pass'd: and the non-conformists were 
put to great straits. They had no mind to take the oath. 
And they scarce knew how to dispose of themselves accord- 
ing to the terms of the act. Some moderate men took 
pains to persuade them to take the oath. It was said by 
"endeavour," was only meant an unlawful endeavour; and 
that it was so declared in the debates of both houses. Some 
judges did on the bench expound it in that sense. Vet few 
of them took it. Many more refused it, who were put to 
hard shifts to live, being so far separated from the places 
from which they drew their chief snbsi stance. Vet as all 
this severity in a time of war, and of such a publick 
calamity, drew very hard censures on the promoters of it, 
so it raised the compassions of their party so much, that I 
have been told they were supplied more plentifully at that 
time than ever. . . . 

Gilbert Burnet, History of his Own Times (London, 1809), 
Ii 3i4-3'7- 



Bv Samuel 
Fepys. 
See No. 90. 
" The ruins 
of the city 
were 436 
acres (viz. 
373 within 
the walls, 
and 63 with- 



93. The Great Fire (1666) 

[September] 2d (Lord's day.). Some of our mayds sitting 
up late last night to get things ready against our feast 
to-day, Jane called us up about three in the morning, to 
tell us of a great fire they saw in the City. So I rose and 
slipped on my night-gowne, and went to her window; and 



The Great Fire 



271 



thought it to be on the back-side of Marke-lane at the 
farthest; but, being unused to such fires as followed, I 
thought it far enough off; and so went to bed again, and to 
sleep. About seven rose again to dress myself, and there 
looked out at the window, and saw the fire not so much as 
it was and further off. So to my closett to set things to 
rights after yesterday's cleaning. By and by Jane comes 
and tells me that she hears that above 300 houses have been 
burned down to-night by the fire we saw, and that it is now 
burning down all Fish-street, by London Bridge. So I 
made myself ready presently, and walked to the Tower, 
and there got up upon one of the high places, Sir J. Robin- 
son's little son going up with me; and there I did see the 
houses at that end of the bridge all on fire, and an infinite 
great fire on this and the other side the end of the bridge; 
which, among other people, did trouble me for poor little 
Michell and our Sarah on the bridge. So down, with my 
heart full of trouble, to the Lieutenant of the Tower, who 
tells me that it begun this morning in the King's baker's 
house in Pudding lane, and that it hath burned St. 
Magnus' Church and most part of Fish-street already. So 
I down to the water-side, and there got a boat and through 
bridge, and there saw a lamentable fire. Poor Michell's 
house, as far as the Old Swan, already burned that way, and 
the fire running further, that in a very little time it got 
as far as the Steele-yard, while I was there. Fvervbody 
endeavouring to remove their goods, and Hinging into the 
river or bringing them into lighters that lay off; poor 
people staying in their houses as long as till the very fire 
touched them, and then running into boats, or clambering 
from one pair of stairs by the waterside to another. And, 
among other things, the poor pigeons, I perceive, were loth 
to leave their houses, but hovered about the windows and 
balconys, till they were, some of them burned, their wings, 
and fell down. Having staid, and in an hour's time seen the 



out them, but 
within the 
liberties) ; of 
the six and 
twenty wards 
it utterly de- 
stroyed fif- 
teen, and left 
eight others 
shattered 
and half 
burnt ; it 
consumed 
eighty-nine 
churches, 
four ot the 
citv gates, 
Guildhall, 
many puhlic 
structures, 
hospitals, 
schools, 
libraries, a 
L-rrat number 

itely 
edifices, 
13,200 dwell- 
ing-houses, 
and 460 
streets." 
From the 
inscription 
on a monu- 
ment erected 
in 1671 near 
l'udding 
Lane, to 
commemo- 
rate the fire. 
— On the fire, 
see ). Evelyn, 
Lnary. 



272 The Stuart Restoration 



" It is not, 
indeed, im- 
aginable how 
extraordi- 
nary the vigi- 
lance and 
activity of the 
King and 
Duke was, 
even labour- 
ing in per- 
son." Evelyn. 



Sir Thomas 
Bludworth. 



fire rage everyway; and nobody, to my sight, endeavouring 
to quench it, but to remove their goods, and leave all to the 
fire; and having seen it get as far as the Steele-yard, and the 
wind mighty high and driving it into the City; and every- 
thing after so long a drought, proving combustible, even the 
very stones of churches; ... I to White Hall with a gentle- 
man with me (who desired to go off from the Tower, to see 
the fire, in my boat); to White Hall, and there up to the 
King's closett in the Chappell, where people come about me, 
and I did give them an account dismayed them all, and 
word was carried in to the King. So I was called for, and 
did tell the King and Duke of Yorke what I saw, and that 
unless his Majesty did command houses to be pulled down, 
nothing could stop the fire. They seemed much troubled, 
and the King commanded me to go to my Lord Mayor from 
him, and command him to spare no houses, but to pull 
down before the fire every way. The Duke of York bid me 
tell him, that if he would have any more soldiers he shall; 
and so did my Lord Arlington afterwards, as a great secret. 
Here meeting with Captain Cocke, I in his coach, which 
he lent me, and Creed with me to Paul's, and there walked 
along Watling-street, as well as I could, every creature 
coming away loaden with goods to save, and here and there, 
sicke people carried away in beds. Extraordinary good 
goods carried in carts and on backs. At last met my Lord 
Mayor in Canning-street, like a man spent, with a hand- 
kercher about his neck. To the King's message, he cried, 
like a fainting woman, "Lord! what can I do? I am 
spent: people will not obey me. I have been pulling down 
houses, but the fire overtakes us faster than we can do it." 
That he needed no more soldiers; and that, for himself, he 
must go and refresh himself, having been up all night. So 
he left me, and I him, and walked home, seeing people all 
almost distracted, and no manner of means used to quench 
the fire. The houses, too, so very thick thereabouts, and 



The Great Fire 273 

full of matter for burning, as pitch and tarr, in Thames- 
street ; and warehouses of oyle, and wines, and brandy, 
and other things. ... By this time it was about twelve 
o'clock; and so home, and there find my guests, which was 
Mr. Wood and his wife Barbary Shelden, and also Mr. 
Moone: she mighty fine, and her husband, for aught I see, 
a likely man. But Mr. Moone's design and mine, which 
was to look over my closett, and please him with the sight 
thereof, which he hath long desired, was wholly disap- 
pointed; for we were in great trouble and disturbance at 
this fire, not knowing what to think of it. However, we 
had an extraordinary good dinner, and as merry as at this 
time we could be. While at dinner Mrs. Batelier come 
to enquire after Mr. Woolfe and Stanes (who, it seems, are 
related to them), whose houses in Fish-street are all burned, 
and they in a sad condition. She would not stay in the 
fright. Soon as dined, I and Moone away, and walked 
through the City, the streets full of nothing but people and 
horses and carts loaden with goods, ready to run over one 
another, and removing goods from one burned house to 
another. They now removing out of Canning-streete (which 
received goods in the morning) into Lumbard-streete, and 
further, and, among others I now saw my little goldsmith, 
Stokes receiving some friend's goods, whose house itself 
was burned the day after. We parted at Paul's; he home, 
and I to Paul's Wharf, where I had appointed a boat to 
attend me, and took in Mr. Carcasse and his brother, 
whom I met in the streete, and carried them below and 
above bridge to and again to see the fire, which was 
now got further, both below and above, and no likelihood 
of stopping it. Met with the King and Duke of York in 
their barge, and with them to Queenhithe, and there called 
Sir Richard Browne to them. Their order was only to pull 
down houses apace, and so below bridge at the water-side; 
but little was or could be done, the fire coining upon them 

T 



274 The Stuart Restoration 



A musical 
instrument, 
similar t< i a 
spinrt. It is 
supposed to 
have gainei 1 
its name 
from the fact 
that young 
women 
played it. 



so fast. Good hopes there was of stopping it at the Three 
Cranes above, and at Buttolpb's Wharf below bridge, if 
care be used; but the wind carries it into the City, so as 
we know not by the water-side what it do there. River 
full of lighters and boats taking in goods, and good goods 
swimming in the water, and only 1 observed that hardly 
one lighter or boat in three that had the goods of a house 
in, but there was a pair of Virginalls in it. 

Samuel Pepys, Diary (edited by H. B. Wheatley, London, 1895), 
5, 417-421. 



Rv John 

Evi I \ N 
( 1020-1706), 

: eman 
of literary 
and scientific 
tastes, and a 
fi iend of 
Pepys. See 
No. 90. He 
was royalist 
in Ins opin- 
ions, and 
enjoyed the 
favour of the 
court. In 

e was 
appi linted a 
im :m tier of 
the council 
for foreign 
plantain ins. 
As a staunch 
churchman 
he was op- 

I to the 
religious 

y of 
[ames 1 1. 
"His Diary, 
covering the 
years from 
1641 to 1706, 



94. The Dutch in the Thames (1667) 

June 8. To London, alarm'd by the Dutch, who were 
fallen on our fleete at Chatham, by a most audacious enter- 
prise entering the very river with part of their fleete, doing 
us not only disgrace, but incredible mischiefe in burning 
severall of our best men of warr lying at anker and moor'd 
there, and all this thro' our unaccountable negligence in 
not setting out our fleete in due time. This alarms caus'd 
me, fearing y' enemie might venture up y e Thames even to 
London, (which they might have don with ease, and fir'd 
all y v vessells in y e river to,) to send away my best goods, 
plate, &c. from my house to another place. The alarme 
was so greate that it put both Country and Citty into paniq, 
feare and consternation, such as I hope I shall never see 
more; every body was flying, none knew why or whither. 
Now there were land forces dispatch'd with the Duke of 
Albemarle, Lord Middleton, Prince Rupert, and the Duke, 
to hinder y" Dutch coming to Chatham, fortifying TJpnor 
Castle, and laying chaines and booms; but y e resolute 
enemy brake through all, and set fire on our ships, and 



The Dutch in the Thames 275 



retreated in spight, stopping up the Thames, the rest of 
their fieete lying before the mouth of it. 

June 14. I went to see the work at Woolwich, a battery 
to prevent them coming up to London, which Pr. Rupert 
commanded, and sunk some ships in the river. 

June 17. This night about 2 o'clock some chipps and 
combustible matter prepar'd for some fire-ships taking 
flame in Deptford yard, made such a blaze, and caus'd such 
an uproar in y c Tower, it being given out that the Dutch 
fieete was come up and had landed their men and fir'd the 
Tower, as had like to have don more mischief e before 
people would be persuaded to the contrary and believe the 
accident. Every body went to their arms. These were 
sad and troublesome times! 

June 24. The Dutch fleet still continuing to stop up the 
river, so as nothing could stir out or come in, I was before 
y e Council, and commanded by his Ma ,v to go with some 
others and search about the environs of the citty, now 
exceedingly distress'd for want of fuell, whether there 
could be any peate or turfe found fit for use. The next 
day I went and discover'd enough, and made my report 
that there might be found a greate deale; but nothing 
further was don in it. 

June 28. I went to Chatham, and thence to view not 
onely what mischiefe the Dutch had don, but how tri- 
umphantly their whole fleete lay within the very mouth of 
Thames, all from y e North fore-land, Margate, even to y c 
buoy of the Nore — a dreadfule spectacle as ever English- 
men saw, and a dishonour never be wip'd off! Those who 
advis'd his Ma ty to prepare no fleete this spring deserv'd 
— I know what — but — 



throws much 
light on the 
period. 

The Duke, 
i.e. the Duke 
of York, w ho, 
both as Lord 
Admiral ami 
as King, dis- 
played keen 
interest in 
naval affairs. 

lie was • 

eluded from 
office by the 
Test Act of 
1673. 



This affair 
was one of 
the most dis- 
graceful con- 
sequences of 
the corrup- 
tion and mis- 
management 
in public 
affairs in the 
reign of 

( 'll (I lrS II. 



John Evelyn. Diary and Correspondence (edited by W. Bray, 
London, 1827), II, 287-289. 



276 The Stuart Restoration 



By the so- 
called Cava- 
lier Par- 
liament 
(1661-1679). 
As a result 
of his alli- 
ance with 
Louis XIV 
of France, 
Charles II, 
in 1672, 
issued a 
Declaration 
of Indul- 
gence sus- 
pending the 
^tat- 
■ ainst 
Ni »nci >n- 
formists and 
Catholics, 
and declared 
war against 
Holland. 
In the follow- 
ing February 
Parliament 
met after an 
intermission 

of tWO VIM! 5, 

and at once 
proceeded to 
resolve that 

penal stat- 
utes in mat- 
ters ecclesi- 
astical could 

not be sus- 
pended save 
by a vote of 
both Houses. 
It also drew 
up the follow- 
ing address 
t( 1 the king. 
Charles gave 
\\ ay on every 
point, but 
Parliament, 
hoping to 
make secure 
what had 
been gained, 
passed the 



95. Parliament and the Catholics (1673) 

1673. March 7. Roth Houses agreed to the following 
Address to his majesty: — Most gracious sovereign; we 
your majesty's most loyal subjects, the lords spiritual and 
temporal, and commons, in this present parliament assem- 
bled, bring very sensible of the great dangers and mischiefs 
that may arise within this your majesty's realm by the 
increase of Popish Recusants amongst us; and considering 
the great resort of Priests and Jesuits into this kingdom 
who daily endeavour to seduce your majesty's subjects from 
their religion and allegiance; and how desirous your loyal 
subjects are that no Popish Recusants be admitted into 
employments of trust and profit and especially into military 
commands over the forces now in your majesty's service, 
and having a tender regard to the preservation of your 
sty's person, and the peace and tranquillity of this 
kingdom, do in all humility desire: 

1. That your majesty would be pleased to issue out 
your royal Proclamation to command all Priests and Jesuits 
(other than such as, not being natural born subjects to your 
majesty, are obliged to attend upon your royal consort the 
queen) to depart within 30 days out of this your majesty's 
kingdom; and that if any Priest or Jesuit shall happen to 
be taken in England after the expiration of the said time, 
that the laws be put in due execution against them; and that 
your majesty would please, in the said Proclamation, to 
command all judges, justices of the peace, mayors, bailiffs, 
and other officers to put the said laws in execution 
accordingly. 

2. That your majesty would likewise be pleased that the 
lord chancellor of England shall, on or before the 25th of 
March inst., issue out commissions of Dedimus Potestatem 
to the Judge Advocate and Commissaries of the Musters, 
and such other persons as he shall think fit (not being 



The Exclusion Bill 277 

officers commanding soldiers) to tender the Oaths of Test Act, 
Allegiance and Supremacy to all officers and soldiers now 1828. 
in your majesty's service and pay, and that such as refuse 
the said oaths may be immediately disbanded, and not 
allowed or continued in any pay or pension; and that the 
chancellor shall require due returns to be made thereof 
within some convenient time after the issuing out of the 
said commissions. 

3. That the said Commissaries of the Musters be com- 
manded and enjoined by your majesty's warrant, upon 
penalty of losing their places, not to permit any officer to 
be mustered in the service and pay of your majesty till he 
shall have taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, 
and received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according 
to the laws and usage of the Church of England ; and that 
every soldier serving at laud shall take the said ( >aths before 
his first muster and receive the Sacrament in such manner 
before his second muster, — And this we present in all 
dutifulness to your majesty's princely wisdom and con- 
sideration, as the best means for the satisfying and com- 
posing the minds of your loyal subjects; humbly desiring 
your majesty graciously to accept of this our petition, as 
proceeding from hearts and affections entirely devoted to 
your majesty's service, and to give it your royal approbation. 

Address of Both Houses against the Growth of Popery. Cobbett, 
Parliamentary History (London, 1808), IV, 559. 



96. The Whigs and the Exclusion Bill 

(1680) 

The Jews, a headstrong, moody, murmuring race 
As ever tried the extent and stretch of grace ; 
God's pamper'd people, whom, debauch'd with ease 



By John 
Dryden 

(1631-1700), 
dramatist 
and satirist. 
In the politi- 
cal contests 
of the reigns 
of Charles II 



278 The Stuart Restoration 



and |amcs II 
Dryden's 
sympathies 
were with the 
i !ourt party, 
and his pen 
was at its 
service. 
Tins extract 
is taken from 
Dryden's 
in- tst tamous 
satin', which 
appeared al 
a critical mo- 
ment in the 
struggle 
between 
Charles II 
and the 
Whigs. 

The Jews = 
the English. 

Adam-wits = 
wits, who, 
like Adam, 
chafed under 
slight restric- 
tion. 

Saul = 
< 1 iver 
Cromwell. 

Ishbosheth 
= Richard 
Cromwell. 

Hebron = 
Scotland, 
perhaps 
refers to the 
fact that 

:s was 
already 
en iwned 
King of Soot- 
land at the 
time of the 
Restoiation. 



No king could govern nor no God could please; 

(Gods they had tried of every shape and size 

That godsmiths could produce or priests devise); 50 

These Adam-wits, too fortunately free, 

B( gan to dream they wanted liberty; 

And when no rule, no precedent was found 

Of nun by laws less circumscribed and bound, 

They led their wild desires to woods and caves 

And thought that all but savages were slaves. 

They who, when Saul was dead, without a blow 

.Made foolish Ishbosheth the crown forego; 

Who banish'd David did from Hebron bring, 

And with a general shout proclaim'd him King; 60 

Those very Jews who at their very best 

Their humour more than loyalty exprest, 

Now wonder' d why so long they had obey'd 

An idol monarch which their hands had made; 

Thought they might nun him they could create 

Or melt him to that golden calf — a State. 

But these were random bolts; no foim'd design 

Nor interest made the factious crowd to join: 

The sober part of Israel, free from stain, 

Well knew the value of a peaceful reign; 70 

And looking backward with a wise affright 

Saw seams of wounds dishonest to the sight, 

In contemplation of whose ugly scars 

They cursed the memory of civil wars. 

The moderate sort of men, thus qualified, 

Inclined the balance to the better side; 

And David's mildness managed it so well, 

The bad found no occasion to rebel. 

But when to sin our biass'd nature leans, 

The careful Devil is still at hand with means 80 

And providently pimps far ill desires: 

The good old cause, revived, a plot requires, 



The Exclusion Bill 279 



Plots, true or false, are necessary things, 
To raise up commonwealths and ruin kings. 

The inhabitants of old Jerusalem 
Were Jebusites; the town so call'd from them, 
And theirs the native right — 
But when the chosen people grew more strong, 
The rightful cause at length became the wrong; 
And every loss the men of Jebus bore, 9° 

They still were thought God's enemies the more. 
Thus worn and weaken' d, well or ill content, 
Submit they must to David's government: 
Impoverish 'd and deprived of all command, 
Their taxes doubled as they lost their kind; 
And, what was harder yet to flesh and blood, 
Their gods disgraced, and burnt like common wood. 
This set the heathen priesthood in a flame, 
For priests of all religions are the same. 
Of whatsoe'er descent their godhead be, ioo 

Stock, stone, or other homely pedigree, 
In his defence his servants are as bold, 
As if he had been born of beaten gold. 
The Jewish Rabbins, the ugh their enemies, 
In this conclude them honest men and wise: 
For 'twas their duty, all the learned think, 
To espouse his cause by whom they eat and drink. 
From hence began that Plot, the nation's curse, 
Bad in itself, but represented worse, 
Raised in extremes, and in extremes decried, hc 

With oaths affirm'd, with dying vows denied, 
Not weigh' d or winnow'd by the multitude, 
But swallow'd in the mass, unchew'd and crude. 
Some truth there was, but dash'd and brew'd with lies 
To please the fools and puzzle all the wise: 
Succeeding times did equal folly call 



[ebusites = 

Ri .man 
Catholics. 



An allusion 
to the de- 
struction of 
images and 
at the 
Reformation. 



The Popish 
Plot 



280 The Stuart Restoration 



Shaftesbury 
and his con- 
federates. 



Achitophel 
= Shaftes- 
bury. 



Believing nothing or believing all. 

The Egyptian rites the Jebusites embraced, 

Where gods were recommended by their taste; 

Such savoury deities must needs be good 120 

As served at once for worship and for food, 

By force they could not introduce these gods, 

For ten to one in former days was odds: 

So fraud was used, the sacrificer's trade; 

Fools are more hard to conquer than persuade. 

Their busy teachers mingled with the Jews 

And raked for converts even the court and stews : 

Which Hebrew priests the more unkindly took, 

Because the fleece accompanies the Hock. 

Some thought they God's anointed meant to slay 130 

By guns, invented since full many a day: 

Our author swears it not; but who can know 

How far the Devil and Jebusites may go? 

This plot, which fail'd for want of common sense, 

Had yd a chip and dangerous consequence; 

For as, when raging fevers boil the blood, 

The standing lake soon floats into a flood, 

And every hostile humour which before 

Slept quiet in its channels bubbles o'er; 

So several factions from this first ferment 140 

Work up to foam and threat the government. 

Some by their friends, more by themselves thought wise, 

( >pposed the power to which they could not rise. 

Some had in courts been great and, thrown from thence, 

Like fiends were harden'd in impenitence. 

Some by their Monarch's fatal mercy grown 

From pardon'd rebels kinsmen to the throne 

Were raised in power and public office high; 

Strong bands, if bands ungrateful men could tie. 

Of these the false Achitophel was first, 150 

A name to all succeeding ages curst: 



The Exclusion Bill 281 



For close designs and crooked counsels fit, 
Sagacious, bold, and turbulent of wit, 
Restless, unfix'd in principles and place, 
In power unpleased, impatient of disgrace; 
A fiery soul, which working out its way, 
Fretted the pigmy body to decay 
And o'er-inform'd the tenement of clay. 
A daring pilot in extremity, 

Pleased with the danger, when the waves went high, 160 
He sought the storms; but, for a calm unfit, 
Would steer too nigh the sands to boast his wit. 
******* 

In friendship false, implacable in hate, 

Resolved to ruin or to rule the state; 

To compass this the triple bond he broke, 

The pillars of the public safety shook, 

And fitted Israel for a foreign yoke; 

Then, seized with fear, yet still affecting fame, 

Usurp'd a patriot's all-atoning name. 

So easy still it proves in factious times iSo 

With public zeal to cancel private crimes. 

How safe is treason and how sacred ill, 

Where none can sin against the people's will, 

Where crowds can wink and no offence be known, 

Since in another's guilt they find their own! 

Yet fame deserved no enemy can grudge; 

The statesman we abhor, but praise the judge. 

In Israel's courts ne'er sat an Abbethdin 

With more discerning eyes or hands more clean, 

Unbribed, unsought, the wretched to redress, 190 

Swift of despatch and easy of access. 

Oh ! had he been content to serve the crown 

With virtues only proper to the gov*, 

Or had the rankness of the soil been freed 

From cockle that oppress' d the noble seed, 



The Triple 
Alliance. 

" A foreign 
yoke" = 
reference to 
the Treaty of 
Dover. 
Probably not 
a just charge. 



Abbethdin = 
" president of 
the Jewish 
Judicature." 
Christie. 

Shaftesbury 
was Lord 
Chancellor, 
1672-1673. 



282 The Stuart Restoration 



Absalom = 
Duke of 
Monmouth. 



David for him his tuneful harp had strung 

And Heaven had wanted one immortal song. 

But wild ambition loves to slide, not stand, 

And Fortune's ice prefers to Virtue's land. 

Achitophel, grown weary to possess 200 

A lawful fame and lazy happiness, 

Disdain'd the golden fruit to gather free 

And lent the crowd his arm to shake the tree. 

Now, manifest of crimes contrived long since, 

He stood at bold defiance with his Prince, 

Held up the buckler of the people's cause 

Against the crown, and skulk'd behind the laws. 

The wished occasion of the Plot he takes; 

Some circumstances finds, but more he makes; 

By buzzing emissaries fills the ears 210 

Of listening crowds with jealousies and fears 

Of arbitrary counsels brought to light, 

And proves the King himself a Jebusite. 

Weak arguments! which yet he knew full well 

Were strong with people easy to rebel. 

For govern'd by the moon, the giddy Jews 

Tread the same track when she the prime renews: 

And once in twenty years their scribes record, 

By natural instinct they change their lord. 

Achitophel still wants a chief, and none 220 

Was found so fit as warlike Absalom. 

Not that he wished his greatness to create, 

For politicians neither love nor hate: 

But, for he knew his title not allow'd 

Would keep him still depending on the crowd, 

That kingly power, thus ebbing out, might be 

Drawn to tht dregs of a democracy. 

John Dryden, Absalom and Achitophel. Poetical Works (edited 
by G. Gilfillan, Edinburgh. 1855). 1. 96-102. 



The Popish Panic 283 



97. A Record of the Popish Panic (1681) 

"This Pillar was set vp in Perpetvall Remembrance of 
that most dreadful burning of this Protestant city, begun 
and carryed on by ye treachery and malice of ye Popish 
factio, in ye beginning of Septem. in ye year of our Lord 
1666, in order to ye carrying on their horrid Plott for ex- 
tirpating the Protestant Religion and old English Liberty, 
and the introducing Popery and Slavery." 



In 1671 a 
monument in 
commemora- 
tion of the 
great fire in 
London in 
1666 was 
erected near 
Pudding 
Lane, where 
the fire 
began. In 
1681 the 
accompany- 
ing inscrip- 
tion was 
added. " It 
was obliter- 
ated in the 
reign of 
James II, 
recut deeper 
than before 
in the reign 
oi William 
III, and 
finally erased 
in 1831." 
H. Wheatley, 
London, Past 
and Present. 



CHAPTER XV — THE REVOLUTION 



In April, 
1688, fa 
1 1 issued a 
second I lec- 
laration of 
Indulgence, 
following it 
with the com- 
mand that it 
should be 
read in the 
course of 
divine ser- 
vice on two 
successive 
Sundays in 
every parish 
in the king- 
dom. The 
clergy were 
in sore straits 
between the 
law 1 •<■ 

ment on the 
one hand, 
and their 
cherished 
doctrine of 
non-resist- 
ance on the 
other. Fi- 
nally, on 
May 18, two 
days before 
the first Sun- 
day named 
in the royal 
decree, some 
of the lead- 
ing clergy 
met with the 
Primate t > 
take counsel. 
The result of 
the confer- 
ence was this 
petition 



98. Petition of the Seven Bishops (1688) 

To the King's most Excellent Majesty. 

The Humble Petition of William Arch-Bishop of Canter- 
bury, and divers of the Suffragan Bishops of that Province, 
(now present with him) in behalf of themselves, and 
others of their absent brethren, and of the Clergy of 
their respective Diocesses. 

Humbly sheweth, 

That the great averseness they find in themselves to the 
distributing and publishing in all their Churches your 
Majesty's late Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, pro- 
ceeds neither from any want of Duty and Obedience to your 
Majesty, (our Holy Mother the Church of England, being 
both in her Principles and in her constant Practice unques- 
tionably Loyal; and having, to her great Honour, been 
more than once publickly acknowledg'd to be so by your 
I l-rai ions Majesty;) Nor yet from any want of due tender- 
ness to Dissenters, in relation to whom they are willing to 
come to such a Temper as shall be thought fit, when that 
Matter shall be considered and settled in Parliament and 
Convocation. But among many other Considerations, 
from this especially, because that Declaration is founded 
upon such a Dispensing Power as has been often declared 
Illegal in Parliament, and particularly in the Years 1662, 
and 1672, and in the beginning of your Majesty's Reign; 
and is a Matter of so great Moment and Consequence to the 
whole Nation, both in Church and State, that your Peti- 

284 



Trial of the Seven Bishops 285 

tioners cannot in Prudence, Honour, or Conscience, so far which was 
make themselves Parties to it, as the distribution of it all {bTknig that 
over the Nation, and the solemn publication of it once and evening, and 

1 . 1 • rv . by midnight 

again, even in God's House, and in the Time of his Divine was in print 
Service, must amount to in common and reasonable abouuhe 6d 

Construction. streets. —On 

the trial of 

. the bishops, 

Your Petitioners therefore most humbly and earnestly S ee No. 99, 

beseech your Majesty, that you will be graciously pleased, [JjJ JJjgJJ" 

not to insist upon their distributing and reading your of England. 
Majesty's said Declaration. 

And Your Petitioners, as in Duty bound, shall ever pray. 

Well. Cam. Tho. Bathon. & Wellen. 

Will. Asaph. Tho. Peterburgen. 

Fr. Ely. Jonath. Bristol. 

Jo. Cicestr. 

The Humble Petition of Seven Bishops to his Majesty. A 
Collee t ion of Papers relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs 
in England (London, 168S), No. 1. 



00. The Trial of the Seven Bishops By John 

7 7 A 1 A i I.YN. 

(l688) See No. 94. 

18 April. The King injoyning the ministers to read 
his Declaration for giving liberty of conscience (as it was 
styPd) in all the churches of England, this evening, 6 
Bishops, Bath and Wells, Peterborough, Ely, Chichester, 
St. Asaph, and Bristol, in the name of ail the rest of the 
Bishops, came to his Ma ,v to petition him, that he 
would not impose the reading of it to the several congrega- 
tions within their dioceses; not that they were averse to 



286 



The Revolution 



The king 
called the 
petition a 
" standard of 
rebellion," 
and the 
bishops, 
" trumpe- 
ters of 
sedition." 

At West- 
minster the 
congregation 
withdrew 
when the 
Bishop of 
Rochester 
began to 
read. 

In four only 
of the Lon- 
don churches 
was the 
Declaration 
read. 



the publishing it for want of due tendernesse towards Dis- 
senters, in relation to whom they should be willing to come 
to such a temper as should be thought fit, when that matter 
might be consider'd and settl'd in Parliament and Convo- 
cation; but that, the Declaration being founded on such a 
dispensing power as might at pleasure set aside all laws 
ecclesiastical and civil, it appear'd to them illegal, as it 
had done to the Parliament in 1661 and 1672, and that it 
was a point of such consequence, that they could not so far 
make themselves parties to it, as the reading of it in church 
in time of divine service amounted to. 

The King was so far incens'd at this addresse, that he 
with threatening expressions commanded them to obey him 
in reading it at their perils, and so dismiss'd them. 

20. I went to White-hall Chapell, where, after the 
morning Lessons, the Declaration was read by one of y e 
Choir who us'd to read the chapters. I heare it was in 
the Abby Church, Westminster, but almost universally 
forborne throughout all London : the consequences of which 
a little time will shew. 

25. All the discourse now was about the Bishops 
refusing to read y e injunction for y e abolition of the 
Test, &c. It seemes the injunction came so crudely from 
the Secretary's office, that it was neither seal'd nor sign'd 
in forme, nor had any lawyer ben consulted, so as the 
Bishops, who took all imaginable advice, put the Court to 
greate difficulties how to proceede against them. Greate 
were the consults, and a proclamation expected all this day; 
but nothing was don. The action of the Bishops was uni- 
versaly applauded, and reconcil'd many adverse parties. 
Papists only excepted, who were now exceedingly perplex'd, 
and violent courses were every moment expected. Report 
was, that the Protestant secular Lords and Nobility would 
abett the Clergy. . . . 

S June. This day the Archbishop of Canterbury, with 



Trial of the Seven Bishops 287 



the Bishops of Ely, Chichester, St. Asaph, Bristol, Peter- 
borough, and Bath and Wells, were sent from the Privy 
Council prisoners to the Tower, for refusing to give baile 
for their appearance, on their not reading the declaration 
for liberty of conscience; they refus'd to give baile, as it 
would have prejudiced their peerage. The concern of the 
people for them was wonderfull, infinite crouds on their 
knees begging their blessing, and praying for them, as they 
pass'd out of the barge along the Tower-wharfe. 

10. A young Prince borne, which will cause dis- 
putes. . . . 

13. I went to the Tower to see the Bishops, visited 
the Abp. and Bps. of Ely, St. Asaph, and Bath and Wells. 

14. Din'd with my Lord Chancellor. 

15. Being the first day of Term, the Bishops were 
brought to Westminster on Habeas Corpus, when the 
indictment was read, and they were called on to plead; 
their Counsel objected that the warrant was illegal; but, 
after long debate, it was over-ruled, and they pleaded. 

The Court then offered to take bail for their appearance; 
but this they refused, and at last were dismissed on their 
own recognizances to appear that day fortnight; the Abp. 
in ^200, the Bishops ^ioo each. . . . 

29. They appeared; the trial lasted from 9 in the 
morning to past 6 in the evening, when the Jury retired 
to consider of their verdict, and the Court adjourned to 
9 the next morning. The Jury were locked up till that 
time, n of them being for an acquittal; but one 
(Arnold a brewer) would not consent. At length he agreed 
with the others. The Cheif Justice Wright, behaved with 
great moderation and civility to the Bishops. Alibone, a 
Papist, was strongly against them; but Holloway and 
Powell, being of opinion in their favour, they were 
acquitted. When this was heard, there was great rejoicing; 
and there was a lane of people from the King's Bench to 



By the ad- 
vice of Jef- 
freys they 
were prose- 
cuted for 
seditious 
libel. 

It was a 
peer's privi- 
lege not to 
be required 
to give bail 
in a case of 
libel. 

iames, 
nown later 
as the Old 
Pretender, 
died 1765. 



Term = term 
of the law 
courts. 



288 



The Revolution 



Sir Edward 
Hales, a 
Roman 
Catholic, 
holding office 
by royal dis- 
pensation. 



the waterside, on their knees, as the Bishops pass'd and 
repass'd, to beg their blessing. Bonfires were made that 
night, and bells rung, which was taken very ill at Court, 
and an appearance of neere 60 Earls and Lords, &c. on 
the bench, did not a little comfort them; but indeede they 
were all along full of comfort and cheerfull. 

Note, they denied to pay the Lieut 1 of the Tower 
(Hales, who us'd them very surlily) any fees, alleaging that 
none were due. 

The night was solemniz'd with bonfires, and other fire- 
works, &c. 

2 July. The two Judges, Holloway and Powell, were 
displaced. 

John Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence (London, 1827), III, 
241-246. 



By John, 

Baron 

Churchill, 

and later 
successively 
Earl and 
Duke of 
Marlbor- 
ough (1650- 
1722). 
Churchill 
was one 
ot the great- 
est of English 
generals, his 
success in 
war was un- 
broken, but 
he seemed 
incapable of 
loyalty. As 
a boy he en- 
tered the 
service of the 
Duke of 
York, later 
James II, 



100. A Farewell Letter to the King (1688) 

Sir, 

Since Men are seldom suspected of Sincerity, when they 
act contrary to their Interests ; and though my dutiful 
Behaviour to your Majesty in the worst of Times, (for which 
I acknowledge my poor Services much over-paid) may not 
be sufficient to incline You to a charitable Interpretation of 
my Actions ; yet I hope, the great Advantage I enjoy under 
Your Majesty, which I can never expect in any other change 
of Government, may reasonably convince Your Majesty, and 
the World, that I am acted by a higher Principle, when I of- 
fer that violence to my Inclination and Interest, as to desert 
Your Majesty at a time when your Affairs seem to challenge 
the strictest obedience from all Your Subjects, much more 
from one who lies under the greatest personal Obligations 
imaginable to Your Majesty. This Sir, could proceed from 



A Declaration of Rebellion 289 

nothing but the inviolable Dictates of my CONSCIENCE, 
and necessary concern for my RELIGION (which no good 
Man can oppose) and with which I am instructed nothing 
ought to come in Competition; Heaven knows with what 
partiality my dutiful Opinion of Your Majesty hath hitherto 
represented those unhappy Designs, which inconsiderate 
and self-interested Men have framed against Your Majesties 
true Interest and the Protestant Religion. But as I can 
no longer join with such to give a pretence by Conquest to 
bring them to effect, so will I always with the hazard of my 
Life and Fortune (so much Your Majesty's due) endeavour 
to preserve Your Royal Person and Lawful Rights, with all 
the tender Concern and dutiful Respect that becomes, 
SIR, 
Your Majesty's most dutiful and most obliged 
Subject and Servant, 

John Churchill. 

A Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of 
Affairs in England (London, 1688), No. 12. 



and enjoyed 
his unvarying 
favour and 
confidence, 
but he was 
one of the 
first to ap- 
proach tlie 
Prince of 
Orange. 
For his share 
in bringing 
about the 
Revolution 
lie was made 
Earl of Marl- 
borough. 



1 01. A Declaration of Rebellion (1688) 

We the Nobility, Gentry, and Commonalty of these 
Northern Counties assembled together at Nottingham, for 
the defence of the Laws, Religion, and Properties, accord- 
ing to those free-born Liberties and Priviledges, descended 
to us from our Ancestors, as the undoubted Birth-right of 
the Subjects of this Kingdom of England, (not doubting 
but the Infringers and Invaders of our Rights will repre- 
sent us to the rest of the Nation in the most malicious dress 
they can put upon us) do here unanimously think it our 
Duty to declare to the rest of our Protestant Fellow-Subjects 
the Grounds of our present Undertaking, 
u 



William of 
Orange 
landed at 
Torbay, in 
Devon, on 
the 7th of 
November, 
1688. The 
country ral- 
lied slowly to 
his support. 
Nottingham 
was the 
headquarters 
of the north- 
ern rebellion 
against 
lames, and 
here, on 
November 



290 The Revolution 

22, the foi- We are by innumerable Grievances made sensible, that 

Iara"onwas the vei 7 Fundamentals of our Religion, Liberties, and 

published.— Properties are about to be rooted out by our late Jesuitical 

with the Privy-Council, as hath been of late too apparent. 1. By 

Bill of Rights, the Ki n g' s dispensing with all the Establish'd Laws at 

Old South 010 

Leaflets, his pleasure. 2. By displacing all Officers out of all Offices 

of Trust and Advantage, and placing others in their room 
that are known Papists, deservedly made incapable by the 
Establish'd Paws of our Land. 3. By destroying the Char- 
ters of most Corporations in the Land. 4. By discouraging 
all persons that are not Papists, preferring such as turn to 
Popery. 5. By displacing all honest and conscientious 
Judges, unless they would, contrary to their Consciences, 
declare that to be Law which was meerly arbitrary. 6. By 
branding all Men with the name of Rebels that but offered 
to justify the Laws in a legal Course against the arbitrary 
proceedings of the King, or any of his corrupt Ministers. 
7. By burthening the Nation with an Army, to maintain 
the violation of the Rights of the Subjects. 8. By dis- 
countenancing the Establish'd Reformed Religion. 9. By 
forbiding the Subjects the benefit of Petitioning, and con- 
struing them Libellers; so rendring the Laws a Nose of 
Wax, to serve their arbitrary Ends. And many more such 
like, too long here to enumerate. 

We being thus made sadly sensible of the Arbitrary and 
Tyrannical Government that is by the Influence of Jesuitical 
Counsels coming upon us, do unanimously declare, That 
not being willing to deliver our Posterity over to such a 
condition of Popery and Slavery, as the aforesaid Oppres- 
sions inevitably threaten; we will, to the utmost of our 
Power, oppose the same, by joining with the Prince of 
Orange (whom we hope God Almighty hath sent to rescue 
us from the Oppressions aforesaid) will use our utmost 
Endeavours for the recovery of our almost ruin'd Laws, 
Liberties, and Religion; and herein we hope all good 



A Declaration of Rebellion 291 

Protestant Subjects will with their Lives and Fortunes be 
assistant to us, and not be bugbear'd with the opprobrious 
Terms of Rebels, by which they would fright us, to become 
perfect Slaves to their tyrannical Insolencies and Usurpa- 
tions; for we assure ourselves, that no rational and unbyassed 
Person will judg it Rebellion to defend our Laws and 
Religion, which all our Princes have sworn at their Coro- 
nations : Which Oath, how well it hath been observed of 
late, we desire a Free Parliament may have the considera- 
tion of. 

We own it Rebellion to resist a King that governs by 
Law, but he was always accounted a Tyrant that made his 
Will the Law; and to resist such an one, we justly esteem 
no Rebellion, but a necessary Defence; and in this Con- 
sideration we doubt not of all honest Mens Assistance and 
humbly hope for, and implore the great God's Protection, 
that turneth the hearts of his People as pleaseth him best; 
it having been observed, That People can never be of one 
mind without his Inspiration, which hath in all Ages con- 
firmed that Observation, Vox Populi est Vox Dei. 

The present restoring of Charters, and reversing the 
oppressing and unjust Judgment given on Magdalen Col- 
ledge Fellows, is plain, are but to still the people, like 
Plums to Children, by deceiving them for a while; but if 
they shall by this Stratagem be fooled, till this present 
storm that threatens the Papists, be past, assoon as they 
shall be resetled, the former Oppression will be put on with 
greater vigour: but we hope in vain is the Net spread in 
the sight of the Birds; For (i.) The Papists old Rule is, 
That Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks, as they term 
Protestants, tho' the Popish Religion is the greatest Heresy. 
And (2.) Queen Mary's so ill observing her promises to 
the Sitffolk-mtn that help'd her to her throne. And above 
all, (3) The Popes dispensing with the breach of Oaths, 
Treaties, or Promises at his pleasure, when it makes for the 



292 



The Revolution 



service of Holy Church, as they term it. These, we say, 
are such convincing Reasons to hinder us from giving 
Credit to the aforesaid Mock-Shews of Redress, that we 
think our selves bound in Conscience to rest on no Security 
that shall not be approved by a freely elected Parliament, 
to whom under God, we refer our Cause. 

A Declaration of the Nobility. Gentry, and Commonalty at the 
Rendezvous at Nottingham, Nw. 22, 1688, A Second Collection 
of Papers relating to the Present J unci arc of A fairs in Eng- 
land (London, 1688), No. 5. 



Anony- 
mous. At 
the time of 
the Revolu- 
tion the 
Highland 
clans were 
generally 
supporters of 
the Stuart 
cause, but 
gradually 
they were 
forced to 
make terms 
with the gov- 
ernment. 
December 
31, 1691, was 
set as the 
last day on 
which their 
oaths to Will- 
iam would 
be accepted. 
Mac Ian 
Glencoe, 
head of a 
small clan, 
took pride in 
coming at 
the last mo- 
ment, and 
unfortunately 
presented 



102. The Massacre of Glencoe (1692) 



Sir, 



Edinburgh, April. 20th. 1692. 



The Account you desir'd of that strange and surprizing 
Massacre of Glenco take as follows : — 

Mac-jan Mac-donald y Laird of Glenco, a Branch of the 
Mackdonalds, one of the greatest Clans (or Tribes) in the 
North of Scotland, came with the most considerable Men 
of his Clan to Coll. Hill, Governour of Fort William at 
Inverlochy, some few days before the Expiring of the time 
for receiving the Indemnity appointed by Proclamation, 
which as I take it, was the First of January last, entreating 
he would administer unto him the Oaths which the foresaid 
Proclamation requir'd to be taken ; that so submitting him- 
self to the Government, he might have its Protection. The 
Colonel receiv'd him with all Expressions of Kindness ; 
nevertheless shifted the administring the Oaths to him, 
alledging that by the Proclamation it did not belong to him, 
but to the Sheriffs, Bailyffs of Regalities, and Magistrates of 
Burghs, to administer them. Mac-jan Complaining that by 
this Disappointment he might be wrong'd, the Time being 



Massacre of Glencoe 293 



now near the Expiring, and the Weather so extreme, and the 
ways so very bad, that it was not possible for him so soon 
to reach any Sheriff, &c. got from Coll. Hill, under his 
Hand, his Protection ; and withal he was assur'd, that no 
Orders from the Government against him should be put in 
Execution, until he were first advertis'd, and had time 
allow'd him to apply himself to King or Council for his 
Safety. But the better to make all sure, (tho' this might 
have seem'd Security enough for that time) with all dispatch 
imaginable he posted to Inverary, the Chief Town of Argyle- 
shi/r, there he found Sir Collin Campbel of Arakinlis, 
Sheriff of that Shire, and crav'd of him the Benefit of the 
Indemnity, according to the Proclamation, he being willing 
to perform all the Conditions requir'd. Sir Collin at first 
scrupled to admit him to the Oaths, the Time which the 
Proclamation did appoint being elapsed by one day, alledg- 
ing it would be of no use to him then to take them : But 
Mac-Jan represented that it was not his Fault, he having 
come in time enough to Colonel Hill, not doubting but he 
could have administred the Oaths to him, and that upon 
his refusal he had made such hast to Inverary, that he might 
have come in time enough, had not the extremity of the 
Weather hinder'd him ; and even as it was, he was but one 
day after the Time appointed ; and that would be very un- 
becoming the Government to take Advantage of a Man's 
coming late by one Day, especially when he had done his 
utmost to have come in time. Upon this, and his threat- 
ning to protest against the Sheriff for the Severity of this 
Usage, he administred to him and his Attendants the 
Oaths, Mac-jan depending upon the Indemnity granted to 
those who should take them ; and having so done, he went 
home, and lived quietly and peaceably under the Govern- 
ment, till the day of his Death. 

In January last, a Party of the Earl of Argile's Regiment 
came to that Country : the Design of their coming was then 



himself to 
one who had 
no authority 
to receive his 
oath. Hence 
he was at the 
mercy of the 
government. 
The King's 
agents in 
Scotland 
thought this 
a good op- 
portunity to 
display their 
power, and 
obtained 
William's 
permission 
to destroy 
the Macdon- 
alds as brig- 
ands and 
murderers. 
The plan 
was carried 
out ruth- 
lessly, and 
but few of 
the clan 
escaped. It 
had the 
effect, how- 
ever, of 
rousing the 
1 ,n\\ lands in 
behalf of the 
Highlanders, 
and William 
was forced to 
dismiss his 
agents. 
The account 
from which 
this extract 
is taken was 
written, ap- 
parently, in 
answer to a 
doubt 

whether such 
a massacre 
actually took 
place. — 
For condi- 
tions in the 



294 



The Revolution 



Highlands, 
see No. ii2, 
and Lecky, 

Uistt I 

England ui 
the eighteenth 

century. 



suspected to be to take course with those who should stand 
out, and not submit, and take the Oaths. The Garison of 
Inverlochy being throng'd, and Glenco being commodious 
for quartering, as being near that Garison, those Soldiers 
were sent thither to Quarter ; ... ere they entred Glenco, that 
Laird, or his Sons, came out to meet them, and asked them 
if they came as Friends or as Enemies? The Officers 
answer'd as Friends; and gave their Paroll of Honour, that 
they would do neither him nor his Concerns any harm ; 
upon which he welcom'd them, promising them the best 
Entertainment the Place could afford. This he really per- 
form'd, as all the Soldiers confess. He and they lived to- 
gether in mutual Kindness and Friendship fifteen days or 
thereabouts ; so far was he from fearing any Hurt from 
them. And the very last Day of his Life he spent in keep- 
ing Company with the Commander of that Party, Capt. 
Campbell of Glenlyon, playing at Cards with him till 6 or 7 
at Night, and at their parting mutual Protestations of Kind- 
ness were renew'd. Some time that very day, but whether 
before or after their parting, I know not, Capt. Campbell 
had these Orders sent him from Major Duncanson, a Copy 
whereof I here send you. 



"Ballacholis, Feb. 12. 1692. 
" Sir, 

" You are hereby ordered to fall upon the Rebels the 
Mac-Donalds of Glenco, and put all to the Sword under 
70. You are to have especial Care, that the Old Fox and 
his Sons do upon no account escape your Hands ; You are 
to secure all the Avenues, that no Man escape : This you 
are to put in Execution at five a Clock in the Morning pre- 
cisely, and by that time or very shortly after it, Ell strive to 
be at you with a stronger Party ; If I do not come to you 

Order of the at fi ve? vou are not to talT y f Qr mgj ^ ut to f a ]j Qn j^/iis is 

for Mac' Ian by the King's SPECIAL COMMAND, for the Good and 



Massacre of Glencoe 295 

Safety of the Country, that these Miscreants may be cut off, of Glencoe, 
Root and Branch. See that this be put in Execution with- Tribe" If they 
out Feud or Favour, else you may expect to be Treated as can bc ' well 

. ., T -- ^ .., - distinguished 

not true to the King or Government, nor a Man fit to carry from the rest 
Commission in the King's Service. Expecting you will not P ft l ie Hi ? h " 

° r ° J landers; it 

fail in the fulfilling hereof, as vou love your self. I subscribe will beproper 

these with my Hand, ^ ^ 

"Robert Duncanson. Pubiickjus- 

" For Their Majesties Service, to Capt. Robert Campbell pate that " 

of Glenkon." Sett of 



Thieves.' 
W. R. 



. . . The Soldiers being disposed five or three in a 
House, according to the Number of the Family they were 
to Assassinate, had their Orders given them secretly. They 
had been all receiv'd as Friends by those poor people, who 
intended no Evil themselves, and little suspected that their 
Guests were design'd to be their Munherers. At 5 a Clock 
in the Morning they began their bloody Work, Surpris'd 
and Butcher'd 38 Persons, who had kindly receiv'd them 
under their Roofs. Mac-jan himself was Murther'd, and is 
much bemoan'd ; He was a stately well-favour'd Man, and 
of good Courage and Sense : As also the Laird Arehintrikin, 
a Gentleman of more than ordinary Judgment and Under- 
standing, who had submitted to the Government, and had 
Coll. HHPs Protection in his Pocket, which he had got 
three Months before. I cannot without Horror represent 
how that a Boy about Eight Years of Age was murthered ; 
he seeing what was done to others in the House with him, 
in a terrible Fright run out of the House, and espying Capt. 
Campbell, grasp'd him about the Legs, crying for Mercy, and 
offering to be his Servant all his Life. I am informed Capt. 
Campbell inclined to spare him; but one Drummond, an 
Officer, barbarously run his Dagger through him. whereof 
he died immediately, The rehearsal of several Particulars 
and Circumstances of this Tragical Story, makes it appear 



296 



The Revolution 



most doleful ; as that Mac-Jan was killed as he was drawing 
on his Breeches, standing before his Bed, giving Orders to 
his Servants for the good Entertainment of those who mur- 
thered him ; While he was speaking the Words, he was shot 
through the Head, and fell dead in his Ladies Arms, who 
through the Grief of this and other bad Usages she met 
with, died the next day. It is not to be omitted, that most 
of those poor People were killed when they were asleep, 
and none was allowed to pray to God for Mercy. Providence 
ordered it so, that that Night was most boisterous; so as 
a Party of 400 Men, who should have come to the other 
End of the Glen, and begun the like work there at the 
same Hour, (intending that the poor Inhabitants should be 
Two of Mac- enclosed, and none of them escape) could not march at 
escaped. S length, until it was 9 a Clock, and this afforded to many 
an Opportunity of escaping, and none were killed but those 
in whose Houses Campbell and Glenlyorts Men were Quar- 
tered, otherwise all the Male under 70 Years of Age, to the 
number of 200, had been cut off, for that was the Order; 
and it might have been easily executed, especially consider- 
ing that the Inhabitants had no Arms at that time ; for upon 
the first hearing that the Soldiers were coming to the Glen, 
they had conveyed them all out of the way : For though 
they reived on the promises which wire made them for 
their Safety ; yet they thought it not improbable that they 
might be disarmed. I know not whether to impute it to 
difficulty of distinguishing the difference of a few Years, or 
to the fury of the Souldiers, who being once glutted with 
Blood, stand at nothing, that even some above Seventy 
Years of Age were destroyed. They set all the Houses on 
Fire, drove off all the Cattle to the Garison of Invcrlocliy, 
viz. 900 Cows, 200 Horses, and a great many Sheep and 
Goats, and there they were divided amongst the Officers. 
And how dismal may you imagine the Case of the poor 
Women and Children was then ! It was lamentable, past 



Massacre of Glencoe 297 

expression ; their Husbands and Fathers, and near Rela- 
tions were forced to flee for their Lives ; they themselves 
almost stript, and nothing left them, and their Houses 
being burnt, and not one House nearer than six Miles ; 
and to get thither they were to pass over Mountains, and 
Wreaths of Snow, in a vehement Storm, wherin the great- 
est part of them perished through Hunger and Cold. . . . 

There is enough of this mournful Subject : If what I have 
said satisfy you not, you may have what farther Proof, and 
in what manner you please to ask it. 
Sir, 

Your Humble Servant, 6°r. 

A Letter from a Gentleman in Scotland to his friend at London, 
who desir'd a Particular Account of the Business at Glenco 
(Clarendon Historical Society, 18S5, 103-110). 



CHAPTER XVI — POLITICAL CON- 
DITIONS AFTER 1688 



Anony- 
mous. " it 

will be ob- 
served in 
this ' bill' 
that bribery 
is not put 
down as one 
of the promi- 
nent features 
of an elec- 
tion at this 
period ; vio- 
lence was, as 
yet, found to 
be more 
effective than 
corruption." 
Wright. 



103. A Burlesque Bill of Costs for a Tory 
Election (171 5) 

£ s. D. 

Imprimis, for bespeaking and collecting a mob 20 o o 

Item, for many suits of knots for their heads . 30 o o 

For scores of huzza-men 40 o o 

For roarers of the word " Church " .... 40 o o 

For a set of " No Roundhead " roarers ... 40 o o 
For several gallons of Tory punch on church 

tomb-stones 30 o o 

For a majority of clubs and brandy- bottles . . 20 o o 

For bell-ringers, fiddlers, and porters ... 10 o o 

For a set of coffee-house praters 40 o o 

For extraordinary expense for cloths and lac'd 

hats on show days, to dazzle the mob . 50 o o 

For Dissenters' daniners 40 o o 

For demolishing two houses 200 o o 

For committing two riots 200 o o 

For secret encouragement to the rioters. . . 40 o o 

For a dozen of perjury men 100 o o 

For packing and carriage paid to Gloucester . 50 o o 

For breaking windows 20 o o 

For a gang of alderman-abusers 40 o o 

For a set of notorious lyars 50 o o 

For pot-ale 100 o o 

For law, and charges in the King's Bench . . 300 o o 

1460 o o 

The Flying Post (London). January 27, 171 5 (cited by Thomas 
Wright, Caricature History of the Georges, London, 1867, 17). 
298 



The Wilkes Case 



299 



104. 



A Debate on the " Wilkes " Case 

(1764) 



Sunday evening Feb. 19th. 

Happening to hear of a gentleman who sets out for Paris 
in two or three days, I stopped my letter, both out of 
prudence (pray admire me !) and from thinking that it was 
as well to send you at once the complete history of our 
Great Week. By the time you have read the preceding 
pages, you may, perhaps, expect to find a change in the 
ministry in what I am going to say. You must have a 
little patience ; our parliamentary war, like the last war in 
Germany, produces very considerable battles that are not 
decisive. Marshal Pitt has given another great blow to the 
subsidiary army, but they remained masters of the field, and 
both sides sing Te Dcitin. I am not talking figuratively, 
when I assure you that bells, bonfires, and an illumination 
from the Monument, were prepared in the City, in case we 
had had the majority. Lord Temple was so indiscreet and 
indecent as to have fagots ready for two bonfires, but was 
persuaded to lay aside the design, even before it was abortive. 

It is impossible to give you the detail of so long a debate 
as Friday's. You will regret it the less when I tell you it 
was a very dull one. I never knew a day of expectation 
answer. The impromptus and the unexpected are ever the 
most shining. We love to hear ourselves talk, and yet we 
must be formed of adamant to be able to talk day and 
night on the same question for a week together, if you had 
seen how ill we looked, you would not have wondered we 
did not speak well. A company of colliers emerging from 
damps and darkness could not have appeared more ghastly 
and dirty than we did on Wednesday morning ; and we had 
not recovered much bloom on Friday. We spent two or 
three hours on corrections of, and additions to, the question 



By Horace 
Walpole, 
Earl of 
Orford 
(1717-1797), 
son of Sir 
Robert Wal- 
pole. He 
filled various 
public 
offices, and 
for some 
years he sat 
in the House 
of Commons, 
but he was 
more distin- 
guished in 
literature 
than in poli- 
tics. He 
was a keen 
observer and 
in close in- 
tercourse 
with the 
leading men 
of his time, 
and his 
Letters and 
Memoirs, 
which cover 
a large part 
of the reigns 
of George II 
and George 
III, throw a 
strong light 
on the events 
of the day. 
This extract 
is from a 
letter to the 
Earl of Hert- 
ford, British 
Ambassador 
at Paris, and 
describes a 
debate on the 
question of 
general war- 
rants. — On 
the Wilkes 
case, see 



300 Political Conditions 



Lecky, His- 
tory of Eng- 
land in the 
Eighteenth 
(. entury. 



I.e. against 
genera] 

warrants. 

Former 
Speaker of 
the House. 



See Colby, 
Selections 
from the 
Sources. 



Hon. H. S. 
Conway, 

later dis- 
missed from 
all his offices, 
civil and 
military, for 
opposing the 
ministry on 
the question 
of general 
warrants. 



of pronouncing the warrant illegal, till the ministry had con- 
tracted it to fit scarce anything but the individual case of 
Wilkes, Pitt not opposing the amendments because Charles 
Yorke gave into them ; for it is wonderful what deference 
is paid by both sides to that house. The debate then began 
by Norton's moving to adjourn the consideration of the 
question for four months, and holding out a promise of 
a bill, which neither they mean, nor, for my part, should I 
like : 1 would not give prerogative so much as a definition. 
You are a peer, and therefore, perhaps, will hear it with 
patience — but think how our ears must have tingled, when 
he told us, that should we piss the resolution, and he were 
judge, he would mind it no more than the resolution of a 
drunken porter ! — Had old Onslow been in the chair, I 
believe he would have knocked him down with the mace. 
He did hear of it during the debate, though not severely 
enough ; but the town rings with it. Charles Yorke replied, 
and was much admired. Me lie did not please; I require a 
little more than palliatives and sophistries. He excused the 
part he has taken by pleading that he had never seen the 
warrant till after Wilkes was taken up — yet he then pro- 
nounced the ' No. 45 ' a libel, and advised the commitment 
of Wilkes to the Tower. If you advised me to knock a man 
down, would you excuse yourself by saying you had never 
seen the stick with which I gave the blow? Other speeches 
we had without end, but none good, except from Lord 
George Sackville, a short one from Elliot, and one from 
Charles Townshend, so fine that it amazed, even from him. 
Your brother had spoken with excellent sense against the 
corrections, and began well again in the debate, but with so 
much rapidity that he confounded himself first, and then 
was seized with such a hoarseness that he could not proceed. 
Pitt and George Grenville ran a match of silence, striving 
which should reply to the other. At last, Pitt, who had 
three times in the debate retired with pain, rose about three 



The Wilkes Case 301 

in the morning, but so languid, so exhausted, that, in his 

life, he never made less figure. Grenville answered him ; GeorgeGren- 

and at five in the morning we divided. The Noes were so celor^f'the 

loud, as it admits a deeper sound than Aye, that the Exchequer, 

r r,,, p 1 ' j 1 ancl author 

Speaker, . . . gave it for us. They went forth; and when f the stamp 
I heard our side counted to the amount of 218, I did con- Act - 
elude we were victorious ; but they returned 232. It is 
true we were beaten by fourteen, but we were increased by 
twenty-one; and no ministry could stand on so slight an 
advantage, if we could continue above two hundred. 

We may, and probably shall, fall off: this was our strong- 
est question — but our troops will stand fast ; their hopes 
and views depend upon it, and their spirits are raised. But 
for the other side it will not be the same. The lookers-out 
will be strayers away, and their very subsidies will undo 
them. They bought two single votes that day with two Contradicted 
peerages; Sir R. Bampfylde and Sir Charles Tynte — and 
so are going to light up the flame of two more county elec- 
tions — and that in the west, where surely nothing was 
wanting but a tinder-box ! 

You would have almost laughed to see the spectres pro- 
duced by both sides ; one would have thought that they had 
sent a search-warrant for Members of Parliament into every 
hospital. Votes were brought down in flannels and blankets, 
till the floor of the House looked like the pool of Bethesda. 
Tis wonderful that half of us are not dead — I should not say 
us ; Herculean / have not suffered the least, except that 
from being a Hercules of ten grains, I don't believe I now 
weigh above eight. I felt from nothing so much as the 
noise, which made me as drunk as an owl — you may 
imagine the clamours of two parties so nearly matched, and 
so impatient to come to a decision. 

The Duchess of Richmond has got a fever with the attend- 
ance of Tuesday — but on Friday we were forced to be 
unpolite. The Amazons came down in such squadrons, 



David 
Hume, the 
historian. 



302 Political Conditions 

that we were forced to be denied. However, eight or nine 
of the patriotesses dined in one of the Speaker's rooms, and 
stayed there till twelve — nay, worse, while their dear country 
was at stake, I am afraid they were playing at Loo ! . . . 

The chief business now, I suppose, will lie in souterreins 
and intrigues. Lord Bute's panic will, probably, direct him 
to make application to us. Sandwich will be manufacturing 
lies, and Rigby negotiations. Some change or other, whether 
partial or extensive, must arrive. The best that can happen 
for the Ministers, is to be able to ward off the blow till the 
recess, and they have time to treat at leisure ; but in just 
the present state it is impossible things should remain. The 
Opposition is too strong, and their leaders too able to make 
no impression. 

Adieu ! pray tell Mr. Hume that I am ashamed to be 
thus writing the history of England, when he is with'you ! 

Horace Walpole, Letters (edited by P. Cunningham, London, 
1857), IV, 189-192. 



By Pui 1.1 p 
Stanhope, 
Earl of 
Chester- 
field (1694- 
1773). " poli- 
tician, wit, 
and letter- 
writer." In 
the reigns of 
the first two 
Georges he 
was active in 
politics. 
Although a 
Whig, he 
was a life- 
long oppo- 
nent of Wal- 
pole, and 
usually he 
supported 



105. Purchasing a Seat in the Unre- 
formed Parliament 

Bath, December 19, 1767. 
My Dear Friend, 

... In one of our conversations here, 
this time twelvemonth, I desired him to secure you a seat in 
the new Parliament ; he assured me he would ; and, I am 
convinced, very sincerely ; he said even that he would make 
it his own affair; and desired I would give myself no more 
trouble about it. Since that, I have heard no more of it ; 
which made me look out for some venal borough : and I 
spoke to a borough-jobber, and offered five-and-twenty hun- 
dred pounds for a secure seat in Parliament ; but he laughed 



Purchasing a Seat 303 



at my offer, and said, that there was no such thing as a bor- 
ough to be had now ; for that the rich East and West Ind- 
ian* had secured them all, at the rate of three thousand 
pounds at least; but many at four thousand; and two or 
three, that he knew, at five thousand. This, I confess, has 
vexed me a good deal ; and made me the more impatient 
to know whether Lord Chatham had clone anything in it ; 
which I shall know when I go to town, as I propose to do 
in about a fortnight ; and, as soon as I know it, you shall. 
To tell you truly what I think— I doubt, from all these ner- 
vous disorders, that Lord Chatham is hors de combat, as a 
Minister; but do not even hint this to anybody. God bless 

you ! 

(Signed) Chesterfield. 

Earl of Chesterfield, Letters (London, 1845)1 IV, 463- 4°4- 



[June 27th. 1807.] I shall procure myself a seat in the new 
Parliament, unless 1 find that it will cost so large a sum, as, 
in the state of my family, it would be very imprudent for me 
to devote to such an object, which I find is very likely to be 
the case. Tierney, who manages this business for the friends 
of the late administration, assures me that he can hear of no 
seats to be disposed of. After a Parliament which has lived 
little more than four months, one would naturally suppose, 
that those seats which are regularly sold by the proprietors 
of them would be very cheap ; they are, however, in fact, 
sold now at a higher price than was ever given for them 
before. Tierney tells me that he has offered 10,000/. for 
the two seats of Westbury, the property of the late Lord 
Abingdon, and which are to be made the most of by trus- 
tees for creditors, and has met with a refusal. 6000/. and 
5500/. have been given for seats with no stipulation as to 
time, or against the event of a speedy dissolution by the 
King's death, or by any change of administration. The 
truth is, that the new Ministers have bought up all the 



Pitt. His 
views were 
liberal, and 
he opposed 
strongly co- 
ercion of the 
colonies. 
His later 
years were 
devoted to 
literature 
and to the 
training of 
his son 
Philip, to 
whom this 
letter was 
written. — 
On political 
conditions, 
see May, 
Constitu- 
tional History 
of England. 
" Him," i.e. 
the Iiarl of 
Chatham. 

This extract 
is trom the 
diary ot SIR 
Samuel 
R.OM1LLY 
(1757-1818), 
statesman 
and re- 
former. 
Romilly was 
a leader in 
the legal 
profession 
and solicitor 
general to 
the adminis- 
tration ot All 
the Talents 
in 1806, 
but he is best 
remembei ed 
as the re- 
former of the 
Criminal 
Code. 
When he 
took the 
work in 



304 Political Conditions 



hand there 
were over 
200 capital 
oftences in 
the English 
law ; 187 of 
these had 
been added 
since the 
Restoration, 
— at the 
present time 
there are 
two, murder 
and treason. 



seats that were to be disposed of, and at any prices. 
Amongst others, Sir C. H. , the great dealer in bor- 
oughs, has sold all he had to Ministers. With what money 
all this is done I know not, but it is suppose 1 that the King, 
who has greatly at heart to preserve this new administration, 
the favourite objects of his choice, has advanced a very large 
sum out of his privy purse. 

This buying of seats is detestable ; and yet it is almost the 
only way in which one in my situation, who is resolved to be 
an independent man, can get into Parliament. To come in 
by a popular election, in the present state of the representa- 
tion, is quite impossible ; to be placed there by some great 
lord, and to vote as he shall direct, is to be in a state of 
complete dependence ; and nothing hardly remains but to 
owe a seat to the sacrifice of a part of one's fortune. It is 
true that many men who buy seats, do it as a matter of pecu- 
niary speculation, as a profitable way of employing their 
money : they carry on a political trade ; they buy their 
seats, and sell their votes. For myself, I can truly say that, 
by giving money for a seat, I shall make a sacrifice of my 
private property, merely that I may be enabled to serve the 
public. I know what danger there is of men's disguising 
from themselves the real motives of their actions ; but it 
really does appear to me that it is from this motive alone 
that I act. 

May 9th. After almost despairing of being able to get 
any seat in Parliament, my friend Piggott has at last pro- 
cured me one ; and the Duke of Norfolk has consented to 
bring me in for Horsham. It is however but a precarious 
seat. I shall be returned, as I shall have a majority of votes, 
which the late committee of the House of Commons decided 
to be good ones ; but there will be a petition against the 
return, by the candidates who will stand on Lady Irwin's 
interest, and it is extremely doubtful what will be the event 
of the petition. . . . 



Position of a Representative 305 

1 2th. The terms upon which I have my seat at Horsham 
will be best explained by a letter I wrote to Piggott to-day 
after the election was over, and which I am glad to keep a 
copy of. It is (at least so much of it as relates to this sub- 
ject) in these words : " Though there is no danger that I 
should have misunderstood you, yet it may be as well to say, 
while it is fresh in both our recollections, what I understand 
to be the extent of my engagement. If I keep the seat, 
either by the decision of a committee upon a petition, or 
by a compromise (the Duke and Lady Irwin returning one 
member each, in which case it is understood that I am to 
be the member who continues), I am to pay 2000/. ; if, 
upon a petition, I lose the seat, I am not to be at any 
expence." 
Sir Samuel Romilly, Memoirs (London, 1840), II, 200-202. 



106. The Position of a Representative 
( x 774) 

... I am sorry I cannot conclude, without saying a word on 
a topick touched upon by my worthy colleague. I wish that 
topick had been passed by at a time when I have so little 
leisure to discuss it. But since he has thought proper to 
throw it out, I owe you a clear explanation of my poor 
sentiments on that subject. 

He tells you, that "the topick of instructions has occa- 
sioned much altercation and uneasiness in this city;" and 
he expresses himself (if I understand him rightly) in favour 
of the coercive authority of such instructions. 

Certainly, gentlemen, it ought to be the happiness and 
glory of a representative, to live in the strictest union, the 
closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communi- 
x 



By Edmund 
Burke 
(1729-1797), 
statesman 
and philoso- 
pher. In 
1766 he en- 
tered Parlia- 
ment just in 
time to take 
part in the 
American 
debates. 
Henceforth 
he advocated 
the cause of 
the colonists 
with voice 
and pen. 
He was 
active also in 
urging 
economic 
reform, 
the protec- 
tion of the 



306 Political Conditions 



personal lib- 
erty of the 
subject, the 
interests of 
Ireland, the 
land of his 
birth. Above 
all, he 
showed his 
splendid elo- 
quence in 
the impeach- 
ment trial of 
Warren 
Hastings for 
misgovern- 
ment in 
India. 

Nevertheless, 
he resisted 
steadily all 
plans of par- 
liamentary 
reform, de- 
claring, " I 
have a con- 
stitution to 
maintain as 
well as a con- 
stitution to 
reform." The 
outbreak of 
the French 
Revolution 
revealed 
Burke's 
essential 
conserva- 
tism. In 
speech and 
pamphlet he 
sounded the 
alarm that 
the Constitu- 
tion was in 
danger. See 
No. 123. — 
For Burke, 
see Burke, 
1 1 'orks ; 
}. Morley, 
Edmund 
Burke. 



cation with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have 
great weight with him ; their opinion, high respect ; their 
business, unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice 
his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to theirs ; and 
above all, ever, and in all cases, to prefer their interest to 
his own. But his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, 
his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, 
to any man, or to any set of men living. These he does 
not derive from your pleasure ; no, nor from the law and 
the constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the 
abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representa- 
tive owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; 
and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to 
your opinion. 

My worthy colleague says, his will ought to be subservient 
to yours. If that be all, the thing is innocent. If govern- 
ment were a matter of will upon any side, yours, without 
question, ought to be superior. Hut government and legis- 
lation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of 
inclination ; and what sort of reason is that, in which the 
determination precedes the discussion ; in which one set 
of men deliberate, and another decide ; and where those 
who form the conclusion are perhaps three hundred miles 
distant from those who hear the arguments? 

To deliver an opinion, is the right of all men ; that of 
constituents is a weighty and respectable opinion, which a 
representative ought always to rejoice to hear ; and which 
he ought always most seriously to consider. But authorita- 
tive instructions; mandates issued, which the member is 
bound blindly and implicitly to obey, to vote, and to argue 
for, though contrary to the clearest conviction of his judg- 
ment and conscience ; these are things utterly unknown 
to the laws of this land, and which arise from a fundamental 
mistake of the whole order and tenour of our constitution. 

Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from differ- 



Position of a Representative 307 



ent and hostile interests ; which interests each must main- 
tain, as an agent and advocate, against other agents and 
advocates ; but parliament is a deliberative assembly of one 
nation, with one interest, that of the whole ; where, not 
local purposes, not local prejudices, ought to guide, but the 
general good, resulting from the general reason of the whole. 
You chuse a member indeed ; but when you have chosen 
him, he is not a member of Bristol, but he is a member of 
parliament. If the local constituent should have an inter- 
est, or should form an hasty opinion, evidently opposite to 
the real good of the rest of the community, the member for 
that place ought to be as far, as any other, from any en- 
deavour to give it effect. I beg pardon for saying so much 
on this subject. I have been unwillingly drawn into it ; 
but I shall ever use a respectful frankness of communication 
with you. Your faithful friend, your devoted servant, I 
shall be to the end of my life : a flatterer you do not wish 
for. On this point of. instructions, however, I think it 
scarcely possible we ever can have any sort of difference. 
Perhaps I may give you too much, rather than too little 
trouble. 

From the first hour I was encouraged to court your 
favour, to this happy day of obtaining it, I have never 
promised you anything but humble and persevering en- 
deavours to do my duty. The weight of that duty, I con- 
fess, makes me tremble ; and whoever well considers what 
it is, of all things in the world, will fly from what has the 
least likeness to a positive and precipitate engagement. 
To be a good member of parliament is, let me tell you, no 
easy task ; especially at this time, when there is so strong 
a disposition to run into the perilous extremes of servile 
compliance or wild popularity. To unite circumspection 
with vigour, is absolutely necessary ; but it is extremely 
difficult. We are now members for a rich commercial 
city; this city, however, is but a part of a rich commercial 



Burke con- 
tinued to rep- 
resent Bristol 
in Parliament 
till 1780. 



308 Political Conditions 

nation, the interests of which are various, multiform, and 
intricate. We are members for that great nation, which 
however is itself but part of a great empire, extended by 
our virtue and our fortune to the farthest limits of the east 
and of the west. All these wide-spread interests must be 
considered; must be compared ; must be reconciled, if 
possible. We are members for a free country ; and surely 
we all know, that the machine of a free constitution is no 
simple thing ; but as intricate and as delicate as it is valuable. 
We are members in a great and ancient monarchy; and we 
must preserve religiously the true legal rights of the sov- 
ereign, which form the key-stone that binds together the 
noble and well-constructed arch of our empire and our 
constitution. A constitution made up of balanced powers 
must ever be a critical thing. As such I mean to touch 
that part of it which conies within my reach. 1 know my 
inability, and I wish for support from every quarter. . . . 

Edmund burke. Speech to the Electors of Bristol, November 3, 
1774. Works (London, 1 S 1 5 ) , 3. [8-22. 



T1 . . . 107. Dunninp-'s Motion on the Power of 

1 lebate / o 

schwas the ClWn ( 1 780) 
the high- 

inthead- On the 6th of April, the house of commons resolved itself 

vance of j nt0 a committee, in order to take the petitions of the peo- 

reiorm in the ' 

eighteenth pie into consideration ; and on this occasion a very impor- 

Increas'ing tant <hd>ate took place concerning the influence of the crown, 

taxation and xh e titles of the petitions were previously read, and they 

disaster in .... 

America amounted to forty in number. 

strengthened -p] ie debate was opened by Mr. Dunning, who observed, 

the demand ' / ' ' 

for reform, that there were two great objects which the petitions recom- 

petitions' am mended to the care and attention of parliament : these were, 



Dunning' s Motion 309 



a reduction of the dangerous, alarming, and increasing influ- 
ence of the crown, and an economical expenditure of the 
public money. Little had yet been done in compliance with 
the requisitions of the people. . . . 

As so little, therefore, had hitherto been done towards 
complying with the petitions of the people, he thought it 
absolutely necessary that parliament should come to a clear 
and explicit conclusion on the subject ; and that in the 
present session it should be plainly demonstrated to the 
people that their petitions would either be granted or re- 
jected. He hoped, that he should be able to effectuate 
this, and with this view he had framed such propositions, 
as would produce, either directly, or by clear implication, 
that information. . . . 

His first motion was, that it should be resolved by that 
house, "That the influence of the crown had increased, was 
increasing, and ought to be diminished." This, he said, he 
considered as an unquestionable fact, as a fact of which no 
man in that house could entertain a doubt. He did not 
mean by the influence of the crown, that influence which 
arose from its virtues, or the just rights of its prerogative, 
but that which arose from corruption, and other undue 
practices. He might probably be called upon for proof of 
the increase of the influence of the crown. He had no wit- 
nesses, because where every man could be a witness, it was 
difficult to pitch upon any particular man. Every man that 
he met on the streets would tell him, that the members of 
the House of Commons knew better than any other men, 
that the influence of the crown was increased, and increas- 
ing daily to a most ruinous length. Many men in that house 
could point to their next neighbour, and say that he was 
corrupted, and was actually to be paid in hard and sordid 
guineas, or perhaps in softer, but no less sordid paper, for 
his conduct that day. Nothing but an influence of the most 
corrupt and alarming nature could ever induce gentlemen in 



showed the 

popular 

feeling. 

John Dun- 
ning, later 
Lord Ash- 
burton, who 
introduced 
the famous 
resolution 
upon the 
power of the 
crown, was 
already well 
known for the 
part that he 
had taken in 
the contests 
ovei Wilkes 
and colonial 
taxation. 



310 Political Conditions 



Lord North. 



Lotteries 
were a 
favourite 
source of 
public rev- 
enue, and 
large 
numbers 
of the tickets 
were usually 
disposed - li 
to members 
of Parlia- 
ment to be 
sold at high 
premiums. 
Lord Rock- 
ingham 
declared 
that 70 
elections 
were decided 
by the votes 
ot revenue 
officers. 

In 1782 con- 
tractors were 
excluded 
from Parlia- 
ment. 



that house to give votes which they reprobated out of the 
house. He had himself been often present, when members 
of that house had condemned, in the most violent, indignant, 
and contumelious terms, the measures which they had sup- 
ported iu it. It was notorious, that many of that majority 
who had, for some years, supported all the measures of the 
minister in that house, were as loud in ridiculing and cen- 
suring his measures without doors, as any of the gentlemen 
in the opposition. This was a well known fact: and if the 
task were not an invidious one, he could directly name at 
least fifty members, who had done so in his presence. The 
reason was manifest ; without doors they spoke their real 
sentiments; in that house they were bribed to vote against 
them. 

Besides the ordinary means of corruption used in that 
house, he mentioned the partial distribution of military pro- 
motions, lottery tickets, and the subscriptions to the loan. 
He also observed, that an increased army and navy, increased 
customs and taxes, and consequently an extended collection, 
necessarily threw into the hands of the executive power a 
new and unusual degree of influence. He found another 
great source of influence in the patronage of the East India 
Company. I >irectors were made contractors, and contrac- 
tors directors, to serve the purposes of the minister. In 
short, the pernicious tendency of the influence of the crown 
was every where manifest throughout the kingdom, nor 
could any thing be more ridiculous than to doubt the reality 
of its existence. 

Lord Nugent opposed the motion as involving in it an 
abstract question, and because it was not connected with any 
one measure whatever : it pointed to no remedy, nor was it 
apparently designed to avert any evil. As to the proposition 
itself, he was convinced that it was not well founded. He 
had more than once given it as his sincere opinion, that the 
influence of the crown was not increased, neither compara- 



Dunning' s Motion 311 

tively increased, nor improperly increased. Though he had 
long been a member of parliament, he could affirm, that he 
never recollected a period in which influence was less felt, 
than since the noble Lord who presided in the treasury came 
into his present situation. He said, that the influence of 
the crown was always greatest in moments of success ; and 
it was never so great as in the glorious reign of George II. 
and under the administration of that great minister the Earl 
of Chatham, who never corrupted. But even admitting that 
the influence of the crown had increased for some years 
•past, was the present a proper time to diminish it? Ought 
the influence of the crown to be lessened at a time when 
America was lost, he feared, irretrievably lost ? If there were 
any members of that house who felt themselves to be corrupt 
tools and slaves of government, he hoped they would atone 
for their faults by acknowledging that they had been guilty, 
and promising amendment. For his own part, he had sup- 
ported the minister because he thought him to be in the 
right. He had supported him as warmly as his nearest friend. 
He owned, however, that we had been in the wrong. He 
was convinced, that we had been in the wrong with respect to 
America. Events hail altered his opinion, but he had sup- 
ported the minister in his measures respecting the colonies, 
from a persuasion, that we had both justice, and a probabil- 
ity of success, on our side. He was now so far altered, that 
he wished we could get out of the American war by any 
handsome means. . . . 

Mr. Thomas Pitt replied, and mentioned the circumstance 
of the minister being in possession of his present office, as 
an undubitable proof of the enormous influence of the 
crown. He asked, whether that noble lord had not lost 
America? Whether he had not spent millions of the public 
money, and wasted rivers of British blood, in that iniquitous 
contest? And though the whole country execrated the 
American war, the same minister, by whom the colonies 



uncle. 



312 Political Conditions 

had been lost, still held his place. To what was this ascrib- 
able? Solely to the increased influence of the crown. The 
whole business of the minister, for a series of years, had 
been to make excuses, and to devise expedients; to find 
supplies from year to year, without inventing any method in 
finance, any scheme of supply comprehensive or permanent, 
or adopting any measure for the benefit of the nation. The 
minister had sunk and degraded the honour of Great Britain, 
and disgraced the name of Englishman. He had formerly 
been proud of the name of Englishman; for there was a 
time, and he hoped he did not speak it through vanity,- 
when his country was brought to the highest pitch of glory 
under a Whig minister, a relation of his, he meant the Earl 
Chatham of Chatham. But it was now the reverse. Everything we 
once valued had been lost in the American war. As to the 
minister, his name was a subject of contempt and ridicule 
in every court of Europe. The present motion was highly 
seasonable and proper, because the influence of the crown 
was so enormously increased, that the people of England at 
large at length saw it. and were alarmed. They had ex- 
pressed their sense of it in their petitions, and solicited that 
it might be diminished. To comply with that request was 
the duty of the house, and if something effectual was not 
done upon the present occasion, the most dreadful conse- 
quences might be the result. 

Lord North warmly denied, that America had been lost 
through him, or that he could justly be accused as the author 
of the public distress. He wished his conduct to be inves- 
tigated ; for he was ready to answer any charge that might 
be brought against it. With regard to the American war, and 
the various measures pursued relative to it, they were not his 
measures as a Minister, they were all grounded on acts of 
the legislature : some of the bills had been proposed by him, 
and some by others, to which he had given his consent, in 
common with the majority of the representatives of the peo- 



Dunning' s Motion 313 

pie. In proposing and assenting to those bills, he had acted 
as a member of parliament, and as such only was responsi- 
ble. In the course of his speech the minister threw out some 
strong expressions against the gentlemen in opposition, 
charging them with pursuing measures which were calculated 
to overturn the constitution. He was called to order, and a 
considerable degree of clamour took place in the house. 
After this had subsided, several other gentlemen, on both With the 
sides, spoke in the debate . . . and at twelve o'clock the nSfall the' 
committee divided. The numbers were, for Mr. Dunning's county mem- 
motion 233, against it 215; so that the minister was again most inde- 

left in a minority. pendent part 

of the House, 

The New Annual Register, 1780, 148-153. majority. C 

Queen's House, April 7th, 1780. 
50 min. pt. 7. A. M. 

The whole tenour of Lord North's conduct, from the hour 
that he accepted the post he now fills, is a surety to me that 
he will not expect an immediate answer on so material an 
event as the one he alludes to in his letter that I have just 
found on my table. I cannot help just adding that the reso- 
lution come to in the Committee last night, and already 
reported to the House can by no means be looked on as 
personal to him ; I wish I did not feel at whom they are 
personally levelled. 

George III. Letters to Lord North (edited by W. Donne, Lon- 
don, 1867). II, 313. 



314 Political Conditions 



By Sydney 
Smith 

(1771-1845), 

clergyman, 
wit, and 
political 
writer. He 
belonged to 
the group of 
young men 
which kept 
alive the 
tradition of . 
liberty in 
England and 
Scotland 
during the 
peiiod of re- 
pression that 
opened the 
nineteenth 
century. 
With ' 
Jeffrey and 
Brougham he 
founded the 
Edinburgh 
Review in 
1803. The 
accompany- 
ing extract is 
from the 
Ply m ley 
Letters in 
defence of 
Catholic 
Emancipa- 
tion, pub- 
lished anony- 
mously. 
These 

Letters were 
S. nun's best 
piece of 
work, and 
they went 
through six- 
teen editions 
within the 
first year. 

At this time 
Catholics 
were ex- 
cluded from 



108. Catholic Emancipation (1808) 

... I have been in every corner of Ireland, and have 
studied its present strength and condition with no common 
labour. Be assured Ireland does not contain at this moment 
less than five millions of people. There were returned in 
the year i 791 to the hearth tax 701,000 houses, and there 
is no kind of question that there were about 50,000 houses 
omitted in that return. Taking, however, only the number 
returned for the tax, and allowing the average of six to a 
house (a very small average for a potato-fed people), this 
brings the population to 4,200,000 people in the year 1791 : 
and it can be shown from the clearest evidence (and Mr. 
Newenham in his book shows it), that Ireland for the last 
fifty years has increased in its population at the rate of 50,000 
or 60,000 per annum ; which leaves the present population 
of Ireland at about five millions, after every possible deduc- 
tion for existing circumstances, just and necessary wars, mon- 
strous and unnatural rebellions, and other sources of human 
destruction. Of this population, two out of ten are Protes- 
tants ; and the half of the Protestant population are Dis- 
senters, and as inimical to the Church as the Catholics 
themselves. In this state of things thumbscrews and whip- 
ping — admirable engines of policy as they must be considered 
to be — will not ultimately prevail. The Catholics will hang 
over you ; they will watch for the moment, and compel you 
hereafter to give them ten times as much, against your will, 
as they would now be contented with, if it were voluntarily 
surrendered. Remember what happened in the American 
war, when Ireland compelled you to give her everything she 
asked, and to renounce, in the most explicit manner, your 
claim of sovereignty over her. Cod Almighty grant the 
folly of these present men may not bring on such another 
crisis of public affairs ! 



Catholic Emancipation 315 

What are your dangers which threaten the Establishment? office and 
— Reduce this declamation to a point, and let us understand ™™t Parlia " 
what you mean. The most ample allowance does not calcu- See No. 128. 
late that there would be more than twenty members who 
were Roman Catholics in one house, and ten in the other, 
if the Catholic emancipation were carried into effect. Do 
you mean that these thirty members would bring in a bill 
to take away the tithes from the Protestant, and to pay them 
to the Catholic clergy ? Do you mean that a Catholic gen- 
eral would march his army into the House of Commons, and 
purge it of Mr. Perceval and Dr. Duigenan ? or, that the the- 
ological writers would become all of a sudden more acute 
and more learned, if the present civil incapacities were re- 
moved? Do you fear for your tithes, or your doctrines, or 
your person, or the English Constitution? Every fear, taken 
separately, is so glaringly absurd, that no man has the folly 
or the boldness to state it. Every one conceals his igno- 
rance, or his baseness, in a stupid general panic, which, when 
called on, he is utterly incapable of explaining. Whatever 
you think of the Catholics, there they are — you cannot get 
rid of them ; your alternative is to give them a lawful place 
for stating their grievances, or an unlawful one : if you do 
not admit them to the House of Commons, they will hold 
their parliament in Potatoe-place, Dublin, and be ten times 
as violent and inflammatory as they would be in West- 
minster. Nothing would give me such an idea of security 
as to see twenty or thirty Catholic gentlemen in Parliament, 
looked upon by all the Catholics as the fair and proper 
organ of their party. I should have thought it the height of 
good fortune that such a wish existed on their part, and the 
very essence of madness and ignorance to reject it. Can 
you murder the Catholics? — Can you neglect them? They 
are too numerous for both these expedients. What remains 
to be done is obvious to every human being — but to that 
man who, instead of being a Methodist preacher, is, for the Exchequer. 



3 i 6 Political Conditions 

curse of us and our children, and for the ruin of Troy and 
the misery of good old Priam and his sons, become a legis- 
lator and a politician. 

A distinction, I perceive, is taken by one of the most 
feeble noblemen in Great Britain, between persecution and 
the deprivation of political power; whereas, there is no 
more distinction between these two things than there is 
between him who makes the distinction and a booby. If I 
strip off the relic-covered jacket of a Catholic, and give 
him twenty stripes ... I persecute : if I say, Everybody 
in the town where you live shall be a candidate for lucrative 
and honourable offices, but you, who are a Catholic . . . 
I do not persecute ! What barbarous nonsense is this ! as 
if degradation was not as great an evil as bodily pain or as 
severe poverty : as if I could not be as great a tyrant by 
saying, You shall not enjoy — as by saying, You shall suffer. 
The English, 1 believe, are as truly religious as any nation in 
Europe : I know no greater blessing ; but it carries with it 
this evil in its train — that any villain who will bawl out, "The 
Church is in danger ! " may get a place and a good pension ; 
and that any administration who will do the same thing may 
bring a set of men into power who, at a moment of station- 
ary and passive piety, would be hooted by the very boys in 
the streets. Tint it is not all religion; it is, in great part, 
the narrow and exclusive spirit which delights to keep the 
common blessings of sun and air and freedom from other 
human beings, "Your religion has always been degraded; 
you are in the dust, and I will take care you never rise 
again. I should enjoy less the possession of an earthly 
good by every additional person to whom it was extended." 
„„, , ., You may not be aware of it yourself, most reverend Abra- 

Plvmlev - 

addresses his ham, but you deny their freedom to the Catholics upon the 

■ 7 'm> 7 broths same principle that Sarah your wife refuses to give the receipt 
Abraham," a f or a nam or a gooseberry dumpling : she values her receipts, 

country , , , n . , , 

parson. not because they secure to her a certain flavour, but because 



Catholic Emancipation 317 

they remind her that her neighbours want it: — a feeling 
laughable in a priestess, shameful in a priest ; venial when 
it withholds the blessings of a ham, tyrannical and execrable 
when it narrows the boon of religious freedom. 

You spend a great deal of ink about the character of the 
present prime minister. Grant you all that you write — 
I say, I fear he will ruin Ireland, and pursue a line of policy 
destructive to the true interest of his country : and then 
you tell me, he is faithful to Mrs. Perceval, and kind to the 
Master Percevals ! These are, undoubtedly, the first quali- 
fications to be looked to in a time of the most serious public 
danger; but somehow or another (if public and private 
virtues must always be incompatible), 1 should prefer that 
he destroyed the domestic happiness of Wood or Cockell, 
owed for the veal of the preceding year, whipped his boys, 
and saved his country. 

The late administration did not do right; they did not 'Hie ministry 
build their measures upon the solid basis of facts. They Talents" 6 
should have caused several Catholics to have been dissected lmi1 

riii r • 1 i- ■ 11 '"' ''"*' 

after death by surgeons of either religion ; and the report 1806-1807. 
to have been published with accompanying plates. If the 
viscera, and other organs of life, had been found to be the 
same as in Protestant bodies ; if the provisions of nerves, 
arteries, cerebrum, and cerebellum, had been the same as 
we are provided with, or as the Dissenters are now known 
to possess; then, indeed they might have met Mr. Perceval 
upon a proud eminence, and convinced the country at large 
of the strong probability that the Catholics are really human 
creatures, endowed with the feelings of men, and entitled 
to all their rights. But instead of this wise and prudent 
measure, Lord Howick, with his usual precipitation, brings Latei 
forward a bill in their favour, without offering the slightest (,rt '- v - 
proof to the country that they were anything more than 
horses and oxen. ... I could write you twenty letters 
upon this subject ; but I am tired, and so I suppose are 



3 i 8 Political Conditions 

you. Our friendship is now of forty years' standing ; you 
know me to be a truly religious man; but I shudder to see 
religion treated like a cockade, or a pint of beer, and made 
the instrument of a party. I love the King, but I love the 
people as well as the King ; and if I am sorry to see his old 
age molested, I am much more sorry to see four millions of 
Catholics baffled in their just expectations. . . . 

Sydney Smith, Peter Plymley^s Letters, II (Works of the Rev. 
Sydney Smith, London, 1859, I, 140-142). 



Bv Francis 
Jeffrey 
(1773-1850), 
a Scotch- 
man, mem- 
ber of the 
group of 
young 

Whigs which 
included 
Sydney 
Smith and 
Brougham, 
one of the 
founders and 
editor of the 
Edinburgh 
Review, and 
Lord Advo- 
cate in the 
Ministry that 
carried 
through the 
Reform Bill 
of 1832. 
This extract 
is from a 
speech made 
during the 
debates on 
that measure. 



109. Scotland in the Unreformed Parlia- 
ment (1831) 

. . . The system of Scotland is not a representation of the 
Crown, nor of the Peers, nor of the great landed proprie- 
tors ; but, excluding all these, it is only the representation 
of a most insignificant oligarchy, not very high in rank or 
station, and of which the majority is not even connected 
with the great landed interests. The whole constituency of 
thirty counties, the whole number of the voters, according to 
the list of freeholders, does not exceed 3,000, from which are 
to be deducted between 500 and 600 who have votes and 
freeholds in two or three counties, making the whole number 
of voters not exceeding 2,400 or 2,500 — a constituency for 
the whole of Scotland below the average of the smallest 
counties in England. The constituency of the boroughs is 
quite as bad. It consists of the majority of the Town 
Councils, who elect each other, and the numerical amount 
of the whole is only 1,440 for the sixty-six boroughs of Scot- 
land. The whole constituency, then, of Scotland, both for 
the counties and boroughs, is less than 5,000, and probably 
does not exceed 4,500. The qualification for the right of 



Unreformed Parliament 319 

voting is derived from what are called Superiorities — a 
species of right without any real property, which are dis- 
posed of in the market, and give a man no more power over 
the land than that they reserve to him some nominal right, 
such as a pepper-corn rent. All the 2,500 freeholders, who 
make up the whole constituency of the counties, and are pos- 
sessed of the right of voting, are not actual landed proprie- 
tors. I do not know the actual number of freeholders who 
are at the same time landed proprietors, but I believe that 
those who merely own superiorities are more than half of 
the whole ; so that, therefore, the half of these 2,500 free- 
holders are not actually the possessors of property in 
Scotland. . . . 

In the county of Argyle, in 182 1, there were 47,000 in- 
habitants, while the number of freeholders was 115; but 
eighty-four of these were not proprietors, leaving therefore, 
only thirty-one actual landholders to return the county Mem- 
bers of 97,000 inhabitants. The next place I would refer to 
is not of much importance — it is the county of Bute, which 
has a population of only 14,000, and of which the number of 
freeholders is twenty-one ; but, according to the Return, it A return f 
appears that no fewer than twenty of these retain no prop- Jj^j^ 
erty whatever in Bute, and that the whole 14,000 inhabitants Scotland. 
are represented by one single voter living in the county. 
My right hon. friend opposite knows something more of 
the county of Bute than I do, and perhaps he knows other 
instances similar to that which I will mention to the House. 
At an election at Bute, not beyond the memory of man, only 
one person attended the Meeting, except the Sheriff and the 
Returning Officer. He, of course, took the Chair, constituted 
the Meeting, called over the roll of freeholders, answered to 
his own name, took the vote as to the Preses, and elected 
himself. He then moved and seconded his own nomination, 
put the question to the vote, and was unanimously returned. 
Similar events, have, I believe, taken place since. . . . 



320 Political Conditions 

I have already stated what the proportion of the constitu- 
ency in the boroughs is, and for the sixty-six boroughs, the 
whole number of electors is only 1,440, and they consist of 
the members of the Town Council, who mutually and recip- 
rocally elect each other. They are renewed indeed every 
year, but they choose one another. In Glasgow, a city con- 
taining 200,000 people, distinguished for their wealth and 
intelligence, the whole constituency consists of only thirty- 
three individuals ; and should a contest arise, seventeen per- 
sons would decide for the whole city. . . . 

Hansard. Parliamentary Debates (London, 1832), Third Series, 

vii, 528-530- 



CHAPTER 



XVII — IN 
TIMES 



HANOVERIAN 



no. The Cloth-market at Leeds (1725) 

FROM Aberforth we turned West, and went to Leeds, 
which is a large, wealthy, and populous Town, standing 
on the North Side of the River Aire, with great Suburbs on 
the South Side, and both joined by a stately, strong, Stone 
Bridge, so large, and so wide, that formerly the Cloth-market 
was kept upon it ; and therefore the Refreshment given the 
Clothiers by the Inn-keepers (being a Pot of Ale, a Noggin 
of Pottage, and a Trencher of boil'd or roast Beef, for Two- 
pence) is called the Brigg-shot to this Day. 

The Increase of the Manufactures, and of the Trade, soon 
made the Market too great to be confined to the Brigg; so 
that it is now kept in the High-street, beginning from the 
Bridge, and running up North almost to the Market-house, 
where the ordinary Market for Provisions begins ; which also 
is the greatest of its kind in all the North of England. You 
may judge of the Plenty of it, when 500 Load of Apples 
have been numbered by the Mayor's Officers in a Day. 

But the Cloth-market is chiefly to be admired, as a Prodigy 
of its Kind, and perhaps not to be equalled in the World. 
The Market for Serges at Exeter is indeed a wonderful 
Thing, and the Money returned very great ; but it is there 
only once a Week, whereas here it is every Tuesday and 
Saturday. 

Early in the Morning, Tressels are placed in two Rows in 
the Street, sometimes two Rows on a Side, cross which 
Boards are laid, which make a kind of temporary Counter 
on either Side, from one End of the Street to the other, 
v 321 



By Daniel 
Defoe 

(166 1 ?- 

1731), jour- 
nalist and 
novelist. 
Defoe be- 
longed to the 
period when 
the press was 
first recog- 
nized as a 
force in 
politics. 
Through a 
weekly paper 
which he es- 
tablished, the 
Review, he 
exerted much 
influence. 
Usually he 
at ted with 
the Whigs, 
but he called 
himself inde- 
pendent. He 
took an ac- 
tive part in 
the religious 
discussions 
that followed 
the Revolu- 
tion, and he 
was impris- 
oned and 
pilloried on 
the ground 
of libel 
against the 
church. Of 
his numer- 
ous writings 
the best 
known is 
The Life and 
Strange Sur- 



322 In Hanoverian Times 



prising Ad- 
ventures of 
Robinson 
Crusoe of 
York, Mari- 
ner, which 
appeared in 
1719, but lie 
wrote much 
on financial 
questions, 
and his Tour 
through 
Great 
Britain, 
1724-1725, is 
the best 
general ac- 
count of the 
country at 
that time 
that we have. 

This extract 
shows the 
conditions of 
trade and, 
incidentally 
of manufac- 
ture, before 
the industrial 
revolution of 
the end of 
the century. 



The Clothiers come early in the Morning with their Cloth ; 
and, as few bring more than one Piece, the Market-days 
being so frequent, they go into the Inns and Public-houses 
with it, and there set it down. 

At about Six o'Clock in the Summer, and about Seven in 
the Winter, the Clothiers being all come by that Time, the 
Market Bell at the Old Chapel by the Bridge rings ; upon 
which it would surprise a Stranger, to see in how few Min- 
utes, without Hurry, Noise, or the least Disorder, the whole 
Market is filled, and all the Boards upon the Tressels cov- 
ered with Cloth, as close to one another as the Pieces can 
lie longways, each Proprietor standing behind his own Piece, 
who form a Mercantile Regiment, as it were, drawn up in a 
double Line, in as great Order as a Military one. 

As soon as the Bell has ceased ringing, the Factors and 
Buyers of all Sorts enter the Market, and walk up and down 
between the Rows, as their Occasions direct. Some of them 
have their foreign Letters of Orders, with Patterns sealed on 
them, in their Hands ; the Colours of which they match, by 
holding them to the Cloths they think they agree to. When 
they have pitched upon their Cloth, they lean over to the 
Clothier, and, by a Whisper, in the fewest Words imagina- 
ble, the Price is stated ; one asks, the other bids ; and they 
agree or disagree in a Moment. 

The Reason of this prudent Silence is owing to the Cloth- 
iers standing so near to one another ; for it is not reasonable, 
that one Trader should know another's Traffick. 

If a Merchant has bidden a Clothier a Price, and he will 
not take it, he may go after him to his House, and tell him 
he has considered of it, and is willing to let him have it ; but 
they are not to make any new Agreement for it, so as to 
remove the Market from the Street to the Merchant's House. 

The Buyers generally walk up and down twice on each 
Side of the Rows, and in little more than an Hour all the 
Business is done. In less than half an Hour you will per- 



Cloth-Market at Leeds 323 

ceive the Cloth begin to move off, the Clothier taking it up 
upon his Shoulder to carry it to the Merchant's House. At 
about half an Hour after Eight the Market Bell rings again, 
upon which the Buyers immediately disappear, the Cloth is 
all sold ; or if any remains, it is carried back into the Inn. 
By Nine o'Clock the Boards and Tressels are removed, and 
the Street left at Liberty for the Market-people of other 
Professions, the Linendrapers, Shoemakers, Hard-waremen, 
and the like. 

Thus you see 10 or 20,000/. worth of Cloth, and some- 
times much more, bought and sold in little more than an 
Hour, the Laws of the Market being the most strictly 
observed that I ever saw in any Market in England. 

If it be asked, How all these Goods at this Place, at 
Wakefield, and at Halifax, are vended and disposed of? I 
would observe, 

First, That there is an Home-consumption ; to supply 
which, several considerable Traders in Leeds go with Droves 
of Pack-horses, loaden with those Goods, to all the Fairs 
and Market-towns almost over the whole Island, not to sell 
by Retail, but to the Shops by Wholesale ; giving large 
Credit. Tis ordinary for one of these Men to carry a 
thousand Pounds worth of Cloth with him at a time ; and, 
having sold that, to send his Horses back for as much more ; 
and this very often in a Summer ; for they travel chiefly at 
that Season, because of the Badness of the Roads. 

There are others, who have Commissions from London to 
buy, or who give Commissions to Factors and Warehouse- 
keepers in London to sell for them, who not only supply all 
the Shop-keepers and Wholesale Men in London, but sell 
also very great Quantities to the Merchants, as well for 
Exportation to the English Colonies in America, which 
take off great Quantities of the coarse Goods, especially 
New England, New York, Virginia, &c. as also to the 
Russia Merchants, who send exceeding great Quantities to 



324 In Hanoverian Times 

Petersburg, Riga, Dantzick, Narva, Sweden, and Pome- 
rania ; tho' of late the Manufactures of this kind set up in 
Prussia, and other Northern Parts of Germany, interfere a 
little with them. 

The third Sorts are such as receive Commissions from 
abroad, to buy Cloth for the Merchants chiefly in Hamburg, 
and in Holland, &c. These are not only many in Number, 
but some of them very considerable in their Dealings, and 
correspond with the farthest Provinces in Germany. 

Daniel Defoe, Tour through Great Britain (London, 1753), 
III. 116-119. 



By Jona- 
than Swift 

(1667-17451. 
clerg) 111. 111 
and satirist. 
He took an 
active part in 
politics, sup- 
porting the 
Whigs until 
alienated by 
their liberal 
church pol- 
icy. After 
1711 he gave 
his servi es 
to the Tory 
party, and 
one of his 
most famous 
pamphlets, 
T/ic Conduct 
of the A/lies, 
was in sup- 
port of the 
peace negoti- 
ations of 

I7I3- 
Although 
born and 
educated in 
Dublin, he 



ill. A View of Ireland in the Eigh- 
teenth Century. 

. . . As to the first cause of a nation's riches, being the 
fertility of the soil, as well as temperature of the climate, we 
have no reason to complain ; for, although the quantity of 
unprofitable land in this kingdom, reckoning bog and rock 
and barren mountain, be double in proportion to what it is 
in England; yet the native productions, which both king- 
doms deal in, are very near on an equality in point of good- 
ness, and might, with the same encouragement, be as well 
manufactured. I except mines and minerals ; in some of 
which, however, we are only defective in point of skill and 
industry. . . . 

The conveniency of ports and havens, which nature has 
bestowed so liberally on this kingdom, is of no more use to 
us than a beautiful prospect to a man shut up in a dungeon. 

As to shipping of its own, Ireland is so utterly unprovided, 
that of all the excellent timber cut down within these fifty 
or sixty years, it can hardly be said that the nation has 



A View of Ireland 325 



received the benefit of one valuable house to dwell in, or 
one ship to trade with. 

Ireland is the only kingdom I ever heard or read of, 
either in ancient or modern story, which was denied the 
liberty of exporting their native commodities and manufac- 
tures wherever they pleased, except to countries at war with 
their own prince or state : yet this privilege, by the superi- 
ority of mere power, is refused us in the most momentous 
parts of commerce ; besides an act of navigation, to which 
we never consented, pinned down upon us, and rigorously 
executed ; anil a thousand other unexampled circumstances, 
as grievous as they are invidious to mention. To go on to 
the rest. 

It is too well known, that we are forced to obey some 
laws we never consented to ; . . . Thus we are in the con- 
dition of patients, who have physic sent them by doctors 
at a distance, strangers to their constitution and the nature 
of their disease; and thus we are forced to pay five hun- 
dred per cent, to decide our properties: in all which we 
have likewise the honour to be distinguished from the whole 
race of mankind. . . . 

We are so far from having a king to reside among us, 
that even the viceroy is generally absent four-fifths of his 
time in the government. 

No strangers from other countries make this a part of 
their travels ; where they can expect to see nothing but 
scenes of misery and desolation. 

Those who have the misfortune to be born here, have the 
least title to any considerable employment ; to which they 
are seldom preferred, but upon a political consideration. 

One third put of the rents of Ireland is spent in England ; 
which, with the profit of employments, pensions, appeals, 
journeys of pleasure or health, education at the inns of 
court and both universities, remittances at pleasure, the pay 
of all superior offices in the army, and other incidents, will 



regarded life 
in Ireland as 
exile, and 
gave little 
attention to 
Irish affairs 
until 1724, 
when he 
wrote the 
celebrated 
Drapier's 
Litters at- 
tacking Wal- 
pole's plan of 
furnishing 
Ireland with 
a copper 
coinage. — 
See G. Saints- 
bury, Politi- 
cal Pam- 
phlets. 

During the 
following 
years he 
wrote many 
pamphlets in 
behalf of 
Irish 

interests. — 
On Ireland 
in the eigh- 
teenth cen- 
tury, see 
Lecky, His- 
tory of Etlg- 
Iti/nl in the 
etlth 
Leu I toy. 



326 In Hanoverian Times 

amount to a full half of the income of the whole kingdom, 
all clear profit to England. 

We are denied the liberty of coining gold, silver, or even 
copper. In the Isle of Man they coin their own silver; 
every petty prince, vassal to the Emperor, can coin what 
money he pleases. And in this, as in most of the articles 
already mentioned, we are an exception to all other states 
or monarchies that were ever known in the world. . . . 

Jonathan Swift, A Short View of the State of Ireland, 1727, 
Works (edited by Walter Scott, Edinburgh, 1824), VII, 1 15— 
117. 



.V. A'. 1 1 '. in 
London, and 
was w ritten 
about 1727. 



This extract The first and greatest shock our trade received, was from 
is from a t passe( | j n t ] ie re io;n of King William, in the Parlia- 

Letter from a * o © » 

Gentleman m ment of England, prohibiting the exportation of wool manu- 
factured in Ireland. An act (as the event plainly shews) 
fuller of greediness than good policy; an act as beneficial 
to Erance and Spain, as it lias been destructive to England 
and Ireland. At the passing of this fatal act, the condition 
of our trade was glorious and flourishing, though no way 
interfering with the English ; . . . coarse druggets, bays and 
shalloons, worsted damasks, strong draught works, slight 
half-works, and gaudy stuffs, were the only product of our 
looms : these were partly consumed by the meanest of our 
people, and partly sent to the northern nations, from which 
we had in exchange, timber, iron, hemp, flax, pitch, tar, and 
hard dollars. . . . This money was returned into England 
for fine cloths, silks, &c. for our own wear, for rents, for 
coals, for hardware, and all other English manufactures, and, 
in a great measure, supplied the London merchants with 
foreign silver for exportation. 

The repeated clamours of the English weavers produced 
this act, so destructive to themselves and us. They looked 
with envious eyes upon our prosperity, and complained of 
being undersold by us in those commodities, which they 



A View of Ireland 327 

themselves did not deal in. At their instances the act was 
passed, and we lost our profitable northern trade. . . . 

The only manufactured wares we are allowed to ex- 
port, are linen cloth and linen yarn, which are marketable 
only in England ; the rest of our commodities are wool, 
restrained to England, and raw hides, skins, tallow, beef, 
and butter. Now, these are things for which the northern 
nations have no occasion ; we are therefore obliged, instead 
of carrying woollen goods to their markets, and bringing 
home money, to purchase their commodities. 

In France, Spain, and Portugal, our wares are more valu- 
able, though it must be owned, our fraudulent trade in wool 
is the best branch of our commerce ; from hence we get 
wines, brandy, and fruit, very cheap, and in great perfec- 
tion ; so that though England has constrained us to be 
poor, they have given us leave to be merry. . . . 

To England we are allowed to send nothing but linen 
cloth, yarn, raw hides, skins, tallow, and wool. From thence 
we have coals, for which we always pay ready money, India 
goods, English woollen and silks, tobacco, hardware, earth- 
enware, salt, and several other commodities. Our expor- 
tations to England are very much overbalanced by our 
importations ; so that the course of exchange is generally 
too high, and people choose rather to make their remit- 
tances to England in specie, than by a bill, and our nation 
is perpetually drained of its little running cash. 

Another cause of the decay of trade, scarcity of money, 
and swelling of exchange, is the unnatural affectation of our 
gentry to reside in and about London. Their rents are re- 
mitted to them, and spent there. The countryman wants 
employment from them ; the country shopkeeper wants l.e. lacks, 
their custom. For this reason he can't pay his Dublin 
correspondent readily, nor take off a great quantity of his 
wares. Therefore, the Dublin merchant can't employ the 
artizan, nor keep up his credit in foreign markets. . . . 



328 In Hanoverian Times 

Another great calamity, is the exorbitant raising of the 
rents of lands. Upon the determination of all leases made 
before the year 1690, a gentleman thinks he has but indif- 
ferently improved his estate if he has only doubled his rent- 
roll. Farms are screwed up to a rack-rent, — leases granted 
but for a small term of years, — tenants tied down to hard 
conditions, and discouraged from cultivating the lands 
they occupy to the best advantage, by the certainty they 
have of the rent being raised, on the expiration of their 
lease, proportionably to the improvements they shall make. 
Thus is honest industry restrained; the farmer is a slave to 
his landlord; 'tis well if he can cover his family with a 
coarse home-spun frieze. The artizan has little dealings with 
him ; yet he is obliged to take his provisions from him at 
an extravagant price, otherwise the farmer cannot pay his 
rent. 

The proprietors of lands keep great part of them in their 
own hands for sheep-pasture; and there are thousands of 
poor wretches who think themselves blessed, if they can 
obtain a hut worse than the squire's dog-kennel, and an 
acre of ground for a potatoe-plantation, on condition of 
being as very slaves as any in America. What can be more 
deplorable, than to behold wretches starving in the midst of 
plenty ! 

We are apt to charge the Irish with laziness, because we 
seldom find them employed ; but then we don't consider 
they have nothing to do. Sir William Temple, in his excellent 
remarks on the United Provinces, inquires, why Holland, 
which has the fewest and worst ports and commodities of 
any nation in Kurope, should abound in trade, and Ireland, 
which has the most and best of both, should have none? 
This great man attributes this surprising accident to the 
natural aversion man has for labour; who will not be per- 
suaded to toil and fatigue himself for the superfluities of life 
throughout the week, when he may provide himself with all 



The Highlanders 329 

necessary subsistence by the labour of a day or two. But, 
with due submission to Sir William's profound judgment, 
the want of trade with us is rather owing to the cruel re- 
straints we lie under, than to any disqualification whatsoever 
in our inhabitants. 

Jonathan Swift, The Present Miserable State of Ireland, Works, 
(edited by Walter Scott, Edinburgh, 1824). VII, 194-199. 



112. The Highlanders (circ. 1730) Sk^JSJE 

eer officer in 

mi tt- 1 i 1 i- • 1 1 ■ m <i .-., 1 Scotland 

Ihe Highlanders are divided into Inbes, or Clans, under under Gen- 
Chiefs, or Chieftains, as they arc called in the Laws of Scot- eral Wade> 
land; and each Clan again divided into Branches from the In the ^ r, y 

& part of the 

main Stork, who have Chieftains over them. These are eighteenth 

sub-divided into smaller Branches of fifty or sixty Men, who ^serious 

deduce their Original from their particular Chieftains, and attempt was 

. made to deal 

rely upon them as their more immediate Protectors and with the law- 
Defenders. But for better Distinction I shall use the Word quast°eudal 
Chief for the Head of a whole Clan, and the Principal of a conditions 
Tribe derived from him I shall call a Chieftain. {he High- 
The ordinary Highlanders esteem it the most sublime J. 1 ^ 5 *, t 

J ° Schools for 

Degree of Virtue to love their Chief, and pay him a blind the poor 

Obedience, although it be in Opposition to the Government, established^ 

the Laws of the Kingdom, or even to the Law of God. He The42d regi- 

iTi, 11 r , rr • 1 i- merit, the fa- 

is their Idol ; and as they profess to know no King but him m ous Black 

(I was going further), so will they say they ought to do ^ nr '^Yj u ls 

whatever he commands without Inquiry. 1740 from 

Next to this Love of their Chief is that of the particular p an i es . 

Branch from whence they sprang ; and, in a third Degree, Above all, a 

J r o > » > better system 

to those of the whole Clan or Name, whom they will assist, ofroa 

right or wrong, against those of any other Tribe with which l^erGen- 

they are at variance, to whom their Enmity, like that of eral Wade. 

, ., . . Between 

exasperated Brothers, is most outrageous. 1726-1737, 



330 In Hanoverian Times 



250 miles of 
road and 40 
bridges were 
constructed. 
But it was 
not until 
after the fail- 
ure of the 
last Stuart 
rising in 1745 
that the clan 
system re- 
ceived its 
death-blow. 
The out- 
break was 
followed by 
severe meas- 
ures. A dis- 
arming act 
was passed, 
the wearing 
of the tartan 
was forbid- 
den, private 
jurisdictions 
were de- 
stroyed, and 
the more 
restless and 
lawless were 
recruited for 
the foreign 
service. 



They likewise owe good Will to such Clans as they esteem 
to be their particular Well-wishers; and lastly, they have an 
Adherence one to another as Highlanders, in Opposition to the 
People of the Low-Country, whom they despise as inferior to 
them in Courage, and believe they have a Right to plunder 
them whenever it is in their Power. This last arises from a 
Tradition, that the Lowlands, in old Times were the Posses- 
sion of their Ancestors. . . . 

The Chief exercises an arbitrary Authority over his 
Vassals, determines all Differences and Disputes that happen 
among them, and levies Taxes upon extraordinary Occasions, 
such as the Marriage of a Daughter, building a House, or 
some Pretence for his Support and the Honour of the 
Name. And if any one should refuse to contribute to the 
best of his Ability he is sure of severe Treatment, and if he 
persisted in his Obstinacy he would be cast out of his Tribe 
by general Consent : but Instances of this Kind have very 
rarely happened. 

This Power of the Chiefs is not supported by Interest, as 
they are Landlords, but as lineally descended from the old 
Patriarchs, or Fathers of the Families ; for they hold the 
same Authority when they have lost their Estates, as may 
appear from several, and particularly one who commands 
in his Clan, though, at the same Time, they maintain him, 
having nothing left of his own. 

On the other Hand, the Chief, even against the Laws, 
is to protect his Followers, as they are sometimes called, 
be they never so criminal. He is their Leader in Clan 
Quarrels, must free the Necessitous from their Arrears of 
Rent, and maintain such who, by Accidents, are fallen to 
total Decay. 

If, by Increase of the Tribe, any small Farms are wanting 
for the Support of such Addition, he splits others into lesser 
Portions, because all must be somehow provided for ; and 
as the meanest among them pretend to be his Relations 



The Highlanders 331 



by Consanguinity, they insist upon the Privilege of taking 
him by the Hand wherever they meet him. . . . 

Some of the Chiefs have not only personal Dislikes and 
Enmity to each other, but there are also hereditary Feuds 
between Clan and Clan, which have been handed down 
from one Generation to another for several Ages. 

These Quarrels descend to the meanest Vassal ; and thus, 
sometimes, an innocent Person suffers for Crimes committed 
by his Tribe at a vast distance of Time before his Being 
began. . . . 

Often the Monuments of a Clan Battle, or some particu- 
lar Murder, are the Incitements to great Mischiefs. The 
first-mentioned are small Heaps of Stones, thrown together 
on the Plaee where every particular Man fell in Battle ; the 
other is from such a Heap first cast upon the Spot where 
the Fact was committed, and afterwards by Degrees in- 
creased to a high Pyramid, by those of the Clan that was 
wronged, in still throwing more Stones upon it as they pass 
by. The former I have seen overgrown with Moss, upon 
wide Moors, which showed the Number of Men that 
were killed in the Action. And several of the latter I have 
observed in my Journeys, that could not be less than four- 
teen or fifteen Feet high, with a Base proportionable. 
Thus, if several Men of Clans at Variance, happen to meet 
in View of one of these Memorials, 'tis odds but one Party 
reproaches the other with all the aggravating Circumstances 
that Tradition (which is mostly a Liar, either in the whole 
or in a Part) has added to the original Truth ; and then some 
great Mischief ensues. But if a single Highlander of the 
Clan that offended, should be met by two or three more of 
the others, he is sure to be insulted, and receive some cruel 
Treatment from them. 

Thus these Heaps of Stones, as I have heard an old 
Highlander complain, continue to occasion the Revival of 
Animosities that had their beginning perhaps Hundreds 



33 2 In Hanoverian Times 

of Years before any of the Parties accused were Born : and 
therefore I think they ought, by Authority, to be scattered, 
and effectually defaced. . . . 

By an old Scottish Law, the Chief was made accountable 
for any Depredations or other Violences committed by his 
Clan upon the Borders of the Lowlands ; and in extraordi- 
nary Cases he was obliged to give up his Son, or some 
other nearest Relation, as a Hostage, for the peaceable 
Behaviour of his followers in that Respect. 

By this Law (for I never saw the Act), he must surely 
have had an entire Command over them, at least tacitly, 
or by Inference, understood. Lor how unreasonable, not 
to say unjust, must such a Restriction have been to him, 
if by Sanction of the same Law he had not had a coercive 
and judicial Authority over those, in whose Choice and 
Power it always lay to bring Punishment upon him? And 
if he had such an absolute Command over them, was it 
not to make of every Chief a petty Prince in his own Terri- 
torv, and his followers a People distinct and separate from 
all others ? . . . 

It is a received Notion (but nothing can be more unjust) 
that the ordinary Highlanders are an indolent, lazy People : 
I know the Contrary by troublesome Lxperience ; — I say 
troublesome, because in a certain Affair wherein I had 
Occasion to employ great Numbers of them, and gave them 
good Wages, the Solicitations of others for Lmployment 
were very earnest, and would hardly admit of a Denial : 
they are as willing as other People to mend their Way 
of Living; and, when they have gained Strength from sub- 
stantial Food, they work as well as others ; but why should 

People be branded with the Name of Idlers, in a Coun- 
try where there is generally no profitable business for them 
to do ? 

Hence I have concluded, that if any Expedient could be 
found for their Employment, to their reasonable Advantage, 



John Wesley in Cornwall 333 

there would be little else wanting to reform the Minds of 
the most savage amongst them. For my own Part, I do 
assure you, that I never had the least Reason to complain 
of the Behaviour towards me of any of the ordinary High- 
landers, or the Irish ; but it wants a great deal that I could 
truly say as much of the Englishmen and Lowland Scots 
that were employed in the same Business. 

Captain Burt, Letters from the North of Scotland (Edinburgh, 
[876), II, 105-125. 



113. John Wesley in Cornwall (1743) 

Thursday, [July] 4. I rode to Falmouth. About three in 
the afternoon I went to see a gentlewoman who had long 
been indisposed. Almost as soon as I was set down, the 
house was beset on all sides by an innumerable multitude 
of people. A louder or more confused noise, could hardly 
be at the taking of a city by storm. At first, Mrs. B. and 
her daughter tried to quiet them. But it was labor lost. 
They might as well have attempted to still the raging of the 
sea. They were soon glad to shift for themselves, and 
leave K. E. and me to do as well as we could. The rabble 
roared with all their throats, ' Bring out the Canorum ! 
Where is the Canorum?' (an unmeaning word which the 
Cornish generally use instead of Methodist.) No answer 
being given, they quickly forced open the outer door, and 
filled the passage. Only a wainscoat partition was between 
us which was not likely to stand long. I immediately took 
down a large looking-glass which hung against it, supposing 
the whole side would fall in at once. When they began 
their work with abundance of bitter imprecations, poor 
Kitty was utterly astonished, and cried out, ' O Sir, what 
must we do?' I said, 'We must pray.' Indeed, at that 



By John 
Wesley 

(1703-1791), 

a clergyman 
of the 

Established 
Church 

ader of 
the Metho- 
dist move- 
ment, the 
great event 
in the re- 
ligious his- 
tory of the 
eighteenth 
century. 
The opposi- 
tion Metho- 
dism aroused 
was great. 
The Anglican 
Church re- 
fused to 
make room 
for it ; the 
upper classes 
sneered, and 
the lower 
classes often 
attacked the 
leaders with 
violence. 



334 I J1 Hanoverian Times 

time, to all appearance, our lives were not worth an hour's 
purchase. She asked, ' But, Sir, is it not better for you to 
hide yourself ? To get into the closet? ' I answered, ' No. 
It is better for me to stand just where I am.' Among those 
without, were the crews of some privateers, which were 
lately come into the harbor. Some of these, being angry at 
the slowness of the rest, thrust them away, and coming up 
altogether, set their shoulders to the inner door, and cried 
out, ' Avast, lads, avast ! ' away went all the hinges at once, 
and the door fell back into the room. I stepped forward 
at once into the midst of them and said, ' Here I am. 
Which of you has any thing to say to me ? To which of you 
have I done any wrong? To you? Or you? Or you?' 
I continued speaking, till I came, bare-headed as I was 
(for 1 purposely left my hat, that they might all see my 
face) into the middle of the street, and then raising my 
voice, said, ' Neighbors, countrymen ! Do you desire to 
hear me speak?' They cried vehemently, ' Yes, yes, he 
shall speak, he shall, nobody shall hinder him.' But having 
nothing to stand on, and no advantage of the ground, I 
could be heard by few only. However I spoke without 
intermission, and as far as the sound reached, the people 
were still ; till one or two of their captains turned about and 
swore, ' Not a man should touch him.' Mr. Thomas, a clergy- 
man, then came up, and asked, ' Are you not ashamed to 
use a stranger thus?' He was soon seconded by two or 
three gentlemen of the town, and one of the Aldermen; 
with whom I walked down the town speaking all the time, 
till I came to Mrs. Maddern's house. The gentlemen pro- 
posed sending for my horse to the door, and desired me to 
step in and rest the mean time. But on second thoughts, 
they judged it not adviseable to let me go out among the 
people again. So they chose to send my horse before me 
to Penryn, and to send me thither by water ; the sea run- 
ning close by the back door of the house in which we were. 



Winning the Degree 335 

I never saw before, no, not at Walsal itself, the hand of 
GOD so plainly shewn as here. There I had many com- 
panions, who were willing to die with me ; here not a friend, 
but one simple girl ; who likewise was hurried away from me 
in an instant, as soon as ever she came out of Mrs. B.'s door. 
There I received some blows, lost part of my cloaths, and 
was covered over with dirt. Here, although the hands of 
perhaps some hundreds of people were lifted up to strike 
or throw, yet they were one and all stopped in the mid-way, 
so that not a man touched me with one of his fingers. 
Neither was any thing thrown from first to last ; so that I 
had not even a speck of dirt on my cloaths. Who can 
deny, that GOD heareth the prayer? Or that he hath all 
power in heaven and earth? 

I took boat at about half an hour past five. Many of the 
mob waited at the end of the town, who seeing me escaped 
out of their hands, could only revenge themselves with their 
tongues. But a few of the fiercest ran along the shore, to 
receive me at my landing. I walked up the steep, narrow 
passage from the sea, at the top of which the foremost man 
stood. I looked him in the face and said, ' I wish you a 
good night.' He spake not, nor moved hand or foot till I 
was on horseback. Then he said, ' I wish you was in hell; ' 
and turned back to his companions. 

Extracts from the Journals of John Wesley (Boston, 1819), 
212-215. 



114. Winning the Degree of Bachelor 

of Arts (1780) 

The youth whose heart pants for the honour of a Bachelor 
of Arts' degree must wait patiently till near four years have 
revolved. But this time is not to be spent idly. No ; he is 
obliged, during this period, once to oppose, and once to re- 



By Vicf.si- 
mus Knox 

(1752-1821), 

I ixford grad- 
uate and 
fellow of St. 
John's Col- 
lege, he. id 
master of 
Tun I 'ridge 
School, and 



336 In Hanoverian Times 



writer of 
some note on 

educational 
subjects. 
During a 
residence of 
eight vears 
at Oxford, 
Knox had 
abundant 
opportunity 
to observe 
the condi- 
tions tli.it pre- 
vailed, and 
his state- 
ments are 
confirmed 
by the u ords 
of such men 
as Gibbon, 
Samuel 
Johnson, 
Lord Eldon. 

Before the 
close of the 
century 
some re- 
forms were 

about, due 
in pari to 
the efforts of 
Knox, but 
as late as 
1S20 the 
University 
of Oxfmd 
dispensed 
with a whole 
term of aca- 
demic study 
in honour of 
the corona- 
tion of 
George IV. 



spond, in disputations held in the public schools — a formid- 
able sound, and a dreadful idea ; but, on closer attention, 
the fear will vanish, and contempt supply its place. 

This opposing and responding is termed, in the cant of the 
place, doing generals. Two boys, or men, as they call them- 
selves, agree to do generals together. The first step in this 
mighty work is to procure arguments. These are always 
handed down, from generation to generation, on long slips 
of paper, and consist of foolish syllogisms on foolish subjects, 
of the formation or the signification of which the respondent 
and opponent seldom know more than an infant in swaddling 
clothes. The next step is to go for a liceat to one of the 
petty officers, called the Regent-Master of the Schools, who 
subscribes his name to the questions, and receives sixpence 
as his fee. When the important day arrives, the two doughty 
disputants go into a large dusty room full of dirt and cob- 
webs, with walls and wainscot decorated with the names of 
former disputants, who, to divert the tedious hours, cut out 
their names with their penknives, or wrote verses with a pencil. 
Here they sit in mean desks, opposite to each other, from one 
o'clock till three. Not once in a hundred times does any 
officer enter ; and, when he does, he hears one syllogism or 
two, and then makes a bow, and departs, as he came and 
remained, in solemn silence. The disputants then return to 
the amusement of cutting the desks, carving their names, or 
reading Sterne's Sentimental Journey, or some other edifying 
novel. When this exercise is duly performed by both parties, 
they have a right to the title and insignia of Sophs ; but not 
before they have been formally treated by one of the regent- 
masters, before whom they kneel, while he lays a volume of 
Aristotle's works on their heads, and puts on a hood, a piece 
of black crape, hanging from their necks down to their heels ; 
which crape, it is expressly ordained by a statute in this case 
made and provided, shall be plain, and unadorned either 
with wool or with fur. 



Winning the Degree 337 

The next exercise is called doing j'uraments, which consists 
of just stepping into the school, and proposing one syllogism, 
for the sake of complying with the letter of the statute; and 
this noble exercise is termed doing juraments, which, being 
interpreted, signifies the evading of one 's oath. 

This work once done, a great progress is made towards 
the wished -for honour of a bachelor's degree. There re- 
main only one or two trifling forms, and another disputation 
almost exactly similar to doing generals, but called answering 
under bachelor, previous to the awful examination. 

Every candidate is obliged to be examined in the whole 
circle of the sciences by three masters of arts, of his own 
choice. The examination is to lie held in one of the public 
schools, and to continue from nine o'clock till eleven. The 
masters take a most solemn oath, that they will examine 
properly and impartially. I >readful as all this appears, there 
is always found to be more of appearance in it than reality; 
for the greatest dunce usually gets his testimonium signed 
with as much ease and credit as the finest genius. The man- 
ner of proceeding is as follows : The poor young man to be 
examined in the sciences often knows no more of them than 
his bedmaker, and the masters who examine are sometimes 
equally unacquainted with such mysteries, but schemes, as 
they are called, or little books, containing forty or fifty ques- 
tions in each science, are handed down, from age to age, 
from one to another. The candidate to be examined em- 
ploys three or four days in learning these by heart, and the 
examiners, having done the same before him when they were 
examined, know what questions to ask; and so all goes on 
smoothly. When the candidate has displayed his universal 
knowledge of the sciences, he is to display his skill in philol- 
ogy. One of the masters, therefore, desires him to construe 
a passage in some Greek or Latin classic, which he does with 
no interruption, just as he pleases, and as well as he can. 
The statutes next require, that he should translate familiar 
z 



338 In Hanoverian Times 

English phrases into Latin. And now is the time when the 
masters shew their wit and jocularity. Droll questions are 
put on any subject, and the puzzled candidate furnishes di- 
version by his awkward embarrassment. I have known the 
questions on this occasion to consist of an enquiry into the 
pedigree of a race-horse. . . . This familiarity, however, 
only takes place when the examiners are pot-companions 
of the candidate, which indeed is usually the case; for 
it is reckoned good management to get acquainted with 
two or three jolly young masters of arts, and supply them 
well with port, previously to the examination. If the vice- 
chancellor and proctors happen to enter the school, a 
very uncommon event, then a little solemnity is put on, 
very much to the confusion of the masters as well as of 
the boy, who is sitting in the little box opposite to them. 
As neither the officer, nor any one else, usually enters the 
room (for it is reckoned very ungenteel), the examiners and 
the candidates often converse on the last drinking-bout, or 
on horses, or read the newspaper, or a novel, or divert them- 
selves as well as they can in any manner, till the clock strikes 
eleven, when all parties descend, and the testimonium is 
signed by the masters. With this testimonium in his posses- 
sion, the candidate is sure of success. The day in which 
the honour is to be conferred arrives ; he appears in the 
Convocation-house, he takes an abundance of oaths, pays a 
sum of money in fees, and, after kneeling down before the 
vice-chancellor, and whispering a lie, rises up a Bachelor of 
Arts. 

Vicesimus Knox, Essays Moral and Literary (London, 1803), II, 
105-108. 



CHAPTER 



XVIII — THE 
EMPIRE 



STRIFE FOR 



115. The Battle of Blenheim (1704) 

"August 13, 1704. — I have not time to say more, but to 
beg you will give my duty to the queen, and let her know 
her army has had a glorious victory. M. Tallard and 
two other generals are in my coach, and I am following the 
rest. The bearer, my aide-de-camp, Colonel Parke, will 
give her an account of what has passed. m 1 shall do it in a 
day or two, by another more at large. — Marlborough." 

"Aug. 14. — Before the battle was quite done yester- 
day, I writ to my dearest soul to let her know that I was 
well, and that God had blessed her majesty's arms with as 
great a victory as has ever been known ; for prisoners I 
have the Marshal de Tallard, and the greatest part of his 
general officers, above 8000 men, and near 1500 officers. 
In short, the army of M. de Tallard, which was that which 
I fought with, is quite ruined ; that of the elector of B ivaria 
and the Marshal de Marsin, which Prince Eugene fought 
against, I am afraid, has not had much loss, for I cannot 
find that he has many prisoners. As soon as the elector 
knew that Monsieur de Tallard was like to be beaten, he 
marched off, so that I came only time enough to see him 
retire. As all these prisoners are taken by the troops I 
command, it is in my power to send as many of them to 
England as her majesty shall think for her honour and 
service. My own opinion in this matter is, that the Marshal 
de Tallard, and the general officers, should be sent or brought 
to her majesty when I come to England ; but should all the 
officers be brought, it would be a very great expense, and I 

339 



By Tons - 
Churchill, 
Earl of 
Marlbor- 
ough. 

See No. ioo. 
Blenheim 
was one of 
the great 
battles of 
English his- 
tory, and 

1 1 for 
the victor the 
title of duke 
and splendid 
rewards in 
honours and 
money. The 
accompany- 
ing U-tters 
were written 
by Churchill 
to his wife. 
His devotion 
to her was 
one of his 
most attrac- 
tive traits. 
The first note 
was written 
on a piece of 
paper, evi- 
dently lorn 
from a mem- 
orandum 
book, and 
having on tin- 
back a bill of 
tavern ex- 
penses. — 
On Marl- 
borough, see 

< ;. s.niiis- 

bury, Marl- 
borough. 



340 The Strife for Empire 

think the honour is in having the marshal and such other 
officers as her majesty pleases. But I shall do in this, as in 
all things, that which shall be most agreeable to her. I am 
so very much out of order with having been seventeen hours 
on horseback yesterday, and not having been able to sleep 
above three hours last night, that I can write to none of my 
friends. However I am so pleased with this action, that I 
can't end my letter without being so vain as to tell my dear- 
est soul, that within the memory of man there has been no 
victory so great as this; and as I am sure you love me 
entirely well, you will be infinitely pleased with what has 
been done, upon my account as well as the great benefit the 
public will have, lor had the success of Prince Eugene 
been equal to his merit, we should in that day's action have 
made an end of the war." 

" Steinheim, August 18. — I have been so very much out 
of order these four or live days, that I have been obliged 
this morning to be let blood, which 1 hope will set me right ; 
for I should be very much troubled not to be able to follow 
the blow we have given, which appears greater every day 
than another, for we have now above n,ooo prisoners. I 
have also this day a deputation from the town of Augsburg, 
to let me know that the French were marched out of it yes- 
terday morning, by which they have abandoned the country 
of Bavaria, so that the orders are already given for the put- 
ting a garrison into it. If we can be so lucky as to force 
them from Ulm, where they are now altogether, we shall cer- 
tainly then drive them to the other side of the Rhine. After 
which we flatter ourselves that the world will think we have 
done all that could have been expected from us. This day 
the whole army has returned their thanks to Almighty God 
for the late success, and I have done it with all my heart ; 
for never victory was so complete, notwithstanding that they 
were stronger than we, and very advantageously posted. 
But believe me, my dear soul, there was an absolute neces- 



Walpole and the Colonies 341 

sity for the good of the common cause to make this venture, 
which God has so blessed. I am told the elector has sent 
for his wife and children to come to Ulm. If it be true, he 
will not then quit the French interest, which I had much rather 
he should do, if it might be upon reasonable terms ; but the 
Imperialists are for his entire ruin. My dearest life, if we could 
have another such a day as Wednesday last, I should then 
hope we might have such a peace as that I might enjoy the 
remaining part of my life with you. The elector has this 
minute sent a gentleman to me, I think only to amuse us ; 
we shall see the truth in a day or two, for we march to- 
morrow. The blood they have taken from me has done me 
a great deal of good, which is very necessary, for I have not 
time to be sick." 

W. Coxe, Memoirs of the Duke of Marlborough (London, 
1847), I, 206, 213, 214. 



116. Walpole and the Colonies (1721) 

M\ Lords and Gentlemen ; 

... In this situation of affairs we should be extremely 
wanting to ourselves, if we neglected to improve the favour- 
able opportunity, which this general tranquillity gives us, 
of extending our commerce, upon which the riches and 
grandeur of this nation chiefly depend. It is very obvious, 
that nothing would more conduce to the obtaining so public 
a good, than to make the exportation of our own manufac- 
tures, and the importation of the commodities used in the 
manufacturing of them, as practicable and easy as may be ; 
by this means, the balance of trade may be preserved in our 
favour, our navigation increased, and greater numbers of our 
poor employed. 



Bv George 
I.' The Royal 
Speech of 
172 1 was the 
inspiration of 
the king's 
chief minis- 
ter, Sir Rob- 
fit Walpole, 
one of the 
greatest mas- 
ters! 'I finance 
that Kngland 
has evei had. 
It was re- 
markable as 
containing a 
clear and 
general ex- 
on of 
the more en- 
lightened 
trade policy 
of three gen- 
erations 



later. — On 
Walpole, see 
J. Morley, 
I f 'alpole. 

Walpole kept 
his word. In 
this session 
he secured 
the removal 
of export 
duties from 
106 articles 
of British 
manufacture, 
and of im- 
port duties 
from 38 
articles of 
raw material. 
A little later 
he followed 
up these 
measures by 
others tend- 
ing to foster 
the rice and 
sugar trade 
of the Ameri- 
can colonies. 



342 The Strife for Empire 

I must therefore recommend it to you, Gentlemen of the 
House of Commons, to consider how far the Duties upon 
these branches may be taken off, and replaced, without any 
new violation of public faith, or laying any new burthen 
upon my people. And I promise myself, that by a due 
consideration of this matter, the produce of those duties, 
compared with the infinite advantages that will accrue to 
the kingdom by their being taken off, will be found so 
inconsiderable, as to leave little room for any difficulties or 
objections. 

The supplying ourselves with Naval Stores, upon terms 
the most easy and least precarious, seems highly to deserve 
the care and attention of parliament. Our Plantations in 
America, naturally abound with most of the proper materials 
for this necessary and essential part of our trade and mari- 
time strength; and if, by due encouragement, we could be 
furnished from thence with those naval stoics, which we are 
now obliged to purchase, and bring from foreign countries, 
it would not only greatly contribute to the riches, influence 
and power of this nation, but, by employing our own colo- 
nies in this useful and advantageous service, divert them 
from setting up, and carrying on manufactures which directly 
interfere with those of Great Britain. 

The King's Speech on opening the Session of Parliament. Oct. ig, 
1721, Cobbetfs Parliamentary History (London, 1S11), VII, 
912, 913. 



Bv Robert 

CLIVE, later 
Lord Clive 
(1725-1774), 

founder of 
the British 
empire in 
India. In 
1743 Clive 
entered the 
service of the 



I 17. Plassey (1757) 



I gave you an account of the taking of Chandernagore ; 
the subject of this address is an event of much higher 
importance, no less than the entire overthrow of Nabob 
Suraj-u-Dowlah, and the placing of Meer Jaffier on the 
throne. I intimated, in my last, how dilatory Suraj-u- 



PI 



asse 



y 



343 



Dowlah appeared in fulfilling the articles of the treaty. 
This disposition not only continued but increased, and we 
discovered that he was designing our ruin, by a conjunction 
with the French. To this end Monsieur Bussy was press- 
ingly invited to come into this province, and Monsieur Law 
of Cossimbazar (who before had been privately entertained 
in his service) was ordered to return from Patna. 

About this time some of his principal officers made over- 
tures to us for dethroning him. At the head of these was 
Meer Jaffier, then Bukhshee to the army, a man as gener- 
ally esteemed as the other was detested. As we had reason 
to believe this disaffection pretty general, we soon en- 
tered into engagements with Meer Jaffier to put the crown 
on his head. All necessary preparations being completed 
with the utmost secrecy, the army, consisting of about one 
thousand Europeans, and two thousand sepoys, with eight 
pieces of cannon, marched from Chandernagore on the 13th, 
and arrived on the 18th at Cutwa Fort, which was taken 
without opposition. The 2 2d, in the evening, we crossed 
the river, and landing on the island, marched straight for 
Plassey Grove, where we arrived by one in the morning. 
At daybreak, we discovered the Nabob's army moving 
towards us, consisting, as we since found, of about fifteen 
thousand horse, and thirty- five thousand foot, with upwards 
of forty pieces of cannon. They approached apace, and 
by six began to attack with a number of heavy cannon, 
supported by the whole army, and continued to play on us 
very briskly for several hours, during which our situation was 
of the utmost service to us, being lodged in a large grove, 
with good mud banks. To succeed in an attempt on their 
cannon was next to impossible, as they were planted in a 
manner round us, and at considerable distances from each 
other. We therefore remained quiet in our post, in expec- 
tation of a successful attack upon their camp at night. 
About noon, the enemy drew off their artillery, and retired 



East India 
Company at 
Madras. 
His defence 
o( Arcot, in 
1751, im- 
posed the 
first check 
upon the 
French ad- 
vance in 
India, and 
formed " the 
turning-point 
in tin- East- 
ern career of 
the English." 
The victory 
which he 
won at 
Plassey over 
the native 
rulers estab- 
lished Eng- 
lish iniluence 
in Bengal, 
marking the 
beginning of 
territorial 
conquest. 
" Clive was a 
great soldier, 
a great ad- 
ministrator, a 
born leader 
of his fel- 
lows. The 
bluntness of 
his moral 
perceptions 
prevented 
him from 
being a great 
man." 

Malleson. — 
For Clive, 
see Malleson, 
Clive. 



344 The Strife for Empire 

to their camp, being the same which Roy Dullub had left 
but a few days before, and which he had fortified with a 
good ditch and breast-work. We immediately sent a 
detachment, accompanied with two field-pieces, to take 
possession of a tank with high banks, which was advanced 
about three hundred yards above our grove, and from 
whence the enemy had considerably annoyed us with some' 
cannon managed by Frenchmen. This motion brought 
them out a second time ; but on finding them make no great 
effort to dislodge us, we proceeded to take possession of 
one or two more eminences lying very near an angle of their 
camp, from whence, and an adjacent eminence in their 
possession, they kept a smart fire of musketry upon us. 
They made several attempts to bring out their cannon, but 
our advanced field-pieces played so warmly and so well 
upon them, that they were always drove back. Their 
horse exposing themselves a good deal on this occasion, 
many of them were killed, and among the rest four or five 
officers of the first distinction, by which the whole army 
being visibly dispirited ami thrown into some confusion, we 
were encouraged to storm both the eminence and the angle 
of their camp, which were carried at the same instant, with 
little or no loss ; though the latter was defended (exclusively 
of blacks) by forty French and two pieces of cannon; and 
the former by a Luge body of blacks, both foot and horse. 
On this, a general rout ensued, and we pursued the enemy 
six miles, passing upwards of forty pieces of cannon they 
"Aspeciesof had abandoned, with an infinite number of hackaries, and 
bv'i coutile carriages filled with baggage of all kinds. Suraj-u-Dowlah 
of bullocks." escaped on a camel, and reaching Moorshedabad early 
next morning, despatched away what jewels and treasure he 
conveniently could, and he himself followed at midnight, 
with only two or three attendants. 

It is computed there are killed of the enemy about five 
hundred. Our loss amounted to only twenty-two killed, and 



The Battle of Quebec 345 

fifty wounded, and those chiefly blacks. During the warmest 
part of the action we observed a large body of troops hover- 
ing on our right, which proved to be our friends ; but as 
they never discovered themselves by any signal whatsoever, 
we frequently fired on them to make them keep their distance. 
When the battle was over, they sent a congratulatory mes- 
sage, and encamped in our neighbourhood that night. The 
next morning Meer Jaffier paid me a visit, and expressed much 
gratitude at the service done him, assuring me, in the most 
solemn manner, that he would faithfully perform his engage- See No. 122. 
ment to the English. Me then proceeded to the city, 
which he reached some hours before Suraj-u-Dowlah left it. 

Robert Clive, Litter to the Directors of the East India Company . 
Malcolm, Memoirs of Lord Clive (London, 1836), I, 263- 
266. 



118. The Battle of Quebec (1759) 

On board the Sutherland, September 12. 

"The enemy's force is now divided, great scarcity of pro- 
visions now in their camp, and universal discontent among 
the Canadians ; the second Officer in command is gone to 
Montreal or St. John's, which gives reason to think, that 
General Amherst is advancing into the colony : a vigorous 
blow struck by the army at this juncture may determine the 
fate of Canada. Our troops below are in readiness to join 
us ; all the light artillery and tools are embarked at the point 
of Levi, and the troops will land where the French seem 
least to expect it. The first body that gets on shore is to 
march directly to the enemy, and drive them from any little 
post they may occupy; the Officers must be careful that the 
succeeding bodies do not, by any mistake, fire upon those 
who go on before them. The battalions must form on the 



Orders issued 

neral 
Wo fe the 
day before 
the battle 
upon the 
Plains of 
Abraham, 
and cited by 
Knox. — On 
Wolfe and 
the battle of 
Quebec, see 
Parkman, 
Montcalm 
and Wolfe. 



346 The Strife for Empire 

upper ground with expedition, and be ready to charge what- 
ever presents itself. When the artillery and troops are 
landed, a corps will be left to secure the landing-place, while 
the rest march on, and endeavour to bring the French and 
Canadians to a battle. The Officers ami men will remember 
what their country expects from them, and what a determined 
body of soldiers, inured to war, is capable of doing, against 
five weak French battalions, mingled with disorderly peas- 
antry. The soldiers must be attentive and obedient to their 
Officers, and resolute in the execution of their duty." 



This extract 
is from the 
Historical 
fournal of 
Captain fohn 
Knox, an 
officer in the 
British navy, 
who took 
part in the 
assault on 
Quebec. 



Thursday, September 13, 1759. 

Before day-break this morning we made a descent upon 
the north shore, about half a quarter of a mile to the east- 
ward of Sillery ; and the light troops were fortunately, by the 
rapidity of the current, carried lower down, between us and 
Cape Diamond ; we had, in this debarkation, thirty flat-bot- 
tomed boats, containing about sixteen hundred men. This 
was a great sin prise on the enemy, who, from the natural 
strength of the place, did not suspect, and consequently 
were not prepared against, so bold an attempt. The chain 
of centries, which they had posted along the summit of the 
heights, galled us a little, and picked off several men, and 
some Officers, before our light infantry got up to dislodge 
them. This grand enterprise was conducted, and executed 
with great good order and discretion ; as fast as we landed, 
the boats put off for reinforcements, and the troops formed 
with much regularity : the General, with Brigadiers Monck- 
ton and Murray, were a-shore with the first division. We 
lost no time here, but clambered up one of the steepest 
precipices that can be conceived, being almost a perpen- 
dicular, and of an incredible height. As soon as we gained 
the summit, all was quiet, and not a shot was heard, owing 
to the excellent conduct of the light infantry under Colonel 



The Battle of Quebec 347 

Howe ; it was by this time clear day-light. Here we formed 
again, the river and the south country in our rear, our right 
extending to the town, our left to Sillery, and halted a few 
minutes. The General then detached the light troops to our 
left to route the enemy from their battery, and to disable 
their guns, except they could be rendered serviceable to the 
party who were to remain there ; and this service was soon 
performed. We then faced to the right, and marched towards 
the town by files, till we came to the plains of Abraham ; an 
even piece of ground which Mr. Wolfe had made choice of, 
while we stood forming upon the hill. Weather showery : 
about six o'clock the enemy first made their appearance 
upon the heights, between us and the town ; whereupon we 
halted, and wheeled to the right, thereby forming the line 
of battle. . . . The enemy had now likewise formed the 
line of battle, and got some cannon to play on us, with 
round and canister-shot ; but what galled us most was a body 
of Indians and other marksmen they had concealed in the 
corn opposite to the front of our right wing, and a coppice 
that stood opposite to our center, inclining towards our 
left ; but the Colonel Hale, by Brigadier Monckton's orders, 
advanced some platoons, alternately, from the forty-seventh 
regiment, which, after a few rounds, obliged these skulkers 
to retire : we were now ordered to lie down, and remained 
some time in this position. About eight o'clock we had 
two pieces of short brass six-pounders playing on the enemy, 
which threw them into some confusion, and obliged them to 
alter their disposition, and Montcalm formed them into 
three large columns ; about nine the two armies moved a 
little nearer each other. The light cavalry made a faint 
attempt upon our parties at the battery of Sillery, but were 
soon beat off, and Monsieur de Bougainville, with his troops 
from Cape Rouge, came down to attack the flank of our 
second line, hoping to penetrate there ; but, by a masterly 
disposition of Brigadier Townshend, they were forced to 



348 The Strife for Empire 

desist, and the third battalion of Royal Americans was then 
detached to the first ground we had formed on after we 
gained the heights, to preserve the communication with the 
beach and our boats. About ten o'clock the enemy began 
to advance briskly in three columns, with loud shouts and 
recovered arms, two of them inclining to the left of our 
army, and the third towards our right, firing obliquely at the 
two extremities of our line, from the distance of one hun- 
dred and thirty , until they came within forty yards; 

which our troops withstood with the greatest intrepidity 
and firmness, still reserving their fire, and paying the 
strictest obedience to their Officers : this uncommon steadi- 
ness, together with the havoc which the grape-shot from 
our field-pieces made among them, threw them into some 
disorder, and was most critically maintained by a well-timed, 
regular, and heavy discharge of our small arms, such as they 
could no longer oppose ; hereupon they gave way. and fled 
with precipitation, so that, by the time the cloud of smoke 
was vanished, our men were again loaded, and, profiting by 
the advantage we had over them, pursued them almost to 
the gates of the town, and the bridge over the little river, 
redoubling our fire with great eagerness, making many 
Officers and men prisoners. The weather cleared up, with 
a comfortably warm sun-shine : the Highlanders chaced 
them vigorously towards Charles's river, and the fifty-eighth 
to the suburb close to John's gate, until they were checked 
by the cannon from the two hulks ; at the same time a gun, 
which the town had brought to bear upon us with grape- 
shot, galled the progress of the regiments to the right, who 
were likewise pursuing with equal ardour, while Colonel 
Hunt Walsh, by a very judicious movement, wheeled the 
battalions of Bragg and Kennedy to the left, and flanked 
the coppice where a body of the enemy made a stand, as if 
willing to renew the action ; but a few platoons from these 
corps completed our victory. Then it was that Brigadier 



The Battle of Quebec 349 

Townshend came up, called off the pursuers, ordered the 
whole line to dress, and recover their former ground. Our 
joy at this success is inexpressibly damped by the loss we 
sustained of one of the greatest heroes which this or any 
other age" can boast of, — GENERAL JAMES WOLFE, 
who received his mortal wound, as he was exerting himself 
at the head of the grenadiers of Louisbourg. 

. . . The Sieur de Montcalm died late last night ; when 
his wound was dressed, and he settled in bed, the Surgeons 
who attended him were desired to acquaint him ingenuously 
with their sentiments of him, and being answered that his 
wound was mortal, he calmly replied, ' he was glad of it : ' 
his Excellency then demanded, — whether he could survive 
it long, and how long? He was told ' about a dozen hours, 
perhaps more, peradventure less.' ' So much the better,' 
rejoined this eminent warrior; 'I am happy I shall not live 
to see the surrender of Quebec' . . . 

After our late worthy General, of renowned memory, was 
carried off wounded to the rear of the front line, he desired 
those who were about him to lay him down ; being asked if 
he would have a Surgeon he replied, ' it is needless ; it is 
all over with me.' One of them cried out, ' They run, see 
how they run.' ' Who runs? ' demanded our hero with great 
earnestness, like a person aroused from sleep. The Officer 
answered,' The Enemy, Sir ; Egad, they give way everywhere.' 
Thereupon the General rejoined, 'Go one of you, my /ads, to 
Colonel Burton — ; tell him to march Webb's regiment with 
all speed down to Charles 's river, to cut off the retreat of the 
fugitives from the bridge' Then, turning on his side, he 
added, ' Noiv, God be praised, I will die in peace;' and 
thus expired. . . . 

Captain John Knox, Historical fournal (London, 1769). II, 
66-79. 



350 The Strife for Empire 



By William 
Pitt, Earl 
ofChajham 

(1708-1778), 
statesman. 
In 1735 Pitt 
entered Par- 
liament, rep- 
resenting the 
family bor- 
ough of Old 
Sarum, and 
at once 
joined the 
opposition to 
Walpole. 
The out- 
break of the 
Seven Years' 
War brought 
Pitt to the 
front, and he 
quickly 
proved him- 
self the great- 
est war min- 
ister that 
England had 
ever had. 
" The great 
Commoner 
was the first 
Englishman 
of his time, 
and he made 
England the 
first country 
in the world." 
Macaulay. 
His last years 
were marked 
by his efforts 
to prevent by 
conciliation 
the dismem- 
berment of 
the empire 
which he, 
more than 
any other 
man, had 
helped es- 
tablish. This 
extract is 
from a 



119. A Word of Warning (1775) 

" But his Majesty is advised, that the union in America 
cannot last ! Ministers have more eyes than I, and should 
have more ears ; but with all the information I have been 
able to procure, I can pronounce it an union, solid, perma- 
nent, and effectual. Ministers may satisfy themselves, and 
delude the public, with the report of what they call commer- 
cial bodies in America. They are not commercial ; they 
are your packers and factors : they live upon nothing — for 
I call commission nothing. I mean the ministerial author- 
ity for this American intelligence ; the runners for govern- 
ment, who are paid for their intelligence. But these are not 
the men, nor this the influence, to be considered in America, 
when we estimate the firmness of their union. Even to ex- 
tend the question, and to take in the really mercantile circle, 
will be totally inadequate to the consideration. Trade in- 
deed increases the wealth and glory of a country ; but its 
real strength and stamina are to be looked for among the 
cultivators of the land: in their simplicity of life is found 
the simpleness of virtue — the integrity and courage of 
freedom. These true genuine sons of the earth are invinci- 
ble : and they surround and hem in the mercantile bodies; 
even if these bodies, which supposition I totally disclaim, 
could be supposed disaffected to the cause of liberty. Of 
this general spirit existing in the British nation (for so I wish 
to distinguish the real and genuine Americans from the 
pseudo-traders I have described) — of this spirit of inde- 
pendence, animating the nation of America, I have the most 
authentic information. It is not new among them ; it is, 
and has ever been, their established principle, their con- 
firmed persuasion : it is their nature, and their doctrine. 

" I remember, some years ago, when the repeal of the 
stamp-act was in agitation, conversing in a friendly confi- 



A Word of Warning 351 

dence with a person of undoubted respect and authenticity speech made 

, , , . , . . . 1 • 1 in the House 

on that subject; and he assured me with a certainty which D f Lords on 

his judgment and opportunity gave him, that these were t^jj* [J 

the prevalent and steady principles of America — that you support of a 

might destroy their towns, and cut them off from the super- ^eremoval 

fluities, perhaps the conveniences, of life; but that they of General 

Ciapc s forces 

were prepared to despise your power, and would not lament from Boston 
their loss, whilst they have — what, my Lords? — their JJjJg 1 ^ 
woods and their liberty. The name of my authority if I am dilation.— 
called upon, will authenticate the opinion irrefragably. se " Ma a ca u_ m 

" If illegal violences have been, as it is said, committed in lay, Essays. 
America, prepare the way, open the door of possibility, for ^JJJ^' 
acknowledgment and satisfaction : but proceed not to such 
coercion, such proscription ; cease your indiscriminate in- 
flictions ; amerce not thirty thousand ; oppress not three 
millions, for the fault of forty or fifty individuals. Such 
severity of injustice must for ever render incurable the 
wounds you have already given your colonies ; you irritate 
them to unappeasable rancour. What though you march 
from town to town, and from province to province ; though 
you should be able to enforce a temporary and local sub- 
mission, which I only suppose, not admit — how shall you 
be able to secure the obedience of the country you leave 
behind you in your progress, to grasp the dominion of 
eighteen hundred miles of continent, populous in numbers, 
possessing valour, liberty, and resistance? 

"This resistance to your arbitrary system of taxation 
might have been foreseen : it was obvious from the nature 
of things, and of mankind, above all, from the Whiggish 
spirit flourishing in that country. The spirit which now re- 
sists your taxation in America is the same which formerly 
opposed loans, benevolences, and ship-money, in England : 
the same spirit which called all England on its legs, and by 
the Bill of Rights vindicated the English constitution : the 
same spirit which established the great fundamental, essen- 



352 The Strife for Empire 

tial maxim of your liberties, that no subject of England shall 
be taxed but by his own consent. 

" This glorious spirit of Whiggism animates three millions 
in America ; who prefer poverty with liberty, to gilded chains 
and sordid affluence; and who will die in defence of their 
rights as men, as freemen. What shall oppose this spirit, 
aided by the congenial flame glowing in the breasts of every 
Whig in England, to the amount, I hope, of double the 
American numbers? Ireland they have to a man. In that 
country, joined as it is with the cause of the colonies, and 
placed at their head, the distinction I contend for is and 
must be observed. This country superintends and controls 
their trade and navigation ; but they tax themselves. And 
this distinction between external and internal control is 
sacred and insurmountable ; it is involved in the abstract 
nature of things. Property is private, individual, absolute. 
Trade is an extended and complicated consideration : it 
reaches as far as ships can sail or winds can blow : it is 
a great and various machine. To regulate the number- 
less movements of its several parts, and combine them into 
effect, for the good of the whole, requires the superintending 
wisdom and energy of the supreme power in the empire. 
But this supreme power has no effect towards internal taxa- 
tion ; for it does not exist in that relation ; there is no such 
thing, no such idea in this constitution, as a supreme power 
operating upon property. Let this distinction then remain 
for ever ascertained ; taxation is theirs, commercial regula- 
tion is ours. As an American, I would recognise to England 
her supreme right of regulating commerce and navigation : 
as an Englishman by birth and principle, I recognise to the 
Americans their supreme unalienable right in their property ; 
a right which they are justified in the defence of to the last 
extremity. To maintain this principle is the common cause 
of the Whigs on the other side of the Atlantic, and on this. 
' 'Tis liberty to liberty engaged,' that they will defend them- 



A Word of Warning 353 

selves, their families, and their country. In this great cause 
they are immovably allied : it is the alliance of God and 
nature — immutable, eternal — fixed as the firmament of 
heaven. . . . 

" I trust it is obvious to your Lordships, that all attempts 
to impose servitude upon such men, to establish despotism 
over such a mighty continental nation, must be vain, must 
be fatal. We shall be forced ultimately to retract; let us Seep. 311. 
retract while we can, not when we must. I say we must 
necessarily undo these violent oppressive acts : they must be 
repealed — you will repeal them; 1 pledge myself for it, that 
you will in the end repeal them ; I stake my reputation on it; 
— I will consent to be taken for an idiot, if they are not 
finally repealed. — Avoid, then, this humiliating, disgraceful 
necessity. With a dignity becoming your exalted situation, 
make the first advances to concord, to peace and happiness : 
for that is your true dignity, to act with prudence and jus- 
tice. That you should first concede is obvious, from sound 
and rational policy. Concession comes with better grace 
and more salutary effect from superior power ; it reconciles 
superiority of power with the feelings of men ; and estab- 
lishes solid confidence on the foundations of affection and 
gratitude. . . . 

" Every motive, therefore, of justice and of policy, of 
dignity and of prudence, urges you to allay the ferment in 
America — -by a removal of your troops from Boston — by a 
repeal of your acts of parliament — and by demonstration 
of amicable dispositions towards your colonies. On the 
other hand, every danger and every hazard impend, to 
deter you from perseverance in your present ruinous 
measures. — Foreign war hanging over your heads by a 
slight and brittle thread : France and Spain watching your 
conduct, and waiting for the maturity of your errors ; — with 
a vigilant eye to America, and the temper of your colonies, 
more than to their own concerns, be they what they may. 

2A 



The motion 
was lost by a 
vote of 68-18. 

The Duke of 
Cumberland, 

broth' 

George HI, 
voted with 
the minority. 



354 The Strife for Empire 

"To conclude, my Lords : If the ministers thus persevere 
in misadvising and misleading the King, I will not say, that 
they can alienate the affections of his suhjects from his 
crown; but I will affirm, that they will make the crown not 
worth his wearing — I will not say that the King is betrayed ; 
but I will pronounce, that the kingdom is undone." 

Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Cliatliani (London, 
1840), IV, 380-384. 



Bv Edward 

IN 

(1737 ' 

historian, 
best remem- 
bered for his 
monumental 
work, 

and 
■ /he 
A' oman 
Empire. He 
sat in I 
ment for a 
few years at 
the time of 
the troubles 
with the 
American 
colonies, and 
gave his sup- 
port to the 
I 1 1 

He spent the 
last years of 
his life in 
Switzerland, 
w itching with 
dismay the 
develop- 
ments in 
France. 

The accom- 
panying ex- 
tracts 
from letters 



I 20. A Great Historian and the Outbreak 
of the American Revolution (1775) 

Jan. 31st, 1775. 

netimes people do not write because they are too 
idle, and sometimes because they are too busy. The 
former was usually my case, but at present it is the latter. 
The fate of Europe and America seems fully sufficient to 
take up the time of one Man ; and especially of a Man who 
gives up a great deal of time for the purpose of public and 
private information. I think I have sucked Mauduit and 
Hutcheson very dry; and if my confidence was equal to 
my eloquence, and my eloquence to my knowledge, perhaps 
I might make no very intolerable Speaker. . . . For my 
own part, I am more and more convinced that we have 
both the right and the power on our side, and that, though 
the effort may be accompanied with some melancholy cir- 
cumstances, we are now arrived at the decisive moment of 
ir of losing for ever both our Trade and 
Empire. We expect next Thursday or Friday to be a very 

day. . . . Our general divisions are about 250 to 80 
or 90. 



a page of the original draft of lord chatham's " provisiona 

the House of Lords i 



^ 




^^ 



" How near this measure lav to the great statesman's heart may be ju« 
fae-simile of a page of the original draft in Chatham's own hand, from wh 
— H Hall. 

This fac-simile is from an article on "Chatham's Colonial Policy," by 



^cr for Settling the Troubles in America," introduced in 
February i, 1775. 




1 from an examination of the passage which is shown in the plate, a 
the painful care bestowed upon the drafting of this bill is apparent.'' 



Hubert Hall, American Historical Review, July, 1900. 



A Great Historian 355 

Wednesday Evening (February 8th, 1775). addressed to 

John Hol- 

I am not damned, according to your charitable wishes, ">yd, later 

because I have not acted ; there was such an inundation of field, 

speakers, young Speakers in every sense of the word, both Israel Mau- 

on Thursday in the Grand Committee, and Monday on the jjj^^jjjj 

report to the house, that neither Lord George Germaine nor chusetts. 

myself could find room for a single word. The principal Thomas 

men both days were Fox and Wedderburne, on the oppo- Governor of 

site sides ; the latter displayed his usual talents. The Massachu- 

' r J . setts. 

former taking the vast compass of the question before us, 
discovered powers for regular debate, which neither his 
friends hoped, nor his Enemies dreaded. We voted an 
address (304 to 105), of lives and fortunes, declaring 
Massachusets Bay in a state of rebellion. More troops, but 
I fear not enough, go to America, to make an army of 
10,000 men at Boston; three Generals, Howe, Burgoyne, 
and Clinton. In a few days we stop the ports of New 
England. I cannot write Volumes : but I am more and 
more convinced, that with firmness all may go well ; yet I 
sometimes doubt Lord N[orth]. . . . 

15th May, 1775. 

Returned this moment from an American debate. A 
Remonstrance and Representation from the Assembly of 
New York, presented and feebly introduced by Burke, but 
most forcibly supported by Fox. They disapprove of the 
violence of their neighbours, acknowledge the necessity of 
some dependence on Parliament with regard to Commercial 
restraints and express some affection and moderation ; but 
they claim internal taxation, state many grievances and 
formally object to the declaratory Act. On the last ground 
it was impossible to receive it. Division 186 to 67. The 
House tired and languid. In this season and on America, 
the Archangel Gabriel would not be heard. On Thursday 



356 The Strife for Empire 



Reference to an attempt to repeal the Quebec bill, and then to the right 
about, and for myself, having supported the British, I must 
destroy the Roman Empire. . . . 



The Decline 
ami Fall of 
the Roman 
I imp ire, on 
which he was 
at work. 



May 30th, 1775. 

You will probably see in the Papers, the Boston Gazette 
Extraordinary. I shall therefore mention a few circum- 
stances which I have from Governor Hutchinson. 

That Gazette is the only account arrived. As soon as the 
business was over the Provincial Congress dispatched a ves- 
sel with the news for the good people of England. The 
vessel was taken up to sail instantly at a considerable loss 
and expence, as she went without any lading but her ballast. 
No other letters were allowed to be put on board, nor did 
the crew know their destination till they were on the Banks 
of Newfoundland. The Master is a man of character and 
moderation, and from his mouth the following particulars 
have been drawn. Fides sit penes auctorem. 

It cannot fairly be called a defeat of the King's troops ; 
since they marched to Concord, destroyed or brought away 
the stores, and then returned back. They were so much 
fatigued with their day's work (they had marched above 
thirty miles) that they encamped in the evening at some 
distance from Boston without being attacked in the night. 
It can hardly be called an engagement, there never was any 
large body of Provincials. Our troops during the march 
and retreat were chiefly harrassed by flying parties from 
behind the stone walls along the road and by many shots 
from the windows as they passed through the villages. It 
was then they were guilty of setting fire to some of those 
hostile houses. Ensign Gould had been sent with only 
twelve men to repair a wooden bridge for the retreat ; he 
was attacked by the Saints with a minister at their head, 
who killed two men and took the Ensign with the others 
prisoners. The next day the Country rose. When the 



A Great Historian 357 

Master came away he says that Boston was invested by a 
camp of about fifteen hundred tents. They have canon. 
Their General is a Colonel Ward, a member of the late 
Council, and who served with credit in the last War. His 
outposts are advanced so near the town that they can talk 
to those of General Gage. 

This looks serious, and is indeed so. But the Governor 
observed to me that the month of May is the time for sow- 
ing Indian corn, the great sustenance of the Province, and 
that unless the Insurgents are determined to hasten a famine, 
they must have returned to their own habitations : espe- 
cially as the restraining act (they had already heard of it) cuts 
off all foreign supply, which indeed generally become nec- 
essary to the Province before Winter. Adieu. 

June the 17th, 1775. 

I have not courage to write about America. We talk 
familiarly of Civil War, Dissolutions of Parliament, Impeach- 
ments and Lord Chatham. The boldest tremble, the most 
vigorous talk of pence. And yet no more than sixty-five 
rank and file have been killed. Governor H[utchinson] 
assures me that Gage has plenty of provisions fresh and 
salted, flour, fish, vegetables, <\:c. : hopes he is not in danger 
of being forced — 

August 1st, 1775. 

We have nothing new from America. But I can ven- 
ture to assure you, that administration is now as unanimous 
and derided as the occasion requires. Something will be 
done this year ; but in the spring the force of the country 
will be exerted to the utmost. Scotch highlanders, Irish 
papists, Hanoverians, Canadians, Indians, &c. will all in 
various shapes be employed. Parliament meets the first 
week in November. . . . 



35 8 The Strife for Empire 



Empress 
Catherine of 
Russia. 

Sir Robert 

Gunning, 
British envoy 
at St. Peters- 
burg. 



Walpole 
maintained 



October 14th, 1775. 

Apropos of that Contest, I send you two pieces of intelli- 
gence from the best authority, and which, unless you hear 
them from some other quarter, 7V<? not wish you should talk 
much about. 1st. When the Russians arrive, (if they refresh 
themselves in England or Ireland,) will you go and see their 
Camp? We have great hopes of getting a body of these 
Barbarians. In consequence of some very plain advances, 
George, with his own hand, wrote a very polite Epistle to 
sister Kitty, requesting her friendly assistance. Full powers 
and instructions were sent at the same time to Gunning, to 
agree for any force between five and twenty thousand men, 
Carte blanche for the terms ; on condition, however, that they 
should serve, not as Auxiliaries, but as Mercenaries, and 
that the Russian General should be absolutely under the 
command of the British. They daily and hourly expect a 
Messenger, and hope to hear that the business is concluded. 
The worst of it is, that the Baltic will soon be froze up, and 
that it must be late next year before they can get to America. 
2nd. In the mean time we are not quite easy about Canada ; 
and even if it should be safe from an attack, we cannot flat- 
ter ourselves with the expectation of bringing down that 
martial people on the back settlements. The priests are 
ours ; the Gentlemen very prudently wait the event, and are 
disposed to join the stronger party; but the same lawless 
spirit and impatience of Government which has infected our 
Colonies, is gone forth among the Canadian Peasants, over 
whom, since the Conquest, the Noblesse have lost much of 
their ancient influence. Another thing which will please 
and surprize, is the assurance I receive from a Man who 
might tell me a lye, but who could not be mistaken, that no 
arts, no management whatsoever have been used to procure 
the Addresses which fill the Gazette, and that Lord N[orth] 
was as much surprized at the first that came up, as we could 



A Confession of Defeat 359 

be at Sheffield. We shall have, I suppose, some brisk 
skirmishing in Parliament, but the business will soon be 
decided by our superior weight of fire. Apropos, I believe 
there has been some vague but serious conversation about 
calling out the Militia. The new Levies go on very slowly 
in Ireland. The Dissenters, both there and here, are vio- 
lent and active. . . . 

31st October, 1775. 

. . . We have a warm Parliament but an indolent Cabi- 
net. The Conquest of America is a great Work : every part 
of that Continent is either lost or useless. I do not under- 
stand that we have sufficient strength at home : the German 
succours are insufficient, and the Russians are no longer 
hoped for. . . . 

Edward Gibbon, Private Letters of Edward Gibbon (edited by 
R. E. Prothero, London, 1896), I, 247-272 passim. 



that these 
addresses, 
asking the 
king to 
prosecute the 
war with 
vigour, were 
bought. 



121. A Confession of Defeat (1782) 

My Lords and Gentlemen ; 

Since the close of the last session, I have employed my 
whole time in that care and attention which the important 
and critical conjuncture of affairs required of me. 

I lost no time in giving the necessary orders to prohibit 
the further prosecution of offensive war upon the continent 
of North America. Adopting, as my inclination will always 
lead me to do, with decision and effect, whatever I collect 
to be the sense of my parliament and my people ; I have 
pointed all my views and measures as well in Europe as in 
North America, to an entire and cordial reconciliation with 
those colonies. 



The ministry 
responsible 
tor this 
Royal 

Speech was 
that of Lord 
Shelburne, 
the same 
ministry that 
negotiated 
the treaties 
which closed 
the wars of 
the American 
Revolution. 

Burke criti- 
cised this 
expression as 
ascribing to a 
resolution of 
the House 
of Commons 



what was 
" clearly the 
hand of 
Providence 
in a severe 
punishment 
of our con- 
duct." He 
also ridiculed 
the reference 
to monarchy, 
comparing it 
to a man's 
opening the 
door after he 
had left a 
room and 
saying, " At 
our parting, 
pray let me 
recommend 
a monarchy 
to you." 



360 The Strife for Empire 

Finding it indispensable to the attainment of this object, 
I did not hesitate to go the full length of the powers vested 
in me, and offered to declare them free and independent 
states, by an article to be inserted in the treaty of peace. 
Provisional articles are agreed upon, to take effect when- 
ever terms of peace shall be finally settled with the court of 
France. 

In thus admitting their separation from the crown of these 
kingdoms, I have sacrificed every consideration of my own, 
to the wishes and opinion of my people. I make it my 
humble and earnest prayer to Almighty God, that Great 
Britain may not feel the evils which might result from so 
great a dismemberment of the empire ; and, that America 
may be free from those calamities, which have formerly 
proved in the mother country how essential monarchy is to 
the enjoyment of constitutional liberty. Religion — lan- 
guage — interest — affections may, and I hope will yet prove 
a bond of permanent union between the two countries : to 
this end, neither attention nor disposition on my part, shall 
be wanting. . . . 

King's Speech on opening the Session, December ,-, 1782, Parlia- 
mentary History (London, 1814), XXIII, 204-207. 



By Joseph 
Price " A 
free merchant 
of Bengal." 



122. A Criticism of the English Policy 
in India (1783) 



The first taste of fame and conquest, which the English 
? n i"/?, 3 ^^ officers enjoyed in India, happened on the coast of Coro- 
mandel, where the great Clive, and his able master in the art 
of war, Major-General Lawrence, made the English name 
terrible. This was soon after followed by the conquest of 
Also No. 144. all the forts and harbours of the pirate Angria, on the Mala- 



Dominion in 

India ; 

Si \ / > • 

pansion of 
England. 



A Criticism 361 

bar coast. Yet we made conquests rather as auxiliaries, than 
as principals in the wars ; for the Nabobs of Arcot enjoyed 
the advantages of the first, and the Poonah Mahrattas of the 
last. Some prize money was made, but no territory held, 
which produced any thing further than some advantages in 
trade ; and a few districts pawned or pledged to us, for cer- 
tain sums advanced, the revenue of which was to reimburse 
the Company for the expences of the war. Perhaps it would 
have been as well, if we could have tied ourselves down 
always to have acted in the same manner, and never lost 
sight of our first profession of merchants. But armies once 
raised must be paid ; and the sword once drawn, no man 
hath hitherto been able to foretel, when, or how, it should 
again become sheathed, in any period of time, or in any 
part of the world. We won a rich and extensive continent 
in the east, as it were by surprise, between the years 1756 
and 1763; and we lost another in the west, by means as 
sudden and unexpected, between the years 1776 and 
1783. . . . 

There has been something extremely singular and ridicu- 
lous, in the whole conduct of the English' government, with 
respect to Bengal. If ever the national banner was displayed 
in a just and honourable war, that with Surajah ul Dowlah See No. 117. 
was such ; and by the law of nations, to retain conquests 
acquired in such a war, has hitherto been deemed lawful and 
right. But the English seem to have been terrified at the 
idea of their own success. They conquer a country in self 
defence, which they hesitate to keep, and want resolution to 
give up. Create a Nabob, to whom they give a kingdom, 
and become themselves his pensioners ; but finding their idol 
a compound of tyrannic knave, and despicable fool, they make 
him a pensioner in his turn, to his son-in-law, Cossim Ally 
Cawn ; but soon after finding Cossim to be all knave without 
a particle of fool in his composition, they wish his removal. 
But had he not been a most dastardly coward, he would have 



362 The Strife for Empire 

convinced his makers, that he could do without them, and 
have driven them out of the kingdom to the south, instead 
of suffering them to drive him to the north. Embarrassed 
by their own policy, they saw no remedy, but again to fall 
down and worship the old calf, which they had a second 
time set up. Meer Jafher died, and they recognized their 
sovereign in his second son : and things were running on in 
the old absurd channel of a double government, when Lord 
Clive arrived, who reversed the system ; instead of continu- 
ing the Company pensioners to the Nabob, he made the 
Nabob a pensioner to the Company. The power now was 
all their own ; but they wanted to hide it from the world, so 
played the Nabob off as the Punch of the puppet shew. This 
absurd policy, I have heard, was dictated to Lord Clive by 
the Ministry, to avoid involving the nation in disputes with 
the other European powers, whose subjects were settled in 
Bengal. 

Joseph Price, The Saddle put on the Right Horse (London, 
1783), 7, 8, 47, 48- 



CHAPTER XIX — THE GREAT WAR 



123, 



Burke and the French Revolution 

( I 79 I ) 



MR. BURKE commenced his reply in a grave and gov- 
erned tone of voice, observing that although he had 
himself been called to order so many times, he had sat 
with perfect composure, and had heard the most disorderly 
speech that perhaps ever was delivered in that House. . . . 
The right hon. gentleman in the speech he had just made 
had treated him in every sentence with uncommon harshness. 
. . . Notwithstanding this great and serious, though, on his 
part, unmerited attack and attempt to crush him, he would 
not be dismayed ; he was not yet afraid to state his senti- 
ments in that House, or any where else, and he would tell 
all the world that the constitution was in danger. 

And here he must, in the most solemn manner, express his 
disapprobation of what was notorious to the country and to the 
world. Were there not clubs in every quarter, who met and 
voted resolutions of an alarming tendency? Did they not 
correspond, not only with each other in every part of the king- 
dom, but with foreign countries? Did they not preach in 
their pulpits doctrines that were dangerous, and celebrate at 
their anniversary meetings, proceedings incompatible with 
the spirit of the British constitution? Admitting these 
things to be true — and he believed no one would say his 
assertions were ill-founded — would they hesitate a moment 
to pronounce such transactions dangerous to the constitution, 
and extremely mischievous in their nature? In addition to 
these, were not infamous libels against the constitution 

363 



Anony- 
mous. On 
Burke, see 
No. 106. 
From 
the outset 
Burke shared 
neither the 
enthusiasm 
nor the in- 
difference of 
his country- 
men towards 
the revolu- 
tionary pro- 
ceedings in 
France. 
Finally, in 
November, 
1790, he pub- 
lished the 
Reflections 
on the French 
Revolution, 
the manifesto 
of the reac- 
tion. In 
speech and 
pamphlet he 
sounded the 
alarm that 
the Church 
and the Con- 
stitution were 
in danger. 
The \\ hig 
party was 
broken up, 
the privi- 
leged classes, 
the pious, 
the timid, 
rallied to 
Burke's 
standard, 
and gradu- 
ally the com- 



3 6 4 



The Great War 



bination 
forced Pitt 
into war. 
The debate, 
from which 
the following 
extract is 
taken, was 
on the 

( lanada Con- 
stitution bill. 
In the course 
of the debate 
Fox referred 
with approval 
to the new 
French Con- 
stitution, and 
attacked the 
Reflections. 

The refer- 
ence is to the 
Revolution 
Society 
founded to 
commemo- 
rate the Rev- 
olution of 
1688. At a 
recent anni- 
versary Dr. 
Price, a well- 
known 
Unitarian 
preacher, had 
extolled the 
movement in 
France. 



Fox and 
Burke had 
been friends 



circulated everywhere at a considerable expense ? The 
malignity with which the right hon. gentleman had spoken 
of his sentiments, with regard to government, and the charge 
he had brought against him of inconsistency in his political 
life and opinions, were neither fair nor true ; for he 
denied that he ever entertained any ideas of government, 
different from those which he now entertained, and had 
upon many occasions stated. He laid it down as a maxim 
that monarchy was the basis of all good government and the 
nearer to monarchy any government approached, the more 
perfect it was, and vice versa ; and he certainly in his 
wildest moments, never had so far forgotten the nature of 
government as to argue that we ought to wish for a constitu- 
tion that we could alter at pleasure and change like a dirty 
shirt. He was by no means anxious for a monarchy with a 
dash of republicanism to correct it. But the French con- 
stitution was the exact opposite of the English in every 
thing, and nothing could be so dangerous as to set it up to 
the view of the English, to mislead and debauch their 
minds. . . . 

He said that he had already stated, that he believed those 
who entertained doctrines which he dreaded as dangerous to 
the constitution, to be a very small number indeed. But if 
the spirit were suffered to ferment, who could tell what might 
happen? Let it be remembered, that there were 300,000 
men in arms in France, who at a favourable moment might 
be ready to assist that spirit. . . . 

It certainly was indiscretion, at any period, but espe- 
cially at his time of life, to provoke enemies, or give his 
friends occasion to desert him ; yet if his firm and steady 
adherence to the British constitution placed him in such 
a dilemma, he would risk all ; and as public duty and public 
prudence taught him, with his last words exclaim " Fly from 
the French constitution." [Mr. Fox here whispered, " that 
there was no loss of friends."] Mr. Burke said Yes, there 



The Birmingham Riots 365 



for twenty- 

Their two vears - 
ineir Henceforth 



was a loss of friends — he knew the price of his conduct 
he had done his duty at the price of his friend 
friendship was at an end. . . . they never 

Before he sat down, he earnestly warned the two right hon. enemies. 6 a 
gentlemen who were the great rivals in that House, that put and Fox 
whether they hereafter moved in the political hemisphere 
as two flaming meteors, or walked together like brethren 
hand in hand, to preserve and cherish the British constitu- 
tion, to guard against innovation, and to save it from the 
danger of those new theories. 

Parliamentary History (London, 1817), XXIX, 379-388. 



124. The Birmingham Riots ( 1 79 1 ) 

" Hotel, Birmingham, July 7, 1791. 
" Commemoration of the French Revolution. 

"A number of gentlemen intend dining together on the 
14th instant, to commemorate the auspicious day which 
witnessed the emancipation of twenty-six millions of people 
from the Yoke of Despotism, and restored the blessings of 
equal Government to a truly great and enlightened nation, 
with whom it is our interest, as a commercial people, and 
our duty, as friends to the general rights of mankind, to 
promote a free intercourse, as subservient to a permanent 
friendship. 

" Any friend to freedom disposed to join this intended 
temperate festivity, is desired to leave his name at the liar 
of the Hotel, where tickets may be had at five shillings 
each, including a bottle of wine ; but no person will be 
admitted without one. Dinner will be on the table at 3 
o'clock precisely." 



These two 
advertise- 
ments ap- 
peared in a 
Birmingham 
paper, and 
are cited by 
Hutton. 

The 14th of 
July was the 
anniversary 
of the fall of 
the Bastille. 



366 



The Great War 



" On Friday next will be published, price one half-penny, 
an Authentic List of all those who dine at the Hotel, in 
Temple Row, Birmingham, on Thursday, the 14th instant, 
in Commemoration of the French Revolution. Vivant Rex 
et Kegina." 



By William 
Hutton 
(1723-1815), 
local histo- 
rian and to- 
pographer. 
Hutton was a 
Dissenter, 
and a man of 
much influ- 
ence in Bir- 
mingham, 
where he had 
amassed a 
large fortune 
in the paper- 
trade. 



Dr. Priestley, 

Unitarian 
clergyman 
and sci- 
entist. He 
was one of 
those who 
planned the 
fatal dinner, 
but he was 
not present. 



Dr. Priest- 
ley's chapel. 



The fatal 14th of July was now arrived, a day that will 
mark Birmingham with disgrace for ages to come. The 
laws had lost their protection, every security of the inhab- 
itants was given up, the black fiends of hell were whistled 
together and let loose for unmerited destruction. She has 
reason to keep that anniversary in sackcloth and ashes. 
About eighty persons of various denominations dined to- 
gether at the hotel. During dinner, which was short, per- 
haps from three to five o'clock, the infant mob, collected 
under the auspices of a iew in elevated life, began with 
hooting, crying "Church and King," and broke the hotel 
windows. . . . 

It was now between eight and nine; the numbers of the 
mob were increased, their spirits were inflamed. Dr. 
Priestley was sought for, but he had not dined at the hotel. 
The magistrates, who had dined at the Swan, a neighbour- 
ing tavern, by way of counterbalance, huzzaed Church and 
King, waving their hats, which inspired fresh vigour into 
the mob, so that they verily thought, and often declared, 
they acted with the approbation at least of the higher 
powers, and that what they did was right. The windows 
of the hotel being broken, a gentleman said, " You have 
done mischief enough here, go to the Meetings." A simple 
remark, and almost without precise meaning, but it involved 
a dreadful combination of ideas. There was no need to 
say, " Go and burn the Meetings." The mob marched 
down Bull Street under the smiles of magistrates. . . . 

The New Meeting was broken open without ceremony, 
the pews, cushions, books, and pulpit were dashed to pieces, 



The Birmingham Riots 367 

and in half an hour the whole was in a blaze, while the 
savage multitude rejoiced at the view. . . . 

The Old Meeting was the next mark of the mob. This 
underwent the fate of the New : and here again a system 
seems to have been adopted, for the engines were suffered 
to play upon the adjoining houses to prevent their taking 
fire, but not upon the Meeting House, which was levelled 
with the ground. 

The mob then undertook a march of more than a mile, 
to the house of Dr. Priestley, which was plundered and 
burnt without mercy, the Doctor and his family barely 
escaping. Exclusive of the furniture, a very large and valu- 
able library was destroyed, the collection of a long and 
assiduous life. 

But the greatest loss that Dr. Priestley sustained was in 
the destruction of his philosophical apparatus, and his 
remarks. These can never be replaced. I am inclined 
to think he would not have destroyed his apparatus and 
manuscripts for any sum of money that could have been 
offered him. His love to man was great, his usefulness 
greater. I have been informed by the faculty that his a little later 
experimental discoveries on air, applied to medical pur- ^yicftEng- 
poses, have preserved the lives of thousands ; and, in return, land and 

r went 10 

he can scarcely preserve his own. . . . America. 

Breaking the windows of this hotel, burning the two 
Meeting Houses, and Dr. Priestley's, finished the dreadful 
work of Thursday night. To all this I was a perfect 
stranger, for I had left the town early in the evening, and 
slept in the country. 

When I arose the next morning, July 15, my servant told 
me what had happened. I was inclined to believe it only 
a report : but coming to the town, I found it a melancholy 
truth, and matters wore an unfavourable aspect, for one 
mob cannot continue long inactive, and there were two or 
three floating up and down, seeking whom they might 



3 68 



The Great War 



devour, though I was not under the least apprehension of 
danger to myself. The affrighted inhabitants came in 
bodies to ask my opinion. As the danger admitted of no 
delay, I gave this short answer — " Apply to the magistrates, 
and request four things : to swear in as many constables as 
are willing, and arm them ; to apply to the commanding 
officer of the recruiting parties for his assistance ; to apply 
to Lord Beauchatup to call out the militia in the neighbour- 
hood ; and to write to the Secretary of War for a military 
force." What became of my four hints is uncertain, but 
the result proved they were lost. . . . 

It never appeared when the military force was sent for, 
but I believe about noon this day. The express, however, 
did not arrive in London till the next, at two in the after- 
noon. What could occasion this insufferable neglect, or 
why the Riot Act was omitted to be read sooner, I leave 
to the magistrates. Many solicitations were made to the 
magistrates for assistance to quell the mob, but the answer 
was, '■ Pacific measures arc adopted" Captain Archi- 
bald, and Lieutenants Smith and Maxwell, of recruiting 
parties, offered their service ; still the same answer. A 
gentleman asked if he might arm his dependents? "The 
hazard will be yours." Again, whether he might carry 
a brace of pistols in his own defence? " If you kill a man 
you must be responsible." . . . 

All business was now at a stand. The shops were shut. 
The town prison and that of the Court of Requests were 
thrown open, and their strength was added to that of their 
deliverers. Some gentlemen advised the insurgents assem- 
bled in New Street to disperse ; when one, whom I well 
knew, said, " Do not disperse, they want to sell us. If you 
will pull down Hutton's house I will give you two guineas 
to drink, for it was owing to him I lost a cause in the Court." 
The bargain was instantly struck, and my building fell. 

About three o'clock they approached me. I expostulated 



The Birmingham Riots 369 

with them. " They would have money." I gave all I had, 
even to a single halfpenny, which one of them had the mean- 
ness to take. They wanted more, " nor would they submit 
to this treatment," and began to break the windows, and 
attempted the goods. I then borrowed all I instantly could, 
which I gave them, and shook a hundred hard and black 
hands. " We will have some drink." " You shall have 
what you please if you will not injure me." I was then Neverthe- 
seized by the collar on both sides, and hauled a prisoner to house was 
a neighbouring public-house, where, in half an hour, I found destroyed. 
an ale-score against me of 329 gallons. . . . 

About five this evening, Friday, I had retreated to my 
house at Bennet's Hill, where, about three hours before, I 
had left my afflicted wife and daughter, and had seen a mob 
at Mr. Jukes's house in my road. I found that my people had 
applied to a neighbour to secure some of our furniture, who 
refused ; to a second, who consented ; but another shrewdly 
remarking that he would run a hazard of having his own 
house burnt, a denial was the consequence. A third request 
was made, but cut short with a No. The fourth man con- 
sented, and we emptied the house into his house and barn. 
Before night, however, he caught the terror of the neigh- 
bourhood, and ordered the principal part of the furniture 
back, and we were obliged to obey. . . . 

Burning Mr. Ryland's house at Easy Hill, Mr Taylor's at 
Bordesley, and the destruction of mine at Birmingham, were 
the work of Friday the 15th. 

Saturday the 16th was ushered in with fresh calamities 
to myself. The triumphant mob, at four in the morning, 
attacked my premises at Bennet's Hill, and threw out the 
furniture I had tried to save. It was consumed in three fires, 
the marks of which remain, and the house expired in one 
vast blaze. The women were as alert as the men. . . . 

The house of Thomas Russell, Esq., and that of Mr. 
Hawkes, at Moscley-Wake Green, were . . . attacked. They 
2 B 



370 The Great War 

were plundered and greatly injured, but not burnt. To be a 
Dissenter was a crime not to be forgiven, but a rich Dis- 
senter merited the extreme of vengeance. . . . 

As riches could not save a man, neither could poverty. 
The mob next fell upon a poor, but sensible Presbyterian 
parson, the Rev. John Hobson, of Balsall Heath, and burnt 
his all. 

From the house of Mr. Hobson, the intoxicated crew pro- 
ceeded to that of William Piddo< k. at King's Heath, inhab- 
ited by an inoffensive blind man, John Harwood, a Baptist; 
and this ended their work on Saturday the 1 6th, in which 
were destroved eight houses, exclusive of Mr. Coates's, which 
was plundered and damaged. 

Some of the nobility, justices, and gentlemen, arrived this 
day, sat in council, drank their wine, harangued the mobs, 
wished them to desist, told them what mischief they had 
done, which they already knew ; and that they had done 
enough, which they did not believe; but not one word of 
fire-arms, a fatal proof that pacific measures were adopted. 
To tell a mob "They have done enough," supposes that 
something ought to have been done. A clear ratification of 
part at least of their proceedings. 

William Hutton, A Narrative of the Riots i>i Birmingham (L. 

Jewitt, The Life of William Hutton, London. 1872, 221-236). 



125. Opposition to the French War 

(1800) 



By Charles 

[AMES FOX 

(1749-1806), 

statesman. 

At the age of 

nineteen Fox . . , _ . ,. . .. . 

entered Par- . . . Sir, this temper must be corrected. It is a diabolical 

liament, and S pj r { r an( \ would lead to interminable war. Our history is 

according to « ' J 

Burke.be- full of instances that where we have overlooked a proffered 
"'the most" occasion to treat, we have uniformly suffered by delay. At 



Opposition to French War 371 



what time did we ever profit by obstinately persevering in 
war? We accepted at Ryswick the terms we had refused 
five years before, and the same peace which was concluded 
at Utrecht might have been obtained at Gertruydenberg. 
And as to security from the future machinations or ambition 
of the French, I ask you, what security you ever had or 
could have? Did the different treaties made with Louis 
XIV. serve to tie up his hands, to restrain his ambition, or 
to stifle his restless spirit? At what period could you 
safely repose in the honour, forbearance, and moderation 
of the French government? Was there ever an idea of 
refusing to treat because the peace might be afterwards 
insecure? The peace of 1763 was not accompanied with 
securities ; and it was no sooner made than the French 
court began, as usual, its intrigues. And what security did 
the right hon. gentleman exact at the peace of 1783, in 
which he was engaged? Were we rendered secure by that 
peace? The right hon. gentleman knows well that soon 
after that peace, the French formed a plan, in conjunction 
with the Dutch, of attacking our Indian possessions, of 
raising up the native powers against us, and of driving us out 
of India ; as the French are desirous of doing now — only 
with this difference, that the cabinet of France entered into 
this project in a moment of profound peace, and when they 
conceived us to be lulled into perfect security. After mak- 
ing the peace of 1 783, the right hon. gentleman and his 
friends went out, and I, among others, came into office. 
Suppose, Sir, that we had taken up the jealousy upon which 
the right hon. gentleman now acts, and had refused to ratify 
the peace which he had made. Suppose that we had said, 
" No ; P>ance is acting a perfidious part — we see no secur- 
ity for England in this treaty — they want only a respite in 
order to attack us again in an important part of our domin- 
ions ; and we ought not to confirm the treaty." I ask, 
would the right hon. gentleman have supported us in this 



brilliant and 
accom- 
plished de- 
bater the 
world ever 
saw." When- 
ever he 
thought he 
saw wrong 
he made war 
upon it. He 
espoused the 
cause of the 
American 
colonists, he 
supported 
the anti- 
slavery move- 
ment, he 
bailed the 
French 
Revolution 
w itli enthusi- 
asm. This 
extract is 
taken from a 
speech in 
opposition to 
the rejection 
of 1 he French 
overtni 
peace. — On 
Fox, see 
Trevelyan, 
Life of 
Charles 
fames Fox 
and The 
American 
Revolution. 



37 2 The Great War 

refusal ? I say, that upon his present reasoning he ought ; but 
I put it fairly to him, would he have supported us in refusing to 
ratify the treaty upon such a pretence? He certainly ought 
not, and I am sure he would not, but the course of reason- 
in- which he now assumes would have justified his taking 
such a ground. On the contrary, I am persuaded that he 
would have said — "This is a refinement upon jealousy. 
Security ! You have security, the only security that you 
can ever expect to get. It is the present interest of France 
to make peace. She will keep it if it be her interest : she 
will break it if it be her interest : such is the state of 
nations ; and you have nothing but your own vigilance for 
your security." 

" It is not the interest of Bonaparte," it seems, " sin- 
cerely to enter into a negociation, or, if he should even 
make peace, sincerely to keep it." But how are we to 
decide upon his sincerity? By refusing to treat with him? 
Surely, if we mean to discover his sincerity, we ought to 
hear the propositions which he desires to make. " But 
peace would be unfriendly to his system of military despot- 
ism." Sir, I hear a great deal about the short-lived nature 
of military despotism. I wish the history of the world 
would bear gentlemen out in this description of military 
despotism. Was not the government erected by Augustus 
Caesar a military despotism ? And yet it endured for six or 
seven hundred years. Military despotism, unfortunately, is 
too likely in its nature to be permanent, and it is not true 
that it depends on the life of the first usurper. Though half 
the Roman emperors were murdered, yet the military despo- 
tism went on ; and so it would be, I fear, in France. If 
Bonaparte should disappear from the scene, to make room, 
perhaps, for a Berthier, or any other general, what difference 
would that make in the quality of French despotism or in 
our relation to the country? We may as safely treat with a 
Bonaparte or with any of his successors, be they who they 



Opposition to French War 373 

may, as we could with a Louis XVI., a Louis XVIL, or a 
Louis XVIII. There is no difference but in the name. 
Where the power essentially resides, thither we ought to go 
for peace. 

But, Sir, if we are to reason on the fact, I should think 
that it is the interest of Bonaparte to make peace. A lover 
of military glory, as that general must necessarily be, may 
he not think that his measure of glory is full — that it may 
be tarnished by a reverse of fortune, and can hardly be in- 
creased by any new laurels ? He must feel, that, in the situa- 
tion to which he is now raised, he can no longer depend on 
his own fortune, his own genius, and his own talents, for 
a continuance of his success ; he must be under the neces- 
sity of employing other generals, whose misconduct or in- 
capacity might endanger his power, or whose triumphs even 
might affect the interest which he holds in the opinion of the 
French. Peace, then, would secure to him what he has 
achieved, and fix the inconstancy of fortune. But this will 
not be his only motive. He must see that France also 
requires a respite — a breathing interval, to recruit her wasted 
strength. To procure her this respite would be, perhaps, 
the attainment of more solid glory, as well as the means of 
acquiring more solid power, than any thing which he can 
hope to gain from arms and from the proudest triumphs. 
May he not then be zealous to gain this fame, the only 
species of fame, perhaps, that is worth acquiring? Nay, 
granting that his soul may still burn with the thirst of 
military exploits, is it not likely that he is disposed to yield 
to the feelings of the French people, and to consolidate his 
power by consulting their interests? I have a right to argue 
in this way, when suppositions of his insincerity are reasoned 
upon on the other side. Sir, these aspersions are, in truth, 
always idle, and even mischievous. I have been too long 
accustomed to hear imputations and calumnies thrown out 
upon great and honourable characters, to be much influenced 



374 The Great War 



by them. My honourable and learned friend (Mr. Erskine) 
has paid this night a most just, deserved and honourable 
tribute of applause to the memory of that great and un- 
paralleled character who has been so recently lost to the 
world. I must, like him, beg leave to dwell a moment on 
the venerable George Washington, though I know that it is 
impossible for me to bestow anything like adequate praise 
on a character which gave us, more than any other human 
being, the example of a perfect man; yet, good, great, and 
unexampled as General Washington was, I can remember 
the time when he was not better spoken of in this House 
than Bonaparte is now. The right hon. gentleman who 
opened this debate (Mr. Dundas) may remember in what 
terms of disdain, of virulence, and even of contempt, Gen- 
eral Washington was spoken of by gentlemen on that side 
of the House. Does he not recollect with what marks of 
indignation any member was stigmatized as an enemy to his 
country, who mentioned with common respect the name of 
General Washington? If a negociation had then been pro- 
posed to be opened widi that great man, what would have 
been said? " Would you treat with a rebel, a traitor ! What 
an example would you not give by such an act ! " I do not 
know whether the right hon. gentleman may not yet pos- 
sess some of his old prejudices on the subject. I hope not. 
I hope by this time we are all convinced that a republican 
government, like that of America, may exist without danger 
or injury to social order or to established monarchies. They 
have happily shown that they can maintain the relations of 
peace and amity with other states : they have shown, too, 
that they are alive to the feelings of honour ; but they do 
not lose sight of plain good sense and discretion. They 
have not refused to negociate with the French, and they 
have accordingly the hopes of a speedy termination of every 
difference. We cry up their conduct, but we do not imitate 
it. At the beginning of the struggle we were told that the 



The Battle of Waterloo 375 

French were setting up a set of wild and impracticable 
theories, and that we ought not to be misled by them — we 
could not grapple with theories. Now we are told that we 
must not treat, because, out of the lottery, Bonaparte has 
drawn such a prize as military despotism. Is military despo- 
tism a theory? One would think that that is one of the 
practical things which ministers might understand, and to 
which they would have no particular objection. But what 
is our present conduct founded on but a theory, and that a 
most wild and ridiculous theory ? What are we fighting for? 
Not for a principle; not for security; not for conquest On the final 
even; but merely for an experiment and a speculation, to JjJJJJJJJ* 
discover whether a gentleman at Paris may not turn out a 265 for, and 

, 64 against, 

better man than we now take him to be. . . . rejection. 

Charles James Fox, Speeches (London, 1815), VI, 414-417- 



126. The Battle of Waterloo (18 15) K* P ™ N ' 

eral Sir 
Nivelles, June 19th, 1815. <gg*J 

Coldstream 

I congratulate you as heartily as I know you would me on Guards, 
the glorious (though dearly earned) laurels of yesterday; Jjjj" 1 * 
a dav which will always stand proudly pre-eminent in the letter written 

3 J . , , to Lord Fitz- 

annals of the British army. A more desperate, and prob- Harris, 
ably a more important, battle for the interest of Europe has 
hardly occurred even during the great events of the last 
three campaigns. Never were the scientific and deter- 
mined efforts of Buonaparte more devoutly seconded than 
by the magnificent army with which he attacked yesterday 
the apparently motley crew under the now unrivalled Well- 
ington. His despatch will put you so much more fully in 
possession of all the details than I have either at present 
time or powers of doing, that I cannot attempt more than 



37 6 



The Great War 



a few particulars. The well-combined and rapid move- 
ments of the enemy on the 13th and 14th brought on an 
affair at Quatre-Bras (a small village on the high road 
between this place and Namur) on the 16th, in which the 
Duke of Brunswick was killed; and in which, owing to 
none of our cavalry being up, we fought at considerable 
disadvantage, and nothing, I am convinced, but British 
infantry would have maintained the ground and thus pre- 
vented a complete separation of the Prussians and ourselves, 
an object which Napoleon at one time flattered himself he 
had fully accomplished. Our loss was severe, and fell 
heavy on the 1st brigade of Guards, who under Maitland 
behaved admirably. We (the Coldstream) were hardly 
engaged, but our opportune arrival saved the day. You 
may guess how unexpected this business was, when you 
know that the Duke, Lord Uxbridge, &c, were at a ball 
at Brussels till near one o'clock on the morning of the 16th. 
I did not leave the said ball till past two, and since that 
have not even washed my face or taken off my boots. You 
may, therefore, easily conceive the state in which I am 
writing this, in a coffee-room as full as possible of every 
nation under heaven, and a perfect resemblance of the 
Tower of Babel. But to proceed. The unfortunate result 
of a charge of cavalry, made after dark on the night of the 
1 6th by the enemy on the Prussian centre, obliged Blucher 
to retrograde on the following day, and we of course did 
the same, and retired in regular order to the position in 
rear of Genappe, called, I think, 'Les hauteurs de St. Jean,' 
having our right thrown back towards Braine la Leude, and 
the commencement of the foret de Soignies in our rear. 
Napoleon followed this movement with the whole of his 
cavalry and pressed ours very hard. The Life Guards, 
however, did well. The weather was extremely bad, we 
passed the time wet through and up to our middle in mud. 
The Prussians promised to be in line on our left by eleven 



The Battle of Waterloo 377 

o'clock, and to attack the enemy the instant we were seri- 
ously engaged. The morning turned out tolerably fine, and 
was spent by Buonaparte in reviewing and haranguing his 
army. He promised every species of reward to all who 
distinguished themselves, confessed that the fate of the 
campaign and of France depended on the issue of that 
day's exertion. 

He promised Ney to sup with him at Brussels, and cer- 
tainly no person ever tried harder to keep his word. 

The position we occupied was a good but not by any 
means a particularly strong one; indeed, the nature of the 
country is such as to preclude the possibility of it. The 
most important point to hold was a farmhouse called 
Hougoumont, a little advanced on the right, and the main- 
tenance of this part, which was ordered to be defended 
coiite que coftte, was confided to our brigade. About 
twelve o'clock the attack commenced on this point, directed 
by Napoleon, Soult, and Ney, the whole army having been 
previously almost paraded as if to bully us. 

It probably consisted of upwards of 100,000 of his best 
troops, and I should conceive assisted by 200 pieces of 
artillery. From that time till past seven o'clock an inces- 
sant and most determined effort was made to carry the 
house and court with which it was surrounded, but in vain. 
Although it was set on fire and nearly burnt to the ground, 
we maintained our charge, and most dearly did the enemy 
pay, as well as ourselves, for the obstinacy of the con- 
test. 

About two o'clock a grand affair of cavalry took place on 
the left of our line, in which the Life Guards again dis- 
tinguished themselves most gloriously, and all appeared to 
be going on most happily; although the non-arrival of the 
Prussians enabled the enemy to bring all his forces against 
us, and as he nearly doubled our numbers, it was evidently 
a ticklish moment. Fully aware of this, Buonaparte deter- 



378 



The Great War 



mined on one of those grand efforts with which he has so 
often decided the fate of nations; he brought forward the 
whole of his artillery, and under cover of the most tre- 
mendous cannonade I ever witnessed formed his cavalry 
into masses and the whole of the elite of his Guards, 
reserves, &c, and made a most determined and nearly suc- 
cessful attack on our centre. Our cavalry was driven to 
the rear of our infantry, and all our advanced artillery 
taken. 

It was this moment, however, which showed the steadi- 
ness of British troops, and their confidence in their com- 
mander in its fullest light. Every battalion was in an 
instant in square and advanced by echelon to recover the 
guns. The French cavalry charged repeatedly with a des- 
peration perhaps never before equalled, but not one square 
was ever shaken. On arriving at almost the line previously 
occupied by their cavalry the French masses of infantry 
appeared, and it then became necessary for some battalions 
to deploy, although almost surrounded by the French 
cavalry. 

This state of things lasted for nearly an hour, during 
which the conflict was often extremely doubtful; but at 
length we restored everything to its original state, the 
artillery which was lost was retaken, and order re-estab- 
lished. The cannonade continued tremendous till about 
half-past six o'clock, when Napoleon again assembled la 
Vieille Garde, harangued them, and putting himself at their 
head, led them forward in different columns against our 
battalions still formed in squares. The first brigade of 
Guards advanced to meet the leading division, and poured 
in so well-directed a fire as literally to make a chasm in it. 
For a short time the fire of musketry was really awful, and 
proved too much for even these hitherto deemed invinci- 
bles; they gave way in every direction, and at this critical 
moment the Prussians arrived on our left, and their cavalry 



"The Pilot" 



379 



and light artillery put the finishing stroke to this eventful 
day. 

Letters of the First Earl of Malmesbury, etc. (edited by the 
Earl of Malmesbury, London, 1870), II, 440-444. 

To Marshal Lord Beresford, G. C.B. : 

You will have heard of our battle of the 18th. Never 
did I see such a pounding match. Both were what the 
boxers call "gluttons." Napoleon did not manoeuvre at 
all. He just moved forward in the old style in columns, 
and was driven off in the old style. The only difference 
was, that he mixed cavalry with his infantry, and supported 
both with an enormous quantity of artillery. 

I had the infantry for some time in squares, and I had 
the French cavalry walking about as if they had been our 
own. I never saw the British infantry behave so well. 

Wellesley. 

Wellington, Selected Despatches. 



By Arthur 
Wellesley, 

Lord, later 
Duke of 
Welling- 
ton. 
See No. 129. 



127. "The Pilot that Weathered the 
Storm " ( 1 8 1 7) 

O, dread was the time, and more dreadful the omen, 

When the brave on Marengo lay slaughter'd in vain, 
And beholding broad Europe bow'd down by her foemen, 

PITT closed in his anguish the map of her reign! 
Not the fate of broad Europe could bend his brave spirit 

To take for his country the safety of shame; 
O, then in her triumph remember his spirit, 

And hallow the goblet that flows to his name. 



By Sir Wal- 
ter Si lU I 

(I77I-I832), 

poet and 
novelist. 
This song 
voices the 
national 
feeling of 
gratitude to 
Pitt, " the 
pilot who 
weathered 
the storm." — 
On Pitt, see 
Lord Rose- 
bery, Pitt. 



3 8o 



The Great War 



Round the husbandman's head while he traces the furrow 

The mists of the winter may mingle with rain. 
He may plough it with labour and sow it in sorrow, 

And sigh while he fears he has sow'd it in vain; 
He may die ere his children shall reap in their gladness; 

But the blithe harvest-home shall remember his claim; 
And their jubilee-shout shall be soften'dwith sadness, 

While they hallow the goblet that flows to his name. 

Though anxious and timeless his life was expended, 

In toils for our country preserved by his care, 
Though he died ere one ray o'er the nations ascended, 

To light the long darkness of doubt and despair; 
The storms he endured in our Britain's December, 

The perils his wisdom foresaw and o'ercame, 
In her glory's rich harvest shall Britain remember, 

And hallow the goblet that flows to his name. 

For the anniversary meeting of the Pitt Club of Scotland, 1817. 
Sir Walter Scott, Poetical Works (Boston, 1857), 6, 263, 264. 



CHAPTER XX — POLITICAL CONDI- 
TIONS IN THE NINETEENTH CEN- 
TURY 

128. The Clare Election (1828) 

IRISH affairs have gone on from bad to worse ever since 
the summer. The Clare election began a ne?v era, 
and was an epoch in the history of Ireland. O'Connell did 
not at first mean to stand himself, but no eligible Protestant 
candidate could be found; and as all the landholders, with 
scarcely an exception, were for Fitzgerald, nothing perhaps 
but the influence of O'Connell as a candidate could have 
carried the point. The event was dramatic and somewhat 
sublime. The Prime Minister of England tells the Catho- 
lics, in his speech in the House of Lords, that if they will 
only be perfectly quiet for a few years, cease to urge their 
claims, and let people forget the question entirely, then, 
after a few years, perhaps something may be done for them. 
They reply to this advice, within a few weeks after it is 
given, by raising the population of a whole province like 
one man, keeping them within the strictest obedience to 
the law, and, by strictly legal and constitutional means, 
hurling from his seat in the representation one of the Cabi- 
net Ministers of the King. There were thirty thousand 
Irish peasants in and about Ennis in sultry July, and not a 
drunken man among them, or only one, and he an English- 
man and a Protestant, and O'Connell's own coachman, 
whom O'Connell had committed, upon his own deposition, 
for a breach of the peace. No Irishman ever stirs a mile 
from his house without a stick; not a stick was to be 

381 



By Henry 
John 
Temple, 
Viscount 

Palmers- 
ton (1784- 
1865). 
Palmerston 
entered Par- 
liament in 
1807 as 
member for 
the pocket 
borough of 
Newtown, 
whose owner 
made it a 
condition 
that candi- 
dates should 
" never set 
foot in the 
place." In 
1809 he took 
office. At 
his death, in 
1865, he was 
for a second 
time prime 
minister. He 
began life as 
a Tory, but 
gradually 
worked over 
to the Whigs. 
His chief 
interest was 
in foreign 
affairs, and 
for more than 
a generation 
he shaped 
England's 
policy in the 
direction of 
intervention 
and aggres- 
sion. 

At this time 
Roman 
Catholics 
could vote, 
but could not 
sit in the 
House of 
Commons. 
Fitzgerald, 



382 Political Conditions 



member for 
Clare, having 
accepted 
office, was 
forced to 
seek re-elec- 
tion. He 
was defeated 
by O'Con- 
nell, the 
great agita- 
tor, who, as 
a Catholic, 
could not 
sit. The 
next year 
Wellington 
carried 
through a 
Catholic 
Relief Bill, 
declaring it 
was a choice 
between 
Emancipa- 
tion and 
Civil War. 

Lord Angle- 
sey was 
Lord-Lieu- 
tenant of 
Ireland. 

By Arthur 
Wellesley, 
Duke of 
Welling- 
ton (1769- 
1852), the 
victor at 
Waterloo. 
Wellington's 
splendid 
services in 
the war with 
Napoleon 
made him, 
for the rest 
of his life, 
the first of 
Englishmen. 
In 1818 he 
entered the 
ministry. 
He was 



seen at the election. One hundred and forty priests were 
brought from other places to harangue the people from 
morning to night, and to go round to the several parishes 
to exhort and bring up voters. The Government were not 
idle or unprepared. Lord Anglesey told me he had seven 
thousand regulars, all out of sight, but within a short dis- 
tance of Ennis, and capable of being brought to bear upon 
it, in case of disturbance, in a few hours. All passed off 
quietly; but the population of the adjoining counties was 
on the move, and large bodies had actually advanced in 
echelon as it were, closing in upon Ennis, the people of 
one village going on to the next, and those of that next 
advancing to a nearer station, and so on; and thus, had 
anything produced a collision, the bloodshed would have 
been great and the consequences extensive. . . . 

Lord Palmerston, Journal (Sir H. L. Buhver, Life of Viscount 
Palmerston^ I, 306,307, London, 1870). 



129. Wellington and Parliamentary 
Reform (1830) 

. . . This subject brings me to what noble Lords have 
said respecting the putting the country in a state to over- 
come the evils likely to result from the late disturbances in 
France. The noble Earl has alluded to the propriety of 
effecting Parliamentary Reform. The noble Earl has, 
however, been candid enough to acknowledge that he is not 
prepared with any measure of reform, and I can have no 
scruple in saying that his Majesty's Government is as 
totally unprepared with any plan as the noble Lord. Nay, 
I on my own part, will go further, and say, that I have 
never read or heard of any measure up to the present 
moment which can in any degree satisfy my mind that the 



Wellington 



383 



state of the representation can be improved, or be rendered 
more satisfactory to the country at large than at the present 
moment. I will not, however, at such an unseasonable 
time, enter upon the subject, or excite discussion, but I 
shall not hesitate to declare unequivocally what are my 
sentiments upon it. I am fully convinced that the country 
possesses at the present moment a Legislature which 
answers all the good purposes of legislation, and this to a 
greater degree than any Legislature ever has answered in 
any country whatever. I will go further and say, that the 
Legislature and the system of representation possess the full 
and entire confidence of the country — deservedly possess 
that confidence — and the discussions in the Legislature 
have a very great influence over the opinions of the coun- 
try. I will go still further, and say, that if at the present 
moment I had imposed upon me the duty of forming a 
Legislature for any country, and particularly for a country 
like this, in possession of great property of various de- 
scriptions, I do not mean to assert that I could form such 
a Legislature as we possess now, for the nature of man is 
incapable of reaching such excellence at once; but my great 
endeavour would be, to form some description of legisla- 
ture which would produce the same results. The repre- 
sentation of the people at present contains a large body of 
the property of the country, and in which the landed inter- 
ests have a preponderating influence. Under these cir- 
cumstances, I am not prepared to bring forward any 
measure of the description alluded to by the noble Lord. 
I am not only not prepared to bring forward any measure 
of this nature, but I will at once declare that as far as I am 
concerned, as long as I hold any station in the government 
of the country, I shall always feel it my duty to resist such 
measures when proposed by others. 

House of Lords, Debate on tJie King's Speech. Nov. 2, 1830 
(Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, I, 52, 53). 



strongly 
Tory in his 
convictions, 
the champion 
of the aris- 
tocracy, and 
opposed 
every con- 
cession to 
the demands 
of the reform 
party. — On 
the condi- 
tions of Par- 
liamentary 
representa- 
tion, see 
Nos. 104, 
107, 109. 

" The noble 
Earl " = 
Earl Grey. 



384 Political Conditions 



November 16 
the ministry 
was defeated 
on a side 
issue and 
went out, 
afraid to face 
the demand 
for reform. 

For Lord 
Aberdeen, 
see No. 141. 



When the Duke resumed his seat, he turned to Lord 
Aberdeen, who sat beside him, and said: 'I have not said 
too much, have I? ' Lord Aberdeen put his chin forward, 
with a gesture habitual to him when much moved, and only 
replied: 'You'll hear of it!' After leaving the House he 
was asked what the Duke had said. 'He said that we were 
going out,' was the reply. 

Sir Arthur Gordon, Earl of Aberdeen (London, 1893), 104. 



Bv Henry, 
Baron 
Brougham 
(1778-1868), 
Lord Chan- 
cellor of 
England. 
Brougham 
belonged to 
the advanced 
wing of the 
Whig party. 
He was one 
of the 

founders of 
the Edin- 
burgh Re- 
view, a 
supporter of 
the anti- 
slavery agita- 
tion, and a 
vigorous op- 
ponent to the 
Orders in 
Council, 
which led to 
the war with 
the United 
States in 
1812. He 
was exces- 
sively vain, 
and apt to 
exaggerate 
the impor- 



130. Dissolution of Parliament (1831) 

. . . Then, said I, let us go in to the King. Grey and 
I went in, and stated our clear opinion that it would be 
necessary for him to go in person, though we were most 
unwilling to give him that trouble. I took care to make 
him understand the threatened proceedings of the Lords, 
and the effect the proposed motion for an address was 
intended to have on his Majesty's proroguing Parliament. 
He fired up at this — hating dissolution, perhaps, as much 
as ever, but hating far more the interference with, or 
attempt to delay, the exercise of the prerogative; and so 
he at once agreed to go, only saying that all must be done 
in the usual manner; and he mentioned several things which 
he said could not be got ready in time, for it was little 
more than one hour off, the House meeting at two o'clock. 
The sword of state and cap of maintenance were mentioned 
bv him; and we told him that Lord Grey would carry 
the one, and somebody else the other. But, said he, the 
troops; there is no time for ordering them, and it is 
impossible to go without them. I had foreseen this diffi- 
culty; and on ascertaining that the Life Guards — the regi- 



Dissolution of Parliament 385 



ment usually in attendance on such an occasion — were 
quartered at some distant barrack (I think it was Knights- 
bridge), sent to the Horse Guards for such men as hap- 
pened to be there. On the King making the observation 
about the troops, I said, " I hoped his Majesty would 
excuse the great liberty I had taken; but being quite cer- 
tain he would graciously accede to our request, I had sent 
to the Horse Guards for an escort to be ready at half-past 
one." He said, "Well, that was a strong measure," or 
"a strong thing to do." I believe I had prepared him for 
this by a little more apology and explanation than is men- 
tioned above; but he ever after, when in very good humour, 
used to remind me of what he called my high treason. He 
then spoke of the Lord Steward as being required; but we 
had sent to summon him. Then Albemarle, the Master of 
the Horse, was out of the way, and when found, said it 
would not be possible to get the state carriages ready in 
time; but the King said he was determined to go, and 
that anything would do. There was a story about London 
that he had said to Lord Albemarle he would go in a 
hackney-coach rather than not go at all. I cannot say 
whether this is true or not — all I can say is, that I do not 
recollect hearing it; but this I do know, that he had be- 
come so eager to go, that no trifle would have stopped him. 
The draft of the Speech was then submitted to him, and 
approved, with a sentence which I prefixed with my own 
hand ; and as I had a secretary in the adjoining room, a 
fair copy was made for the Council which was then held, 
that it might be read and approved in form. 

Having to go home in order to dress, the gold gown 
being required, I got to the House soon after two o'clock, 
the hour to which we had adjourned ; and after prayers I 
left the Woolsack, in order that I might be in readiness to 
receive his Majesty. Lord Shaftesbury, on the motion of 
Lord Mansfield, then took the Woolsack, and Wharncliffe 



tance of the 
part which 
he played. 
Hence his 
account of 
what he did 
at the time 
of the impor- 
tant dissolu- 
tion of 1831 
must be ac- 
cepted with 
caution. — 
See Greville, 
Memoirs. 

On March 21 
the first Re- 
form Bill 
passed the 
second read- 
ing in the 
Commons by 
a majority of 
1 in a House 
of 608. 
Further ad- 
vance was 
blocked by a 
strong oppo- 
sition. 
Thereupon 
the ministry, 
sure of popu- 
lar support, 
determined 
to appeal to 
the nation. 
The result of 
the election 
was that the 
new House 
of Commons 
passed the 
second Re- 
form Bill by 
a majority of 
109. 



386 Political Conditions 



An address 
against a 
dissolution. 



Announcing 
the approach 
of the king. 



rose to move the address of which he had given notice. 
Then began a scene which, as it was represented to me, 
was never exceeded in violence and uproar by- any bear- 
garden exhibition. The Duke of Richmond, interrupting 
Wharncliffe, moved that the Lords take their seats in their 
proper places; for, said he, I see a junior baron (Lynd- 
hurst) sitting on the Dukes' bench. Lyndhurst, starting 
up, exclaimed that Richmond's conduct was most dis- 
orderly, and shook his fist at him. This brought up Lon- 
donderry, who did not speak, but screamed that the noble 
Duke, in his attempt to stop Wharncliffe, had resorted to a 
wretched shift. Wharncliffe then began by reading the 
words of his motion. I was here told by Durham what was 
going on, and that unless the King came soon the Lords 
would vote the address, because Wharncliffe meant to 
make no speech; so I rushed back into the House, and 
began by exclaiming against the unheard-of doctrine that 
the Crown ought not to dissolve at a moment when the 
House of Commons had refused the supplies. This was 
loudly denied, but I persisted that the vote I referred to 
had in fact that effect. I went on purposely speaking until 
we heard the guns. Then came great interruptions and 
cries of order, which continued until a messenger sum- 
moned me, when I said I had the King's commands to 
attend him in the Painted Chamber. Shaftesbury again 
took the Woolsack, and they continued debating until the 
procession entered. When the door was thrown open, the 
King asked me "What noise that was?" and I answered, 
"If it please your Majesty, it is the Lords debating." He 
asked if we should stop, but was told that all would be 
silent the moment he entered. The Commons were sum- 
moned in the usual way; and, having received the Speech, 
he read it with a clear and firm voice. I doubt if any part 
of it was listened to beyond the first sentence, prefixed to 
the draft, and which I alone had any hand in writing: "I 



A Chartist Petition 387 

am come to meet you for the purpose of proroguing this 
Parliament, with a view to its immediate dissolution." . . . 

Lord Brougham, The Life and Times of Lord Brougham (Lon- 
don, 1871), III, 115-118. 



131. A Chartist Petition (1838) 

To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain and Ire- 
land, in Parliament assembled, the Petition of the under- 
signed their suffering countrymen, 

Humbly Sheweth, — 

That we, your petitioners, dwell in a land whose mer- 
chants are noted for their enterprise, whose manufacturers 
are very skilful, and whose workmen are proverbial for 
their industry. The land itself is goodly, the soil rich, and 
the temperature wholesome. It is abundantly furnished 
with the materials of commerce and trade. It has numer- 
ous and convenient harbours. In facility of internal com- 
munication it exceeds all others. For three and twenty 
years we have enjoyed a profound peace. Yet, with all the 
elements of national prosperity, and with every disposition 
and capacity to take advantage of them, we find ourselves 
overwhelmed with public and private suffering. We are 
bowed down under a load of taxes, which, notwithstand- 
ing, fall greatly short of the wants of our rulers. Our 
traders are trembling on the verge of bankruptcy; our work- 
men are starving. Capital brings no profit, and labour no 
remuneration. The home of the artificer is desolate, and 
the warehouse of the pawnbroker is full. The workhouse 
is crowded, and the manufactory is deserted. We have 
looked on every side; we have searched diligently in order 
to find out the causes of distress so sore and so long con- 



By the Coun- 
cil of THE 
Birming- 
ham Union. 
The extrava- 
gant hopes 
founded 
upon the 
passage of 
the Reform 
Bill of 1832 
were doomed 
to dis- 
appointment. 
Many re- 
forms were 
brought 
about, but 
with the 
exception of 
the new 
Poor Law 
little was 
done to 
remedy 
social evils. 
A few men 
took up the 
question of 
the condi- 
tions of 
labour (see 
No. 134). 
The middle 
classes gave 
their strength 
to securing 
the repeal of 
the Corn 
Laws (see 
No. 135). 
The expres- 
sion of the 
discontent of 
the working 



388 Political Conditions 



classes was 
the Chartist 
movement. 



tinned. We can discover none in nature or in Provi- 
dence. Heaven has dealt graciously by the people, nor 
have the people abused its grace, but the foolishness of our 
rulers has made the goodness of God of none effect. The 
energies of a mighty kingdom have been wasted in build- 
ing up the power of selfish and ignorant men, and its 
resources squandered for their aggrandisement. The good 
of a part has been advanced at the sacrifice of the good of 
the nation. The few have governed for the interest of the 
few, while the interests of the many have been sottishly 
neglected, or insolently and tyrannously trampled upon. 
It was the fond expectation of the friends of the people 
that a remedy for the greater part, if not for the whole of 
their grievances, would be found in the Reform Act of 
1832. They regarded that Act as a wise means to a worthy 
end, as the machinery of an improved legislation, where 
the will of the masses would be at length potential. They 
have been bitterly and basely deceived. The fruit which 
looked so fair to the eye, has turned to dust and ashes 
when gathered. The Reform Act has effected a transfer of 
power from one domineering faction to another, and left 
the people as helpless as before. Our slavery has been 
exchanged for an apprenticeship to liberty, which has 
aggravated the painful feelings of our social degradation, 
by adding to them the sickening of still deferred hope. 
We come before your honourable house to tell you, with all 
humility, that this state of things must not be permitted to 
continue. That it cannot long continue, without very seri- 
ously endangering the stability of the throne, and the peace 
of the kingdom, and that if, by God's help, and all lawful 
and constitutional appliances, an end can be put to it, we 
are fully resolved that it shall speedily come to an end. 
We tell your honourable house, that the capital of the 
master must no longer be deprived of its due profit; that 
the labour of the workman must no longer be deprived of 



A Chartist Petition 389 

its due reward. That the laws which make food dear, and 
the laws which make money scarce, must be abolished. 
That taxation must be made to fall on property, not on 
industry. That the good of the many, as it is the only 
legitimate end, so must it be the sole study of the govern- 
ment. As a preliminary essential to these and other 
requisite changes — as the means by which alone the inter- 
ests of the people can be effectually vindicated and secured, 
we demand that those interests be confided to the keeping 
of the people. When the State calls for defenders, when 
it calls for money, no consideration of poverty or igno- 
rance can be pleaded in refusal or delay of the call. 
Required, as we are universally, to support and obey the 
laws, nature and reason entitle us to demand that in the 
making of the laws the universal voice shall be implicitly 
listened to. We perform the duties of freemen; we must 
have the privileges of freemen. Therefore, we demand 
universal suffrage. The suffrage, to be exempt from the 
corruption of the wealthy and the violence of the powerful, 
must be secret. The assertion of our right necessarily 
involves the power of our uncontrolled exercise. We ask 
for the reality of a good, not for its semblance, therefore 
we demand the ballot. The connection between the 
representatives and the people, to be beneficial, must be 
intimate. The legislative and constituent powers, for cor- 
rection and for instruction, ought to be brought into 
frequent contact. Errors which are comparatively light, 
when susceptible of a speedy popular remedy, may pro- 
duce the most disastrous effects when permitted to grow 
inveterate through years of compulsory endurance. To 
public safety, as well as public confidence, frequent elec- 
tions are essential. Therefore, we demand annual parlia- 
ments. With power to choose, and freedom in choosing, 
the range of our choice must be unrestricted. We are 
compelled by the existing laws, to take for our representa- 



39° Political Conditions 



These are 
five of the 
so-called 
Six Points of 
the Charter, 
one, equal 
representa- 
tion, is 



tives men who are incapable of appreciating our difficulties, 
or have little sympathy with them; merchants who have 
retired from trade and no longer feel its harassings; pro- 
prietors of land who are alike ignorant of its evils and 
its cure; lawyers by whom the notoriety of the senate is 
courted only as a means of obtaining notice in the courts. 
The labours of a representative who is sedulous in the dis- 
charge of his duty are numerous and burdensome. It is 
neither just, nor reasonable, nor safe, that they should con- 
tinue to be gratuitously rendered. We demand that in the 
future election of members of your honourable house, the 
approbation of the constituency shall be the sole qualifica- 
tion, and that to every representative so chosen, shall be 
assigned out of the public taxes, a fair and adequate remu- 
neration for the time which he is called upon to devote to 
the public service. The management of this mighty king- 
dom has hitherto been a subject for contending factions to 
try their selfish experiments upon. We have felt the con- 
sequences in our sorrowful experience. Short glimmerings 
of uncertain enjoyment, swallowed up by long and dark 
seasons of suffering. If the self-government of the people 
should not remove their distresses, it will, at least, remove 
their repinings. Universal suffrage will, and it alone can, 
bring true and lasting peace to the nation; we firmly 
believe that it will also bring prosperity. May it there- 
fore please your honourable house, to take this our petition 
into your most serious consideration, and to use your 
utmost endeavours, by all constitutional means, to have a 
law passed, granting to every male of lawful age, sane 
mind, and unconvicted of crime, the right of voting for 
members of parliament, and directing all future elections 
of members of parliament to be in the way of secret ballot, 
and ordaining that the duration of parliament, so chosen, 
shall in no case exceed one year, and abolishing all prop- 
erty qualifications in the members, and providing for their 



Home Rule for Ireland 391 



due remuneration while in attendance on their parliamentary omitted. 

, . At the pres- 

duties. ent time the 

"And your petitioners shall ever pray." first, second, 

3 r and fourth 

First Petition of the United Chartists (R. G. Gammage, History ^havt beeli 

of the Chartist Movement, Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1894, 87-90). secured. 



132. Home Rule for Ireland (1886) 

. . . This is the -earliest moment in our Parliamentary 
history when we have the voice of Ireland authentically 
expressed in our hearing. Majorities of Home Rulers 
there may have been upon other occasions; a practical 
majority of Irish Members never has been brought together 
for such a purpose. Now, first, we can understand her; 
now, first, we are able to deal with her; we are able to learn 
authentically what she wants and wishes, what she offers 
and will do; and as we ourselves enter into the strongest 
moral and honourable obligations by the steps which we 
take in this House, so we have before us practically an 
Ireland under the representative system able to give us 
equally authentic information, able morally to convey to 
us an assurance the breach and rupture of which would 
cover Ireland with disgrace. . . . What is the case of 
Ireland at this moment? Have hon. Gentlemen consid- 
ered that they are coming into conflict with a nation? Can 
anything stop a nation's demand, except its being proved 
to be immoderate and unsafe? But here are multitudes, 
and, I believe, millions upon millions, out-of-doors, who 
feel this demand to be neither immoderate nor unsafe. In 
our opinion, there is but one question before us about this 
demand. It is as to the time and circumstance of granting 
it. There is no question in our minds that it will be 



By Will- 
iam Ewart 
Gladstone 
(1809- 1898), 
one of the 
greatest of 
England's 
statesmen. 
He entered 
political life 
in 1833 in 
the first re- 
formed Par- 
liament. In 
the begin- 
ning he was 
counted "the 
rising hope 
of the stern, 
unbending 
Tories " ; at 
his death he 
was chief of 
the Liberal 
party. In 
1886 Glad- 
stone took 
up the cause 
of Home 
Rule, but 
was defeated 
in the Com- 
mons and in 
the country. 
By the power 
of his convic- 
tion and 
eloquence 
he carried 
the election 
of 1892 on 
the Home 



39 2 Political Conditions 



Rule issue. — 
For the fate 
of the second 
Home Rule 
Bill, see 
No. 133. On 
Gladstone 
and Home 
Rule, see 
Gladstone, 
The Irish 
Question. On 
Gladstone, 
see Morley, 
Life of 
Gladstone 
(in prepara- 
tion). 



granted. We wish it to be granted in the mode prescribed 
by Mr, Burke. Mr. Burke said, in his first speech at 
Bristol : — 

" I was true to my old-standing invariable principle, that all 
things which came from Great Britain should issue as a gift of 
her bounty and beneficence, rather than as claims recovered 
against struggling litigants, or at least if your beneficence ob- 
tained no credit in your concessions, yet that they should appear 
the salutary provisions of your wisdom and foresight — not as 
things wrung from you with your blood by the cruel gripe of a 
rigid necessity." 

The difference between giving with freedom and dignity 
on the one side, with acknowledgment and gratitude on 
the other, and giving under compulsion — giving with dis- 
grace, giving with resentment dogging you at every step of 
your path — this difference is, in our eyes, fundamental, 
and this is the main reason not only why we have acted, 
but why we have acted now. This, if I understand it, is 
one of the golden moments of our history — one of those 
opportunities which may come and may go, but which 
rarely return, or, if they return, return at long intervals, 
and under circumstances which no man can forecast. 

There have been such golden moments even in the 
tragic history of Ireland, as her poet says — 

"One time the harp of Innisfail 
Was tuned to notes of gladness." 

And then he goes on to say — 

" But yet did oftener tell a tale 
Of more prevailing sadness." 



F But there was such a golden moment — it was in 1795 — it 

1782-1800 was on the mission of Lord Fitzwilliam. At that moment 
Home Rule it * s historically clear that the Parliament of G rattan was 



Home Rule for Ireland 393 



on the point of solving the Irish problem. The two great 
knots of that problem were — in the first place, Roman 
Catholic Emancipation; and, in the second place, the 
Reform of Parliament. The cup was at her lips, and she 
was ready to drink it, when the hand of England rudely and 
ruthlessly dashed it to the ground in obedience to the wild 
and dangerous intimations of an Irish faction. 

" Ex illo fluere ac retro sublapsa referri, 
Spes Danaum." 

There has been no great day of hope for Ireland, no day 
when you might hope completely and definitely to end the 
controversy till now — more than 90 years. The long 
periodic time has at last run out, and the star has again 
mounted into the heavens. What Ireland was doing for 
herself in 1795 we at length have done. The Roman 
Catholics have been emancipated — emancipated after a 
woeful disregard of solemn promises through 29 years, 
emancipated slowly, sullenly, not from goodwill, but from 
abject terror, with all the fruits and consequences which 
will always follow that method of legislation. The second 
problem has been also solved, and the representation of 
Ireland has been thoroughly reformed; and I am thankful 
to say that the franchise was given to Ireland on the 
re-adjustment of last year with a free heart, with an open 
hand, and the gift of that franchise was the last act required 
to make the success of Ireland in her final effort absolutely 
sure. We have given Ireland a voice : we must all listen 
for a moment to what she says. We must all listen — both 
sides, both Parties, I mean as they are, divided on this 
question — divided, I am afraid, by an almost immeasur- 
able gap. We do not undervalue or despise the forces 
opposed to us. I have described them as the forces of 
class and its dependents; and that as a general description 
— as a slight and rude outline of a description — is, I 



under a 
parliament 
called Grat- 
tan's Parlia- 
ment, from 
the great 
Irish leader. 
It was not a 
representa- 
tive govern- 
ment, as no 
Catholic 
could hold 
office or sit, 
and political 
conditions 
were even 
worse than 
in England. 



Catholic 
Emancipa- 
tion, 1829. 
See No. 128. 



Reform Bill 
of 188=;. 



394 Political Conditions 

believe, perfectly true. I do not deny that many are 
against us whom we should have expected to be for us. 
I do not deny that some whom we see against us have 
caused us by their conscientious action the bitterest dis- 
appointment. You have power, you have wealth, you have 
rank, you have station, you have organization. What 
have we? We think that we have the people's heart; we 
believe and we know we have the promise of the harvest 
of the future. As to the people's heart, you may dispute 
it, and dispute it with perfect sincerity. Let that matter 
make its own proof. As to the harvest of the future, I 
doubt if you have so much confidence, and I believe that 
there is in the breast of many a man who means to vote 
against us to-night a profound misgiving, approaching even 
to a deep conviction, that the end will be as we foresee, 
and not as you do — that the ebbing tide is with you and 
the flowing tide is with us. Ireland stands at your bar 
expectant, hopeful, almost suppliant. Her words are the 
words of truth and soberness. She asks a blessed oblivion 
of the past, and in that oblivion our interest is deeper than 
even hers. My right hon. Friend the Member for East 
Edinburgh (Mr. Goschen) asks us to-night to abide by the 
traditions of which we are the heirs. What traditions? 
By the Irish traditions? Go into the length and breadth 
of the world, ransack the literature of all countries, find, if 
you can, a single voice, a single book, find, I would almost 
say, as much as a single newspaper article, unless the prod- 
uct of the day, in which the conduct of England towards 
Ireland is anywhere treated except with profound and bitter 
condemnation. Are these the traditions by which we are 
exhorted to stand? No; they are a sad exception to the 
glory of our country. They are a broad and black blot 
upon the pages of its history; and what we want to do is 
to stand by the traditions of which we are the heirs in all 
matters except our relations with Ireland, and to make our 



Lords and Home Rule Bill 395 

relations with Ireland to conform to the other traditions of 
our country. So we treat our traditions — so we hail the 
demand of Ireland for what I call a blessed oblivion of the 
past. She asks also a boon for the future; and that boon 
for the future, unless we are much mistaken, will be a boon 
to us in respect of honour, no less than a boon to her in 
respect of happiness, prosperity and peace. Such, Sir, is 
her prayer. Think, I beseech you, think well, think wisely, 
think, not for the moment, but for the years that are to 
come, before you reject this Bill. 

Question put. 

The House divided: — Ayes 311; Noes 341: Majority 
against the bill 30. 

House of Commons, Debate on the Government of Ireland Bill, 
June 7, 1886 (Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, 
CCCVI, 1236). 



J 33' 



The Lords and the Home Rule 
Bill (1893) 



"I think the Contents have it." 

It was the voice of the Lord Chancellor sounding through 
the crowded chamber just after midnight. The scene was 
one seldom witnessed in this august, but not always enter- 
taining, assembly. The floor was packed with peers occu- 
pying every bench on either side, irrespective of party 
camps. They swarmed round the Woolsack till the Lord 
Chancellor, upstanding and desiring to glance round with 
intent impartially to judge how parties were divided before 
pronouncing on the issue submitted to him, craned his 
neck in almost undignified fashion. Behind the rails of 
the Throne, against which the crowd of peers pressed, was 
another throng made up of Privy Councillors and sons of 



By Henry 
Lucy 

(184s- ). 
manager of 
the Parlia- 
mentary 
Corps of the 
Daily News. 
Since 1873 
Mr. Lucy 
has had a 
place in the 
Tress Gallery 
of the House 
of Commons, 
save for one 
year when he 
took the 
post of 
Editor of the 
Daily A'ews, 
a position 
which he 
speedily 
abandoned 
to return to 



396 Political Conditions 



his former 
work. His 
sketches of 
Parliament, 
filling several 
volumes, 
give a most 
interesting 
view of the 
proceedings 
in the House 
of Commons. 

In February, 
1893, Glad- 
stone intro- 
duced the 
Second 
Home Rule 
Bill. It 
passed the 
second read- 
ing by a vote 
of 347 to 304. 
After a de- 
bate of 81 
days it went 
to the Lords, 
who gave it 
four days' 
considera- 
tion, and 
threw it out 
by a vote of 
419 to 41. 



peers privileged to assemble here if peradventure they could 
find room. From both side-galleries bright eyes rained 
influence. Members of the House of Commons, forsaking 
their own Chamber, flocked into the Lords, shouldering 
each other in a dense mass by the bar, filling the odds and- 
ends of the gallery which the Lords assign to them in 
acknowledgment of a somewhat similar provision made for 
peers in the other House. 

The great debate was over. Four days had sufficed for 
an ungagged House of Lords to dispose of a matter the 
gagged House of Commons had talked round for more than 
fourscore. 

"The question is," said the Lord Chancellor, "that this 
Bill be now read a second time. Since which an amend- 
ment has been moved to leave out all the words from 
'now,' and insert 'this day six months.' The question that 
I have put is that the word 'now' stand part of the ques- 
tion. Those who are of that opinion say 'Content.' " 

Here there was a faint, shy murmur from the benches to 
the right of the Lord Chancellor. The Liberal peers were 
content, so steeped in contentment that they were loath to 
break the peaceful moment by noisy cry. 

"The contrary, 'Not content,'" added the Lord 
Chancellor. 

At which signal there came from the crowd to his left, 
from the throng behind the Woolsack, from the white- 
winged Bishops clustered above the Ministerial Bench, 
from the group below the gangway behind the bench on 
which the Duke of Devonshire sat, an almost angry roar of 
"Not content! " 

The Lord Chancellor paused a moment, as if weighing a 
nicely-balanced problem. Then in a low, clear voice, 
looking straight before him, he repeated: "I think the 
'Contents ' have it." 

It is said by some who stood close to the Woolsack that 



Lords and Home Rule Bill 397 

when Lord Herschell committed himself to what, if the Lord Her- 

.... ., , schell died at 

speaker were not the Lord Chancellor, might be described Washington 
as this "whopper," a faint blush stole over his ingenuous jj^w while 
countenance. That is, however, testimony probably theVene- 
warped by personal feeling and desire to save the credit of dary^om^" 
an amiable and upright man. There was certainly no mission. 
tremor in the voice, no flinching in the attitude, as the 
Lord Chancellor, called upon to give his opinion as to the 
side on which, in the House of Lords, preponderance in 
favour of the Home Rule Bill declared itself, affirmed it was 
demonstrated on behalf of the second reading. There was 
nothing for it but to submit the question to the arbitrament 
of the division. With a burst of almost merry laughter, 
their lordships rose to their feet and began to pass out into 
the lobbies. 

The phrase is used in the plural for fuller accuracy. 
Watching the multitude slowly making its way down to the 
bar it seemed as if all were going into one lobby. In 
ordinary times the Whips stand by the wicket and "tell" 
members as they pass through. Although undesigned, there 
was not lacking something of dramatic effect in Lord 
Salisbury's proposition that this usual course should be 
departed from. Such a gathering would never be so mar- 
shalled till the night was far advanced. Better let them 
pour through into the outer hall, and there be counted. 

So it was arranged, and the memorable gathering of 
peers, spreading out the full breadth of the floor, pressed 
slowly onward towards the passage by the bar into the 
division lobby. With them went the Bishops, their white 
lawn looking like flecks of foam on the eddying current 
swirling outwards. Lord Kimberley, Lord Spencer, Lord 
Rosebery, and other Ministers seated on the front bench 
made early retreat, lest peradventure they should be swept 
away by the stream passing between the table and the Min- 
isterial bench and carried off to vote against the Home 



398 Political Conditions 

Rule Bill. There was something pathetic in the position 
of their few followers seated on the benches behind. Some 
had risen to go out, but found their way blocked first by 
the Bishops, not yet dispersed, and beyond them the solid 
phalanx of peers who had been standing before the Throne. 
If they had chanced to be going the other way, towards the 
bar, motion would have been easy enough. They might 
have drifted out with the tide. To go against the tide was 
quite another matter, and after vain effort they gave up the 
attempt, resuming their seats, and sitting patiently whilst 
the great majority swept past them. By-and-by the pres- 
sure was removed from the upper end of the Chamber, and 
the minority, fit, few, and forty-one, made haste to escape. 
In the House of Commons when a great division takes 
place there is one moment when the House is absolutely 
empty, save for the presence of the Speaker, the Clerks at 
the table, the Sergeant-at-Arms, and the messengers attend- 
ant. The Sergeant-at-Arms, advancing to the bar, glances 
keenly round to see that there are no lingerers, and then 
signal is given to lock the doors. After the cheers and 
counter-cheers that mark the close of the debate, with the 
bustle of departing crowds stilled, a strange quietness falls 
upon the place. The interval is to be counted only by 
seconds until the doors are unlocked, and one stream 
enters from beneath the gallery, the other from behind the 
Speaker's Chair. There is no parallel to this in similar 
circumstances in the House of Lords, there being, in fact, 
no locked doors by the passages outward on either side of 
the throne. So far-reaching was the throng of "Not Con- 
tents," that almost before the rear had straggled out of the 
House by the bar, the vanguard entered from the other 
side. The benches rapidly filled up. The peers seemed 
to come in more quickly than they had made their way out. 
But fully forty minutes elapsed between the signal to start 
and the announcement that all was over. 



Lords and Home Rule Bill 399 

Here, again, the House of Commons, in some respects 
less spectacular than the Lords, has the advantage. In the 
Commons, when a division is completed, the tellers, having 
handed in their report of the figures, range themselves in 
line facing the Mace on the table, and he who represents 
the winning side receives from the Clerk the paper setting 
forth the result. The floor of the House is a clear space, 
save for the presence of the four tellers. They retire a 
few paces, and, with obeisance thrice made to the Chair, 
advance to the table, where the teller for the victorious side 
proclaims the result of a contest upon which, perchance, 
may rest the fate of a Ministry. It is obvious that here is 
fine opportunity for what on the stage is known as business. 
Lord Randolph Churchill will not forget that night in June On June 8, 
eight years gone by when the paper containing the doom Gladstone 
of Mr. Gladstone's Ministry was handed to Mr. Rowland ministry was 

,„. „ T1 r . _ . . . . .... . . , defeated on a 

Winn, Whip for the Opposition. As the Whips marched Budget 

backward to take up their position for advance, there was q uestIon ; and 
1 l went out. 

time for noble lords and hon. members to leap on the 
benches, wave their hats in triumph, and shout themselves 
hoarse, whilst Mr. Rowland Winn, the fateful paper in his 
hand, stood impassive, awaiting opportunity to advance 
and announce the result. 

This morning, as Big Ben was sounding the third quarter 
of an hour past midnight, there was no space on the floor 
of the House of Lords for tellers to march up and down. 
Four hundred and sixty marquises, dukes, and a' that, Old 
Nobility and New, Bishops and the Master of Buckhounds, 
were gathered within the four walls. There was no room 
for them on the benches, and, these filled, noble lords 
stood round the Woolsack, an almost impenetrable mass, 
threatening asphyxia to the panting Lord Chancellor. 

Presently a noble lord was seen making his way through 
the throng, handing a piece of paper to the Lord Chancel- 
lor over the shoulder of a peer who could not get further 



4-00 Political Conditions 

out of the way. A great silence fell upon the assembly. 
Without assistance of the token, possible in the Commons, 
of the paper being in the first instance handed to the Min- 
isterial or Opposition teller, no doubt existed as to the way 
the aggregate of votes had gone. It is true the Lord 
Chancellor, forty minutes earlier, had uncompromisingly 
declared that the Contents had it. Even a Lord Chancellor 
may be mistaken. Still there remained disclosure of the 
precise figures by which the fate of the Bill had been sealed. 
Amid the hush the voice of the Lord Chancellor sounded 
with clarion clearness — "For the second reading, 41; 
against, 419." 

So there had been a mistake somewhere, and, after all, 
it was the "Not Contents" who "had it." 
Henry W. Lucy, A Diary of the Home Ride Parliament (Lon- 
don, 1896), 251-255. 



CHAPTER XXI — THE LIFE OF THE 
PEOPLE 



1 34. The Children in the Coal Mines 

(.842) 

I SHALL now proceed to the statement I have under- 
taken respecting the condition of the working classes 
in our mines and collieries, and the measures requisite to 
ameliorate that condition. I am sorry to detain the House 
by reading documents; I shall often have occasion to tres- 
pass on their patience; but the subject demands it. I 
think that the points I wish to establish should be made 
out by statements and evidence, rather than by any attempts 
at declamation. In the first place, I shall present the 
House with the result of the evidence respecting the age 
and sex of persons employed in the mines and collieries. 
The extent to which the employment of females prevails 
varies very much in different districts — in some parts of 
the country none but males are employed, in other places 
a great number of females. With respect to the age at 
which children are worked in mines and collieries in South 
Staffordshire, it is common to begin at 7 years old; in 
Shropshire some begin as early as 6 years of age; in War- 
wickshire the same; in Leicestershire nearly the same. In 
Derbyshire many begin at 5, many between 5 and 6 years, 
many at 7. In the West Riding of Yorkshire it is not 
uncommon for infants even of 5 years old to be sent to the 
pit. About Halifax and the neighbourhood children are 
sometimes brought to the pits at the age of 6 years, and are 
taken out of their beds at 4 o'clock. Bradford and Leeds, 
2D 401 



By Antony, 

Lord 

Ashley, 

later EARL 
of Shaftes- 
bury (1801- 
1885). 

1 hroughout 
his life, 
Shaftesbury 
made the 
cause of the 
working 
classes his 
own. To 
redress 
wrong was 
the purpose 
for w liich he 
lived, and 
the Factory 
Acts are the 
result. 
" It would 
not be easy 
to tell how 
much the life 
of Shaftes- 
bury has 
availed in 
warding off 
revolution 
from Eng- 
land, and in 
softening the 
bitter spirit 
between rich 
and poor." 
Blackie. 

In 1840 Lord 
Ashley se- 
cured the 
appointment 
of a Parlia- 
mentary com- 



4-Q2 The Life of the People 



mission of 
inquiry 
into the con- 
ditions i>t 
labour in the 
mines. The 
first report 

sued 
in May, 
1842. The 
state of 
things which 
it reve 
aroused 
general in- 
dignation. 

\tract 
is from a 
speech made 
by Ashley on 
the 7th of 
fune in intro- 
ducing the 
Mines and 
Collieries 
Bill to ex- 
clude 

ami children 
from the 
coal pits. 
The bill 
passed the 
Commons 
without a 
division. It 
was carried 
in the Lords 
with mi 11 e 
dull uity. It 
u as followed 
by other 
measures 
completely 

itioniz- 
ing the 
conditions of 
labour in 
Engiand. 



the same; in Lancashire and Cheshire, from 5 to 6. Near 
Oldham children are worked as low "as 4 years old, and in 
the small collieries towards the hills some are so young they 
are brought to work in their bed-gowns." In Cumberland, 
many at 7: in South Durham, as early as 5 years of age, 
and by no means uncommonly at 6. In reference to this 
I may quote a remark of Dr. Mitchell, one of the Com- 
missioners; he says, "Though the very young children are 
not many in proportion, there are still such a number as is 
painful to contemplate, and which the great coal-owners 
will perhaps now learn for the first time, and I feel a firm 
belief that they will do so with sorrow and regret." Now, 
in justice to the great coal-owners of the North, I must 
say, that if they had been the only parties with whom we 
had to deal, the necessity for this Bill would perhaps not 
have existed: they have exhibited, in many respects, care 
and kindness towards their people. .Many children, the 
Report goes on to state, are employed in North Durham 
and Northumberland at 5, and between 5 and 6: "The 
instances in which children begin to work at 7, and 
between 7 and 8, are so numerous, that it would be tedious 
to recite them." In the east of Scotland it is more com- 
mon for children to begin work at 5 and 6 than in any part/ 
of England. In the west of Scotland children are taken 
down into the pits at a very early age, often when 8 years 
old, and even earlier. In North Wales the cases are rare 
of children being employed at 5 or 6 — they are very com- 
mon at 7. In South Wales more cases are recorded of the^_ 



employment of children in the pits at very early ages than 
in anv other district. It is not unusual to take them into 
the pits at 4 years. Many are absolutely carried to the 
work. In South Gloucestershire cases are recorded of chil- 
dren employed at 6 years, the general age is about 9. In 
North Somersetshire many begin to work between 6 and 7. 
In the south of Ireland no children at all are employed. 



Children in the Coal Mines 403 

All the underground work, which in the coal-mines of 
England, Scotland, and Wales, is done by young children, 
appears in Ireland to be done by young persons between 
the ages of 13 and 18. Now, with respect to sex, the 
Report states that in South Staffordshire no females are 
employed in underground work, nor in North Staffordshire. 
In Shropshire, Warwickshire, Leicestershire, and Derby- 
shire, the same. In the West Riding of Yorkshire the 
practice of employing females underground is universal. 
About Halifax and the neighbourhood girls from 5 years 
old and upwards regularly perform the same work as boys. 
At Bradford and Leeds, far from uncommon. In Lan- 
cashire and Cheshire it is the general custom for girls and 
women to be employed. In North Lancashire, throughout 
the whole of the district, girls and women are regularly 
employed underground. In Cumberland there are none, 
excepting in one old colliery, nor in Durham, nor in 
Northumberland. In the east of Scotland the employment 
of females is general, but in the west of Scotland extremely 
rare. In North Wales, some on the surface, none under- 
ground. In South Wales it is not uncommon. In Glouces- 
tershire and Somersetshire there are none. In none of the 
collieries in the coal-fields of Ireland was a single instance 
found of a female child, nor a female of any age, being 
employed in any kind of work. I must observe that, with 
respect to that country, neither children of tender years nor 
females are employed in underground operations. I have 
often, Sir, admired the generosity and warm-heartedness of 
the Irish people; and I must say, that if this is to be taken 
as a specimen of their barbarism, I would not exchange it 
for all the refinement and polish of most civilized nations 
of the globe. 

The next point to which I desire to call the attention of 
the House is the character of the localities to which these 
young creatures are consigned. . . . 



404 The Life of the People 

"While efficient ventilation," the Report adds, "is 
neglected, less attention is paid to drainage. . . . Some 
pits are dry and comfortable. . . . Many are so wet that 
the people have to work all day over their shoes in water, 
at the same time that the water is constantly dripping from 
the roof: in other pits, instead of dripping, it constantly 
rains, as they term it, so that in a short time after they 
commence the labour of the day their clothes are drenched; 
and in this state, their feet also in water, they work all day. 
The children especially (and in general the younger the age 
the more painfully this unfavourable state of the place of 
work is felt) complain bitterly of this." It must be borne in 
mind that it is in this district [Derbyshire] that the regular 
hours of a full day's labour are 14, and occasionally 16; and 
the children have to walk a mile or two at night without 
changing their clothes. In the West Riding of Yorkshire it 
appears that there are very few collieries with thin seams 
where the main roadways exceed a yard in height, and in 
some they do not exceed 26 or 28 inches: nay, in some 
the height is as little even as 22 inches; so that in such 
places the youngest child cannot work without the most 
constrained posture. The ventilation, besides, in general 
is very bad, and the drainage worse. In Oldham the 
mountain-seams are wrought in a very rude manner. There 
is very insufficient drainage. The ways are so low that 
only little boys can work in them, which they do naked, 
and often in mud and water, dragging sledge-tubs by the 
girdle and chain. In North Lancashire, "the drainage is 
often extremely bad: a pit of not above 20 inches seam," 
says a witness, "had a foot of water in it, so that he could 
hardly keep his head out of water." . . . The evidence, 
as given by the young people and the old colliers them- 
selves, of their sufferings, is absolutely piteous. In North 
Wales, in many of the mines, the roads are low and narrow, 
the air foul, the places of work dusty, dark, and damp, and 



Children in the Coal Mines 405 

the ventilation most imperfect. In South Wales, in many 
pits, the ventilation is grossly neglected, and the report 
complains of the quantity of carbonic acid gas, which pro- 
duces the most injurious effects, though not actually bad 
enough to prevent the people from working. So long as a 
candle will burn, the labour is continued. . . . 

Sir, the next subject to which I shall request your atten- 
tion is the nature of the employment in these localities. 
Now, it appears that the practice prevails to a lamentable 
extent of making young persons and children of a tender 
age draw loads by means of the girdle and chain. This 
practice prevails generally in Shropshire, in Derbyshire, 
in the West Riding of Yorkshire, in Lancashire, in 
Cheshire, in the east of Scotland, in North and South 
Wales, and in South Gloucestershire. The child, it 
appears, has a girdle bound round its waist, to which 
is attached a chain, which passes under the legs, and is 
attached to the cart. The child is obliged to pass on all 
fours, and the chain passes under what, therefore, in that 
posture, might be called the hind legs; and thus they have 
to pass through avenues not so good as a common sewer, 
quite as wet, and oftentimes more contracted. This kind 
of labour they have to continue during several hours, in a 
temperature described as perfectly intolerable. . . . 

Now, Sir, it appears that they drag these heavy weights 
some 12,000 yards, some 14,000, and some 16,000 yards 
daily. "In the east of Scotland," says the commissioner, 
" the persons employed in coal-bearing are almost always 
girls and women. They carry coal on their back on 
unrailed roads, with burdens varying from ^ cwt. to 3 cwt., 
— a cruel slaving," says the sub-commissioner, "revolting 
to humanity. I found a little girl," says he, "only 6 years 
old, carrying half a cwt., and making regularly 14 long 
journeys a-day. With a burden varying from 1 cwt. to 
i-J cwt., the height ascended and the distance along the 



A member in 

eding 
discussion 
had s.utl 
that " this 
kind of legis- 
lation would 
bring back 
the barbar- 
ism of the 
Middle 
Ages." 



406 The Life of the People 

roads, added together, exceeded in each journey the height 
of St. Paul's Cathedral." Thus we find a child of 6 years 
old, with a burthen of at least half a cwt., making 14 times 
a-day a journey equal in distance to the height of St. 
Paul's Cathedral. . . . 

Is it not enough to announce these things to an assembly 
of Christian men and British gentlemen? For twenty 
millions of money you purchased the liberation of the 
negro; and it was a blessed deed. You may, this night, 
by a cheap and harmless vote, invigorate the hearts of 
thousands of your countrypeople, enable them to walk 
erect in newness of life, to enter on the enjoyment of their 
inherited freedom, and avail themselves (if they will accept 
them) of the opportunities of virtue, of morality, and 
religion. These, Sir, are the ends that I venture to pro- 
pose; this is the barbarism that I seek to restore. . . . 

House of Commons, June 7, 1842, Earl of Shaftesbury, Speeches 
(London, 1868), 32-58 passim. 



By W. J. 

Fox, Unita- 
rian minister 
of South 
Place 

Chapel. Fox 
1 i led by 
fohn Bright, 
the only man 
who could 
dispute the 
title, " The 
Orator of the 
Anti-Corn 
Law- 
League." 
The agitation 
against the 
Corn Laws 
began about 
1838. The 
real leader of 



135. The Corn Laws (1843) 

Mr. Chairmax and Gentlemen, — On the subject of 
the Corn Laws it is, I believe, impossible to find a new 
argument. Everything that can be said is but an illustra- 
tion of old ones. . . . But the fact is, that the repeal of 
the Corn Laws is no longer a question to be settled by 
argument. Had it been to be settled in this way, the great 
work would have been achieved long ago. All the prin- 
ciples of the Corn Law repealers are admitted; yet these 
laws still remain in the Statute Book. The question origi- 
nated with speculative theorists in political economy, who 
put forth their occasional views in magazines or in news- 
papers; it has grown up into this enormous, this general, 



The Corn Laws 



407 



this triumphant agitation; and yet the question is not car- 
ried. Why? Because we have to deal with sinister inter- 
ests, not with the convictions of the understanding. The 
supporters of the Corn Laws are very fond of complaining 
of the long speeches made by the Leaguers against them 
when they know they have nothing novel to say. Now, I 
should be very glad to effect a compromise with those 
objectors. I should be very ready to say to them, "If you 
will spare our pockets, we will spare your intellects. If 
you will allow the people's mouths to be filled, we will 
abstain from filling your ears with their remonstrances. 
If you will untax our bread, we will no longer tax your 
patience." 

It is true that the subject is an exhausted one; but why 
is it exhausted? It is because the advocates of Free Trade 
have not shrunk from grappling with any and every view 
of the question that can be presented to them. Whatever 
argument has been used, they have met with some resistless 
fact, completely destroying its effect, and to that extent 
exhausting the subject. They have met the question in 
every light. Take it as a foreign question, and they urge 
that it promotes war, not peace; that even, if it does not 
raise hostile armies against this country, it raises up hos- 
tile armies against our commerce. Take it as a home 
question, and it leads directly and at once to the inquiry, 
whether England is to continue to be the home of English- 
men? The Corn Laws are making England but a dilapi- 
dated home for Englishmen, and already have upholders of 
these laws arrived at that point when they would rather 
export our people than import their food. The Saxon 
laws bred their serfs as slaves, and they sold them out of 
the country as slaves. But they fed them ! They gave the 
food to enhance the price of the people; we are now pre- 
pared to give away the people in order to enhance the price 
of the food. Looking at it further as a home question, I 



the move- 
ment was 
Richard 
Cobden. 
The work of 
the League 
was to arouse 
and organize 
public feel- 
ing, to con- 
vert political 
parlies, to 
bend Parlia- 
ment, still 
composed 
mainly of 
representa- 
tives of the 
landlord 
class. All 
these things 
were done. 
In 1843 a 
1 hues leader 
said, " The 
League is a 
great fact, a 
new power 
has arisen in 
the state." 



408 The Life of the People 

wonder that even in a financial point of view the Minister 
does not see how ill these laws operate. Surely the annual 
payment out of the country of ^40,000,000 for the benefit 
of one class must materially diminish the tax-paying power 
of the whole people. 

. . . Sometimes the question is looked at as a question 
of charity; there, too, the League is not behind with its 
view of the subject. Even the bread that is given in charity 
must first pay the tax imposed by these laws; and if by a 
royal begging letter, some hundreds of thousands of pounds 
are collected for the poor of Paisley, why, the rapacity of 
this dominant class must needs step in and take some 
^30,000 of the money thus bestowed in charity. That 
Book which we profess to revere tells us to pray for our 
daily bread; therefore it cannot possibly teach men to tax 
our daily bread. There is one precept in that Book with 
the fulfilment of which these laws directly interfere; there 
the young man is told to sell all he has and to give it to the 
poor. That precept it is impossible to obey in our day. 
The Corn Laws have rendered it impossible. It must be 
altered, and in future it will stand: "Sell all thou hast, and 
divide the proceeds between the richest and the poorest, 
between the pauper and the landlord." 

Or look at it as a class question. What class is it that 
is interested in the maintenance of these laws? It cannot 
be the farmer, because the rent screw is turned upon him 
for every extra shilling a quarter he makes on his corn. It 
cannot be the labouring classes, for look at the wages of 
eight shillings a week for a family of seven or eight per- 
sons. It is not the commercial class, for the present sys- 
tem keeps them out of a foreign as well as a home market. 
It cannot be the literary class, for who would care to pro- 
vide food for the mind, when food for the body is so heavily 
taxed? Then, in fact, it cannot be any class but that very 
small one, composed of some 10,000 or 20,000 (not more) 



The Corn Laws 409 

of nominal owners of the soil. . . . And is it for the sake 
of such a class as this that a great people is to be stopped 
in their onward march? Suppose they do realise the cash 
which seems to be the object of all their legislation, can 
they shake off the condition that invariably attaches to its 
acquirement? While they receive their share of the Bread 
Tax, can they avoid also receiving their share of the odium, 
of the deep responsibility that attends it, the responsibility 
of having perilled the safety of the country, of having struck 
at the root of its prosperity, of having turned the indus- 
trious out of employment, earning not the blessings, but 
the curses of those whom their laws have driven to the state 
in which they are ready to perish, of exposing themselves 
to the reprobation of all good men, and to the unfailing 
retribution of providential justice? 

One great argument used in favour of these laws is that 
they make England independent of all the world. A much 
more proper way to take it is that they make all the world 
independent of England. They isolate Great Britain from 
the family of nations, and they are the destruction of that 
intercourse, and that interchange of kindness which it 
seems to be the plan of Providence in thus dividing man- 
kind into nations to promote. The question now is no 
longer one of argument, as I have already said; it is a 
question of will. The will of the landlords, it is, arrayed 
against everlasting justice. Man toils for his bread by the 
sweat of his brow— it is just that he should receive that 
bread untaxed, for the artificial enhancement of his neigh- 
bour's profit; but those who tax will tax anything. . 
But it seems that we are to be debarred from agitating for 
a repeal of these laws because Sir Robert Peel has intro- llrltda^ 
duced his measure of last Session. That bantling of now m «f. s " re es - 

*i j 1 1 , • tabhshing a 

exactly a year and a day old is too young, the right hon. sliding scale 
baronet thinks to be put to death. . . . ^ r d n utie5on 

We are asked to give this measure a trial. Why, if we 



41 o The Life of the People 

do, what will be the result? We know well enough already 
what the real operation of the plan will be; and in the 
meantime the work of ruin will still be going on. There 
will be more foreign tariffs, more shut-up mills, more dis- 
charges of workmen, more distress and misery among the 
industrial classes; . . . But if Sir Robert Peel has his 
experiment, the Leaguers have theirs also, and they have 
come here to this place to try it. The agitation of the 
question of repeal of the Corn Laws has marched up from 
Manchester to the metropolis- — ■ it has spread far and wide, 
and now we shall see who will hold out the longest, the 
people or the Minister. That individual and the people 
are both the subjects, the slaves of that class which lords 
over all, and commands and masters the ministers and the 
legislature, the navy, aye, and the Church; that class which 
even commands the Crown. The people of this country, 
with all their untiring industry, their ingenuity, and ami- 
able dispositions, are the mere appendages of the dirty 
acres which are inherited by that class. The very disgrace, 
the unspeakable degradation of the Corn Laws, is intoler- 
able, to say nothing of the sufferings which they are calcu- 
lated to inflict. We are therefore glad to welcome the 
League amongst us; the people, being part and parcel of 
the League, are determined to aid and support it; we shall 
devote ourselves to it, not merely by attending their weekly 
meetings in this theatre or elsewhere, but we will solemnly 
and soberly pledge ourselves to it as a religious sen- 
timent. . . . 

Rev. W. J. Fox {The Times, March 30, 1843). 



Repeal of the Corn Laws 411 



136. The Repeal of the Corn Laws 

(.8 4 6) 

This night is to decide between the policy of continued 
relaxation of restriction, or the return to restraint and 
prohibition. This night you will select the motto which is 
to indicate the commercial policy of England. Shall it be 
"advance" or "recede"? Which is the fitter motto for 
this great Empire? Survey our position, consider the 
advantage which God and nature have given us, and the 
destiny for which we are intended. We stand on the con- 
fines of Western Europe, the chief connecting link between 
the old world and the new. The discoveries of science, 
the improvement of navigation, have brought us within ten 
days of St. Petersburgh, and will soon bring us within ten 
days of New York. We have an extent of coast greater in 
proportion to our population and the area of our land than 
any other great nation, securing to us maritime strength and 
superiority. Iron and coal, the sinews of manufacture, 
give us advantages over every rival in the great compe- 
tition of industry. Our capital far exceeds that which 
they can command. In ingenuity — in skill — in energy 
— we are inferior to none. Our national character, the 
free institutions under which we live, the liberty of thought 
and action, an unshackled press, spreading the knowledge 
of every discovery and of every advance in science — com- 
bine with our natural and physical advantages to place us 
at the head of those nations which profit by the free inter- 
change of their products. And is this the country to shrink 
from competition? Is this the country to adopt a retro- 
grade policy? Is this the country which can only flourish 
in the sickly artificial atmosphere of prohibition? Is this 
the country to stand shivering on the brink of exposure to 
the healthful breezes of competition? 



By Sir 
Robert 
Peel (1788- 
1850), states- 
man. Peel 
entered Par- 
liament in 
1809 as a 
Tory, and he 
soon gained 
the name of 
spokesman 
of the intoler- 
ant faction. 
But he had 
the capacity 
to learn, and 
therefore to 
change. He 
had opposed 
all concession 
to Ireland, 
but in 1829 
he induced 
his party to 
grant Catho- 
lic Emanci- 
pation. After 
the passage 
of the Re- 
form Bill, 
which he 
opposed, he 
organized 
the Tories as 
a conserva- 
tive party. 
In 1841 he 
took office in 
support of a 
protective 
policy, but 
in 1846, 
moved by 
the failure of 
the potato 
crop in Ire- 
land (see No. 
137), he car- 
ried through 
the repeal of 
the Corn 
Laws. This 
step was fatal 
to his political 



412 The Life of the People 



career, but 
he gave the 
people cheap 
food, and 
made free 
trade the 
motto of 
England's 
commercial 
policy. — 
On Peel, see 
F. C. Mon- 
tague, Life 
of Sir Rob- 
ert Peel. 



Choose your motto. "Advance" or "Recede." Many 
countries are watching with anxiety the selection you may 
make. Determine for " Advance," and it will be the watch- 
word which will animate and encourage in every state the 
friends of liberal commercial policy. Sardinia has taken 
the lead. Naples is relaxing her protective duties and 
favouring British produce. Prussia is shaken in her adher- 
ence to restriction. The Government of France will be 
strengthened; and, backed by the intelligence of the re- 
flecting, and by conviction of the real welfare of the great 
body of the community, will perhaps ultimately prevail 
over the self-interest of the commercial and manufacturing 
aristocracy which now predominates in her Chambers. 
Can you doubt that the United States will soon relax her 
hostile Tariff, and that the friends of a freer commercial 
intercourse — the friends of peace between the two coun- 
tries — will hail with satisfaction the example of England? 

This night, then — if on this night the debate shall close 
— you will have to decide what are the principles by which 
your commercial policy is to be regulated. Most earnestly, 
from a deep conviction, founded not upon the limited 
experience of three years alone, but upon the experience 
of the results of every relaxation of restriction and prohi- 
bition, I counsel you to set the example of liberality to 
other countries. Act thus, and it will be in perfect con- 
sistency with the course you have hitherto taken. Act thus, 
and you will provide an additional guarantee for the con- 
tinued contentment, and happiness, and well-being of the 
great body of the people. Act thus, and you will have 
done whatever human sagacity can do for the promotion of 
commercial prosperity. 

You may fail. Your precautions may be unavailing. 
They may give no certain assurance that mercantile and 
manufacturing prosperity will continue without interrup- 
tion. It seems to be incident to great prosperity that 



Repeal of the Corn Laws 413 

there shall be a reverse — that the time of depression shall 
follow the season of excitement and success. That time 
of depression must perhaps return; and its return may be 
coincident with scarcity caused by unfavourable seasons. 
Gloomy winters, like those of 1841 and 1842, may again 
set in. Are those winters effaced from your memory? 
From mine they never can be. . . . 

These sad times may recur. " The years of plenteousness 
may have ended," and "the years of dearth may have 
come"; and again you may have to offer the unavailing 
expressions of sympathy, and the urgent exhortations to 
patient resignation. . . . 

When you are again exhorting a suffering people to for- 
titude under their privations, when you are telling them, 
"These are the chastenings of an all-wise and merciful 
Providence, sent for some inscrutable but just and benefi- 
cent purpose — it may be, to humble our pride, or to pun- 
ish our unfaithfulness, or to impress us with the sense of»our 
own nothingness and dependence on His mercy;" when 
you are thus addressing your suffering fellow subjects, and 
encouraging them to bear without repining the dispensa- 
tions of Providence, may God grant that by your decision 
of this night you may have laid in store for yourselves the 
consolation of reflecting that such calamities are, in truth, 
the dispensations of Providence — that they have not been 
caused, they have not been aggravated by laws of man 
restricting, in the hour of scarcity, the supply of food ! 

House of. Commons, Debate on Repeal of the Corn Laws, Feb. 
16, 1846 (Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, 
LXXXIII, 1041-1043). 



414 The Life of the People 



By William 
Edward 
Forster 
(1818-1886), 
a Quaker 
statesman 
and philan- 
thropist. He 
entered Par- 
liament in 
1861 as a 
Liberal mem- 
ber for Brad- 
ford. In 
1870 he 
became a 
member of 
Gladstone's 
first cabinet, 
and carried 
through the 
Elementary 
Education 
Act. From 
1880 to 1882 
he was Chief 
Secretary for 
Ireland 
under Glad- 
stone, but he 
opposed the 
Home Rule 
measures of 
1886. 

In 1845 and 
1846 the 
potato crop, 
almost the 
only food of 
the peas- 
antry, failed. 
Famine fol- 
lowed in 
1846 and 
1847, and in 
spite of pri- 
vate and 
public relief 
one-fourth of 
the popula- 
tion perished. 

The 
following 



137. The Irish Famine (1847) 

I left Dublin by mail on the 17th of First-month, 1847, 
and joined my father and his companions at Westport on 
the following evening. 

The next day we left Westport, on our way to Connemara, 
after a morning of much pressure; applications for aid 
coming in from all sides, especially from Louisburgh, a 
populous and most distressed parish along the coast to the 
south; the surgeon of the dispensary there describing the 
people as swept off by dysentery, the most usual form of 
the famine-plague, by ten to twenty a day. The town of 
Westport was in itself a strange and fearful sight, like what 
we read of in beleaguered cities, its streets crowded with 
gaunt wanderers sauntering to and fro with hopeless air and 
hunger-struck look; a mob of starved, almost naked women, 
around the poor-house, clamouring for soup-tickets; our 
inn, the head-quarters of the road-engineer and pay clerks, 
beset by a crowd of beggars for work. 

Early next morning, we proceeded to the small village of 
Leenane, where we found a large body of men engaged in 
making a pier under the Labour-rate Act. This village 
appeared to me, comparatively speaking, well off, having 
had in it public works for some weeks, and the wages at 
pier-making being rather better than those earned on the 
roads. Still, even here, the men were weak, evidently 
wasting away for want of sufficient food. 

Bundorragha, the village of which we had heard so bad 
an account the previous evening, being on the other side 
of the harbour, I took a boat to it, and was much struck by 
the pale, spiritless look and air of the boatmen, so differ- 
ent from their wild Irish fun when I had made the same 
excursion before. Having lately walked through all this 
district of Connemara, I had an opportunity of comparing 



The Irish Famine 415 



its present with its then aspect, and of noting the effects 
produced on it by the famine : in this village of Bundor- 
ragha, the change was peculiarly striking. In my previous 
visit, it struck me even then as a very poor place; the dark 
thunder-cloud was brooding over it, but as yet the tempest 
had not broken. The small cottiers, then gathering in 
their few potatoes, were in great fear: they saw the quick, 
sure approach of famine: death stared them in the face, 
but as yet his hand was stayed. One poor woman, whose 
cabin I visited, said, "There will be nothing for us but to 
lie down and die." I tried to give her hope of English 
aid, but, alas ! her prophecy has been but too true. Out 
of a population of 240, I found 13 already dead from want. 
The survivors were like walking skeletons; the men stamped 
with the livid mark of hunger; the children crying with 
pain; the women in some of the cabins too weak to stand. 
When there before, I had seen cows at almost every cabin, 
and there were, besides, many sheep and pigs owned in the 
village. But now all the sheep were gone; all the cows, all 
the poultry killed; only one pig left; the very dogs which 
had barked at me before had disappeared; no potatoes, no 
oats. We ordered a ton of meal to be sent there from 
Westport, but it could not arrive for some time. I tried to 
get some immediate help for those who were actually starv- 
ing; there was hardly enough of meal in the village to fill 
my pockets, and I was compelled to send a boat four miles 
to Leenane, to buy a small quantity there. 

I here met with a striking instance of the patience of 
these sufferers. The Bundorragha men had been at work 
for three weeks on the roads, and the men at a neighbour- 
ing village for five weeks; owing to the negligence or mis- 
take of some officers of the works, with the exception of 
two of the gangsmen, who had gone themselves to Westport 
the end of the previous week, no wages had until this morn- 
ing been received. While I was there, the pay clerk sent a 



extract is 
from a report 
published by 
the Society of 
Friends, giv- 
ing an ac- 
count of the 
famine in 
Ireland, 
1846-1847, 
and of its 
efforts to 
afford relief. 



41 6 The Life of the People 

messenger over; but still only with wages for a few; and it 
was wonderful, but yet most touching, to see the patient, 
quiet look of despair with which the others received the 
news that they were still left unpaid. I doubt whether it 
would have been easy to find a man who would have dared 
to bear the like announcement to starving Englishmen. 

On recrossing the water, I found my father waiting for 
me on a car, on which we proceeded to Clifden, which we 
did not reach till after night-fall. Near the Kylemore Lake, 
under that grand chain of mountains, the Twelve Pins, we 
found full a hundred men making a new road. After long 
cross-questioning, we learned that their wages did not 
average, taking one week with another, and allowing for 
broken days, more than four shillings and sixpence per week 
per head : and this we found confirmed by our enquiries in 
other districts; in fact, for the most distressed localities 
in Mayo and Galway, I should consider this too high an 
average. To get to their work, many of the men have to 
walk five, or even seven, Irish miles. 

Galway, 25th of First-month, 1847. 

The next day we spent chiefly in interviews with different 
gentlemen, especially the Protestant and Roman Catholic 
clergymen, who showed great zeal in their efforts to give 
relief in their town and neighbourhood. We found deep 
distress, resulting in greatly increased mortality in this 
town, especially in the Claddagh, the quarter in which the 
fishermen chiefly reside; but we were glad to have reason to 
believe that the more wealthy inhabitants were grappling 
with the evil according to their ability; and it was com- 
forting to observe how cordially Roman Catholics and 
Protestants, both lay and clerical, were uniting together in 
common efforts to save their poor neighbours. 

Among other callers at our hotel, was the clergyman of 
the district on the northern side of Galway Bay, including 



The Irish Famine 417 

Spiddal and Lettermore, and also the isles of Arran. This 
parish, or rather portion of a parish, comprised, he stated, 
a population of at least 15,000 in great distress, especially 
the inhabitants of the main land, and of Lettermore and 
its adjoining group of islands. 

There are in this wide tract, so thickly peopled in pro- 
portion to its cultivation, scarcely any resident land-owners, 
and no store for the sale of provisions; and many of his 
parishioners had, this gentleman told us, to make a journey 
of thirty miles to Galway, to buy a stone of meal. This was 
one among many cases, in which was brought home to us 
the great need for the establishment of small depots for 
provisions, or retail stores. In many of the more remote 
and distressed, because neglected districts, where the 
inhabitants have hitherto subsisted upon potatoes, a retail 
trade in provisions is altogether novel to their habits; and 
so complete is the absence of capital, that there is no 
probability (at least this year) of its overtaking the demand. 
Often the poor people have, after earning their wretched 
pittance at the public works, to walk ten, twenty, or even 
thirty miles to the nearest store, to get a stone of meal; or 
to buy it from the small hucksters, at an advance of as 
much as thirty per cent, above the market price. 

. . . The impression made on me by this short tour can 
never be effaced. Bad as were my expectations, the reality 
far exceeded them. There is a prevailing idea in England, 
that the newspaper accounts are exaggerated. Particular 
cases may or may not be coloured, but no colouring can 
deepen the blackness of the truth. 

When we entered a village, our first question was, how 
many deaths? "The hunger is upon us," was everywhere 
the cry, and involuntarily we found ourselves regarding this 
hunger as we should an epidemic; looking upon starvation 
as a disease. In fact, as we went along, our wonder was 
not that the people died, but that they lived; and I have 



41 8 The Life of the People 

no doubt whatever that, in any other country, the mortality 
would have been far greater; thac many lives have been 
prolonged, perhaps saved, by the long apprenticeship to 
want in which the Irish peasant has been trained, and by 
that lovely, touching charity which prompts him to share 
his scanty meal with his starving neighbour. But the 
springs of this charity must rapidly be dried up. Like a 
scourge of locusts, "the hunger" daily sweeps over fresh 
districts, eating up all before it. One class after another 
is falling into the same abyss of ruin. There is now but 
little difference between the small farmer and the squatter. 
We heard in Galway of little tradesmen secretly begging 
for soup. The priest cannot get his dues, nor the landlord 
his rent. The highest and the lowest in the land are forced 
into sympathy by this all-mastering visitation. 

The misery of Ireland must increase daily, so far as 
regards her own resources; for these become daily less. 
To England must she this year look to save the lives of her 
children: nor will the need for English aid cease this year; 
it will be long before, with her utmost efforts, she can re- 
cover from this blow, or be able to support her own popu- 
lation. She must be a grievous burden on our resources, 
in return for long centuries of neglect and oppression. 

I trust I shall be excused, if I express my earnest desire 
that the members of our Society may not consider that their 
duty to Ireland is fulfilled, by their effort to meet its present 
necessity. Its general and permanent condition is a sub- 
ject in itself almost too dreadful to contemplate. Famine 
is there no new cry; it is a periodic disease; every year 
there have been districts where has prevailed somewhat of 
that misery which now rules the land. For a large portion 
of its population, all the great purposes of existence are 
forgotten in a struggle with death. 

Transactions of the Central Relief Committee of the Society of 
Friends during the Famine in Ireland in 1846 and 1847 
(Dublin, 1852), 153-160. 



The Revolt of Hodge 419 



138. The Revolt 



of Hodge 



(1872) 



I had spent years thinking the matter well out; I had 
pondered over it when at work in the wood and the field; I 
had considered the question when I was hedging and ditch- 
ing; I had thrashed it right out in my mind when I was 
tramping to and from my day's toil; and I had come to the 
conclusion that only organised labour could stand up, even 
for a single day, against employers' tyranny. I told many 
a man that, in the course of talk, but I was determined not 
to make any attempt to start the Union myself. I saw it 
was bound to come; but I also saw that the men themselves 
must ask me to help them. My part was to sit still and 
wait; about that I was clear; so I waited. . . . 

The day was February 7th, 1872. It was a very wet 
morning, and I was busy at home on a carpentering job; I 
was making a box. My wife came in to me and said, 
"Joe, here's three men come to see you. What for, I don't 
know." But I knew fast enough. In walked the three; 
they turned out to be labourers from over Wellesbourne 
way. I stopped work, and we had a talk. They said they 
had come to ask me to hold a meeting at Wellesbourne that 
evening. They wanted to get the men together and start 
a Union directly. I told them that, if they did form a 
Union, they would have to fight hard for it, and they would 
have to suffer a great deal; both they and their families. 
They said the labourers were prepared both to fight and 
suffer. Things could not be worse; wages were so low, and 
provisions so dear, that nothing but downright starvation 
lay before them unless the farmers could be made to raise 
their wages. Asking was of no use; it was -nothing but 
waste of breath; so they must join together and strike, and 
hold out till the employers gave in. When I saw that the 
men were in dead earnest, and had counted the cost and 



By Joseph 
Arch 
(1826- ), 
hedger, the 
" village 
Hampden," 
leader of the 
agricultural 
labourers, 
and later, 
member of 
Parliament, 
chosen by an 
enfranchised 
rural con- 
stituency. 
This extract, 
from 

Arch's own 
story of his 
life, describes 
the beginning 
of the 
National 
Agricultural 
Labourers 
Union, the 
greatest 
movement 
among the 
working 
classes of the 
country since 
the Peasants' 
Revolt. 



42 o The Life of the People 

were determined to stand shoulder to shoulder till they 
could squeeze a living wage out of their employers, and 
that they were the spokesmen of others likeminded with 
themselves, I said I would address the meeting that evening 
at 7 o'clock. . . . 

I remember that evening, as if it were but yesterday. 
When I set out I was dressed in a pair of cord trousers, and 
cord vest, and an old flannel-jacket. I have that jacket at 
home now, and I put a high value on it. As I tramped 
along the wet, muddy road to Wellesbourne, my heart was 
stirred within me, and questions passed through my mind 
and troubled me. Was it a false start, a sort of hole-and- 
corner movement, which would come to nothing, and do 
more harm to the men than good? If a Union were fairly 
set afoot, would the farmers prove too strong for it? 

Then I thought of what I was risking. If I were a for- 
ward figure in this business, and things went all wrong it 
might be the ruin of me. I remembered the Labourers' 
Union in Dorsetshire, started in the thirties — what had 
become of that? Poor Hammett had had to pay a heavy 
price for standing up with his fellow-labourers against 
oppression. He and five others had been tried in 1834, 
and sentenced to seven years' transportation. The law had 
said that, when forming their little Agricultural Labourers' 
LTnion, they had administered illegal oaths. The plain 
truth of it was that, for daring to be Unionists they had 
been sent to the hulks in Australia. What matter though 
such a storm of anger had been raised by the shameful pun- 
ishment that a free pardon had been granted them after 
about two years. They had been terribly punished. The 
disgrace and the indignities they had been obliged to put 
up with could never be wiped out. They were martyrs in 
a good cause, and I honoured them ; but I did not want to 
be a martyr, I wanted to win alive and kicking. The law 
could not send me to the hulks; but there are more ways of 



The Revolt ol Hodge 42 1 

torturing and ruining a man than one, and I knew that if 
the law could catch me anyhow it would. . . . 

What if the Union we meant to start in this corner of 
Warwickshire to-night should fall to bits like a badly made 
box? There was no saying what might happen. The men 
might be in earnest, but could they stay? Could they 
stand it out? Had they grit enough in them to face the 
farmers as free born Englishmen demanding their just dues, 
when they had been cringing to them so long? And what 
was a handful of poverty-stricken, half-starved, agricultural 
labourers going to do against so many of these powerful 
employers and rich oppressors? No Union I was sure could 
do any real good, or make any lasting improvement in the 
men's condition, if it was to be confined to a few men in 
one county. It would have to be a thumping big Union, 
with hundreds in it heartening one another for the glorious 
struggle before them. It would have to be a Union whose 
members were drawn from every county in England, and 
bound into one great unit by a common desire and a 
common hope. 

The off chance of failure was present with me, as I 
trudged forward through the slush that chill Eebruary 
evening. But soon my spirits rose again. Was not the 
time fully ripe? Yes, I knew it was. In my heart I 
felt surely, surely, that the time of harvest was come. . . . 

When I reached Wellesbourne, lo, and behold, it was as 
lively as a swarm of bees in June. We settled that I should 
address the meeting under the old chestnut tree; and I 
expected to find some thirty or forty of the principal men 
there. What then was my surprise to see not a few tens 
but many hundreds of labourers assembled; there were 
nearly two thousand of them. The news that I was going 
to speak that night had been spread about; and so the men 
had come in from all the villages round within a radius of 
ten miles. Not a circular had been sent out nor a hand- 



422 The Life of the People 



The results 
of this move- 
ment are 
summed up 
as follows by 
the Countess 
of Warwick : 
" First organ- 
isation, then 
higher wages 
and all which 
that means, 
and then the 
protection 
and power of 
the Parlia- 
mentary 
vote." 



bill printed, but from cottage to cottage, and from farm to 
farm the word had been passed on; and here were the 
labourers gathered together in their hundreds. Welles- 
bourne village was there, every man in it; and they had 
come from Moreton and Locksley and Charlecote and 
Hampton Lucy, and from Barford, to hear what I had to 
say to them. By this time the night had fallen pitch dark; 
but the men got bean poles and hung lanterns on them, and 
we could see well enough. It was an extraordinary sight, 
and I shall never forget it, not to my dying day. I mounted 
an old pig-stool, and in the flickering light of the lanterns 
I saw the earnest upturned faces of these poor brothers of 
mine — faces gaunt with hunger and pinched with want — 
all looking towards me and ready to listen to the words 
that would fall from my lips. These white slaves of Eng- 
land stood there with the darkness all about them, like the 
Children of Israel waiting for some one to lead them out 
of the land of Egypt. I determined that, if they made a 
mistake and took the wrong turning, it would not be my 
fault, so I stood on my pig-stool and spoke out straight 
and strong for Union. My speech lasted about an hour, 
I believe, but I was not measuring minutes then. By the 
end of it the men were properly roused, and they pressed 
in and crowded up asking questions; they regularly pelted 
me with them; it was a perfect hailstorm. We passed a 
resolution to form a Union then and there, and the names 
of the men could not be taken down fast enough; we 
enrolled between two and three hundred members that 
night. It was a brave start, and before we parted it was 
arranged that there should be another meeting at the same 
place in a fortnight's time. I knew now that a fire had been 
kindled which would catch on, and spread, and run abroad 
like sparks in stubble; and I felt certain that this night we 
had set light to a beacon, which would prove a rallying 
point for the agricultural labourers throughout the country. 
Joseph Arch, The Story of his Life (London, 1898), 67-74. 



CHAPTER XXII — THE EMPIRE 



139. The Manchester School and the 
Empire (1830) 

THERE are only three ways that the colonies can be 
of any advantage, 1. In furnishing a military force; 
2. In supplying the parent state with a revenue; 3. In 
affording commercial advantages. 

1. Instead of furnishing a military force, the colonies 
are always a great drain upon the military resources of the 
country, particularly in war, when they occupy a large por- 
tion of the army and fleet in their defence. In the last 
war, while our own shores were threatened with invasion 
from Boulogne and Brest, our means of defence were 
greatly crippled by the number of troops and ships we were 
obliged to keep in the colonies. 

2. With respect to revenue, we have declared by the Act 
of the 18 Geo. III., that we will not levy any taxes or duties 
in the colonies except for their use. 

3. As to commercial advantages, if the colonial trade 
were quite free, our commercial relations with the colonies 
would resemble the intercourse between ourselves and inde- 
pendent countries; and therefore whatever advantages we 
shall derive from them will be embraced in two questions 
— 1st. Whether our commerce with them will be more 
beneficial than with independent countries? 2nd. Whether 
the capital employed in them will be more beneficially 
employed than it would be, if employed in the United 
Kingdom? 

423 



By Sir 

Henry 
Parnell 
(1776-1842), 
chairman of 
the Parlia- 
mentary 
Committee 
on the state 
of the public 
revenue and 
expenditure 
in 1828, and 
Secretary of 
War in Earl 
Grey's cab- 
inet in 1831. 

The views 
here ex- 
pressed pre- 
vailed during 
the first half 
of the pres- 
ent century. 
They were 
largely the 
result of the 
influence of 
the 1 1 immer- 
cial classes 
in politics. 
Partly, too, 
they were 
due to a feel- 
ing which 
arose after 
the American 
Revolution 
that separa- 
tion was 
inevitable, 
and therefore 
it was well to 
make the best 
of the situa- 



424 The Empire 



tion. — Com- With respect to the first question, it is one easily solved, 
Pj ire wlth because, where the employment of capital is free, the net 
profit that may be obtained by the employment of it in 
commerce with independent countries, will always be as 
great as if it were employed in the colonial trade. The 
trade we carry on with the United States proves this. 

With respect to the second question, it is necessary to 
trace the operations of capital when employed in the 
colonies, and when employed at home. In the West 
India islands it goes to feed and clothe slaves; to pay 
British agents, clerks, and managers; to employ ships and 
sailors; and although the gross profit upon it seems very 
high when all the charges and risks are considered, and 
also the effects of competition, the net profit cannot be 
greater than it is on capital employed at home. 

When capital is employed in the United Kingdom — for 
instance, on manufactures — it pays wages to English 
workmen instead of buying clothes ami food for slaves; it 
employs agents, clerks, and managers; it employs ships and 
sailors to import raw materials, and to export the finished 
goods, and the rate of net profit on it is full as high as that 
on capital employed in the colonies. The incomes derived 
by West India proprietors from their profits are spent like 
incomes derived from rent, and add nothing to the national 
wraith; but the profits made on capital employed at home 
are added to capital, and thus promote the constant 
accumulation of it. It is clear, therefore, that, on the 
whole, the public derives no commercial advantage from 
the colonies, which it might not have without them. 

They do not even afford any advantage, as some persons 
suppose, by enlarging the field for the employment of capi- 
tal; for there are still means enough for employing capital 
with profit at home; and if new means were wanting, they 
would be more effectually obtained by removing restrictions 
on trade and revising the taxes, than by increased trade in 
the colonies. 



The Manchester School 425 

This general reasoning, which the principles of trade 
suggest, in refutation of the imaginary advantages of colo- 
nies, is completely borne out by the experience of facts. 
The history of the colonies for many years is that of a 
series of loss, and of the destruction of capital; and if to 
the many millions of private capital, which have been thus 
wasted, were added some hundred millions that have been 
raised by British taxes, and spent on account of the colo- 
nies, the total loss to the British public of wealth, which 
the colonies have occasioned, would appear to be quite 
enormous. 

The only conditions on which it can be wise and politic 
for us to continue to keep colonial possessions are, that the 
number of them should be greatly reduced; and that those 
which we retain should contribute the whole expense in- 
curred in their defence. Even with such conditions, no 
advantage would be gained, now or at any other time, unless 
the planters should prosper and accumulate wealth, and thus 
add to the general stock of public wealth. It is in order 
to secure this object that the public is particularly inter- 
ested in giving to the colonies the full benefit of that per- 
fect system of free trade, which everything connected with 
colonial reform and retrenchment shews to be wise and 
politic. 

Dr. Chalmers, in referring to the peace of 1763, says, 
"The true objection to this peace was, not that we had 
retained too little, but that we had retained too much;" 
namely, Canada, Louisiana, Florida, Granada, Tobago, St. 
Vincent, Dominica, and Senegal. "Millions," he adds, 
"of productive capital were withdrawn from the agri- 
culture, manufactures, and trade of Great Britain to culti- 
vate the ceded islands in the other hemisphere: domestic 
occupations were obstructed and circulation stopped, in 
proportion to the stock withdrawn, to the industry enfeebled, 
and to the ardour turned to less salutary objects." 



426 



The Empire 



In settling the conditions of the last treaty of peace, it 
was most unwise to retain so many of the conquered colo- 
nies. Trinidad, Demerara, Essequibo, and Tobago, were 
but little advanced in cultivation; a large transfer of capi- 
tal was necessary for their cultivation, and there was little 
or no local revenue belonging to them. 

At the close of the war, the East India Company was 
anxious to be allowed to have the Island of Ceylon, and it 
is not too late to give it up to them; but, as large sums of 
public money have been expended since the war in adding 
to its value, the Company should repay a large part of 
them, as the condition of becoming masters of this island. 

As the Cape of Good Hope and the Mauritius are of no 
use except for the defence of the East India Company's 
possessions, the Company ought to be called on to defray 
all the expense of their military protection; and it is to be 
hoped that the opportunity, which the expiration of the 
Charter of the Company will offer, will lead to an arrange- 
ment which will secure all these objects. 

When peace was made in 18 14, the English government 
wished to let Austria have the Ionian Islands, but France 
wo"ld not agree to this arrangement. There can be no real 
use in keeping these islands, with Malta and Gibraltar in 
our hands. 

The settlement of Sierra Leone and the military posts 
on the west coast of Africa should be given up. The pub- 
lic derives no benefit from these possessions, either in a 
commercial or military point of view; and with respect to 
the slave trade, the use they are of in contributing to put 
it down is so questionable, as not to justify the waste of 
money, and of human life, which they occasion. 

With respect to Canada, (including our other possessions 
on the continent of North America,) no case can be made 
out to shew that we should not have every commercial 
advantage we are supposed now to have, if it were made an 



Light Brigade at Balaklava 427 

independent state. Neither our manufactures, foreign 
commerce, nor shipping, would be injured by such a 
measure. On the other hand, what has the nation lost 
by Canada? Fifty or sixty millions have already been 
expended; the annual charge on the British treasury is 
full 600,000/. a year; and we learn from the Second 
Report of the Committee of Finance, that a plan of forti- 
fying Canada has been for two or three years in progress, 
which is to cost 3,000,000/. 

Sir Henry Parnell, On Financial Reform (London, 1830), 250- 
257. 



140. The Light Brigade at Balaklava 

(1854) 

. . . Supposing the spectator, then, to take his stand on 
one of the heights forming the rear of our camp before Se- 
bastopol, he would have seen the town of Balaklava, with its 
scanty shipping, its narrow strip of water, and its old forts, 
on his right hand ; immediately below he would have beheld 
the valley and plain of coarse meadow land, occupied by 
our cavalry tents, and stretching from the base of the ridge 
on which he stood to the foot of the formidable heights at 
the other side; he would have seen the French trenches 
lined with Zouaves a few feet beneath, and distant from 
him, on the slope of the hill; a Turkish redoubt lower 
down, then another in the valley, then, in a line with it, 
some angular earthworks; then, in succession, the other 
two redoubts up to Canrobert's Hill. 

At the distance of two or two and a half miles across the 
valley is an abrupt rocky mountain range of most irregular 
and picturesque formation, covered with scanty brushwood 
here and there, or rising into barren pinnacles and plateaux 



Sir Will- 
iam How- 
ard Russell 
(1820- ), 
the first great 
war corre- 
spondent. 
He has acted 
as special 
correspon- 
dent of the 
London 
Times in 
most of the 
important 
wars since 
1850, the 
Crimean 
War, the 
Indian Mu- 
tiny, the 
American 
Civil War, 
the war be- 
tween Aus- 
tria and 
Prussia, the 
Franco- 
German 
War, in 
South Africa 
in 1879, in 
Es;vpt in 
1885. His 



428 



The Empire 



Letters and 
Diaries 
afford a clear 
and vivid 
record of 
these various 
contests. 



See Tenny- 
son's poem, 
The < 'harge 

of the Light 
Brigade. 



Captain 

Nolan was 
killed in the 
charge. 



Lord Raglan 
was co ro- 



of rock. In outline and appearance this portion of the 
landscape was wonderfully like the Trosachs. A patch of 
blue sea was caught in between the overhanging cliffs of 
Balaklava as they closed in the entrance to the harbour on 
the right. The camp of the Marines, pitched on the hill 
sides more than iooo feet above the level of the sea, was 
opposite to the spectator as his back was turned to Sebas- 
topol and his right side towards Balaklava. . . . 

Soon after occurred the glorious catastrophe which filled 
us all with sorrow. It appeared that the Quartermaster- 
General, Brigadier Airey, thinking that the Light Cavalry 
had not gone far enough in front when the enemy's horse 
had fled, gave an order in writing to Captain Nolan, 15th 
Hussars, to take to Lord Lucan, directing his Lordship "to 
advance" his cavalry nearer to the enemy. A braver soldier 
than Captain Nolan the army did not possess. ... I had 
the pleasure of his acquaintance, and I know he entertained 
the most exalted opinions respecting the capabilities of the 
English horse soldier. Properly led, the British Hussar 
and Dragoon could in his mind break square, take batteries, 
ride over columns of infantry, and pierce any other cavalry 
in the world as if they were made of straw. He thought 
they had not had the opportunity of doing all that was in 
their power, and that they had missed even such chances as 
had been offered to them — that in fact, they were in some 
measure disgraced. A matchless horseman and a first-rate 
swordsman, he held in contempt, I am afraid, even grape 
and canister. He rode off with his orders to Lord Lucan. 

. . . When Lord Lucan received the order from Cap- 
tain Nolan, and had read it, he asked, we are told, "Where 
are we to advance to?" Captain Nolan pointed with his 
finger to the line of the Russians, and said, "There are the 
enemy, and there are the guns," or words to that effect, 
according to the statements made after his death. 

It must be premised that Lord Raglan had in the morn- 



Light Brigade at Balaklava 429 



ing only ordered Lord Lucan to move from the position he 
had taken near the centre redoubt to " the left of the second 
line of redoubts occupied by the Turks." Seeing that the 
93rd and invalids were cut off from the aid of the cavalry, 
Lord Raglan sent another order to Lord Lucan to send his 
heavy horse towards Balaklava, and that officer was executing 
it just as the Russian horse came over the ridge. The Heavy 
Cavalry charge took place, and afterwards the men dis- 
mounted on the scene of it. After an interval of half an 
hour, Lord Raglan again sent an order to Lord Lucan — 
"Cavalry to advance and take advantage of any opportunity 
to recover the heights. They will be supported by infantry, 
which has been ordered to advance upon two fronts." 
Lord Raglan's reading of this order is, that the infantry 
had been ordered to advance on two fronts; but no such 
interpretation is borne out by the wording of the order. 
It does not appear either that the infantry had received 
orders to advance, for the Duke of Cambridge and Sir G. 
Cathcart state they were not in receipt of such instruction. 
Lord Lucan advanced his cavalry to the ridge, close to 
No. 5 redoubt, and while there received from Captain 
Nolan an order which is, verbatim, as follows: — "Lord 
Raglan wishes the cavalry to advance rapidly to the front, 
follow the enemy, and try to prevent the enemy carrying 
away the guns; troops of Horse Artillery may accompany. 
French cavalry is on your left. Immediate." 

Lord Lucan with reluctance gave the order to Lord Car- 
digan to advance upon the guns, conceiving that his orders 
compelled him to do so, . . . It is a maxim of war, that 
"cavalry never act without a support," that " infantry should 
be close at hand when cavalry carry guns, as the effect is 
only instantaneous," and that it is necessary to have on the 
flank of a line of cavalry some squadrons in column, the 
attack on the flank being most dangerous. The only sup- 
port our light cavalry had was the reserve of heavy cavalry 



mander-in- 
chief of the 
British forces. 



This is the 
order dic- 
tated to 
General 
Airey, and 
carried by 
Captain 
Nolan. 

The guns 
u hich Lord 
Raglan 
meant were 
those recently 
captured 
from the Eng- 
lish. The 
guns upon 
which Lord 
Cardigan was 
ordered to 
advance were 



43° The Empire 



a Russian at a great distance behind them, the infantry and guns 

position. being far in the rear. There were no squadrons in column 

at all, and there was a plain to charge over, before the 

enemy's guns could be reached, of a mile and a half in 

length. 

At ten minutes past eleven our Light Cavalry Brigade 
advanced. The whole Brigade scarcely made one effective 
regiment, according to the numbers of continental armies; 
and yet it was more than we could spare. As they rushed 
towards the front, the Russians opened on them from the 
guns in the redoubt on the right, with volleys of musketry 
and rifles. They swept proudly past, glittering in the 
morning sun in all the pride and splendour of war. We 
could scarcely believe our senses ! Surely that handful of 
men were not going to charge an army in position? . . . 
They advanced in two lines, quickening their pace as they 
closed towards the enemy. A more fearful spectacle was 
never witnessed by those who, without power to aid, 
beheld their heroic countrymen rushing to the arms of 
death. At the distance of 1200 yards, the whole line of the 
enemy belched forth, from thirty iron mouths, a flood of 
smoke and flame, through which hissed the deadly balls. 
Their flight was marked by instant gaps in our ranks, by 
dead men and horses, by steeds flying wounded or rider- 
less across the plain. The first line was broken — it was 
joined by the second, they never halted or checked their 
speed an instant. With diminished ranks, thinned by 
those thirty guns, which the Russians had laid with the 
most deadly accuracy, with a halo of flashing steel above 
their heads, and with a cheer which was many a noble 
fellow's death-cry, they flew into the smoke of the batteries; 
but ere they were lost from view, the plain was strewed with 
their bodies and with the carcasses of horses. They were 
exposed to an oblique fire from the batteries on the hills on 
both sides, as well as to the direct fire of musketry. 



Aberdeen and Crimean War 431 

Through the clouds of smoke we could see their sabres 
flashing as they rode up to the guns and dashed between 
them, cutting down the gunners as they stood. We saw 
them riding through the guns, as I have said; to our delight 
we saw them returning, after breaking through a column of 
Russian infantry, and scattering them like chaff, when the 
flank fire of the battery on the hill swept them down. 
Wounded men and dismounted troopers flying towards us 
told the sad tale — demi-gods could not have done what 
they had failed to do. At the very moment when they 
were about to retreat a regiment of Lancers was hurled 
upon their flank. Colonel Shewell, of the 8th Hussars, 
whose attention was drawn to them by Lieutenant Phillips, 
saw the danger, and rode his few men straight at them, 
cutting his way through with fearful loss. ... It was as 
much as our Heavy Cavalry Brigade could do to cover the 
retreat of the miserable remnants of that band of heroes as 
they returned to the place they had so lately quitted in all third were 
the pride of life. At thirty-five minutes past eleven not a ^0^°^ 
British soldier, except the dead and dying, was left in front 
of these bloody Muscovite guns. 

Sir William Russell. Letters from the Crimea (London, 1858), 
183, 189-192. 



Of the 673 
men who 
went into 
action more 



141 



Lord Aberdeen and the Crimean 
War (1855) 



I have never entertained the least doubt of the justice of 
the war in which we are at present engaged. It is unques- 
tionably just, and it is also strongly marked by a character 
of disinterestedness. But although just and disinterested, 
the policy and the necessity of this war may perhaps be less 
certain. It is possible that our posterity may form a dif- 



By George 

1 1 am 1 1. ton- 
Gordon, 
Earl of 
Aberdeen 

(1784-1860), 

statesman. 
Lord Aber- 
deen was 
Secretary for 
Foreign 
Affairs with 
Wellington 
and Peel. 
His policy 



43 2 



The Empire 



was one of 
non-interven- 
tion. Notably 
in relation 
with the 
United States 
his conduct 
of foreign 
affairs was 
conciliatory 
and cour- 
teous. In 
1852 he be- 
came prime 
minister with 
a cabinet 
which in- 
cluded Rus- 
sell, Palm- 
erston, and 
Gladstone. 
The outbreak 
of trouble in 
the East 
brought this 
brilliant min- 
istry to an 
untimely end. 
Anxious to 
maintain 
peace Aber- 
deen was 
forced into 
the Crimean 
war by cir- 
cumstances 
and the 
pressure of 
the war party 
led by 
Palmerston. 
The ministry 
was unfairly 
blamed for 
disasters due 
chiefly to a 
defective 
military sys- 
tem, and in 
1855 it re- 
signed. — For 
Aberdeen, 
see Sir 
Arthur Gor- 
don, The 
Earl of 



ferent estimate on this head from that at which we have 
arrived. 

The policy, or necessity, of any war must always be, 
more or less, the subject of doubt, and must vary accord- 
ing to a change of circumstances. This is not matter of 
immutable principle, but may be affected by an infinite 
variety of considerations. It is true that every necessary 
war must also really be a just war; but it does not abso- 
lutely follow that every just war must also be a necessary 
war. 

Be this as it may, it is perfectly clear that a vast majority 
of the people of this country entertain no doubt on the 
subject, but are thoroughly convinced that the war is both 
just and necessary, and, as such, are prepared to give it 
their cordial support. 

Now, with the existence of so strong and general a feel- 
ing, it seems almost to partake of arrogance to demur in 
any degree to these conclusions, and to resist the weight of 
the popular voice. 

But a reference to history may prevent us from subscrib- 
ing implicitly to such demonstrations of opinion. It is 
enough to recall to recollection that, when Sir Robert Wal- 
pole was reluctantly drawn into his Spanish war, the coun- 
try was quite as unanimous as — perhaps more so than — at 
the present moment. Yet, in spite of such unanimity, 
there is no man who would now hesitate to declare that the 
war in question was both unjust and unnecessary. 

The national feeling at that period was excited under cir- 
cumstances in some degree similar to the present. At that 
period a peace of thirty years had rendered the minds of 
men more easy to be roused by appeals which had all the 
character of novelty; and at the present day I believe that 
our forty years' peace has rendered the nation more ready 
to receive the excitement and to encounter the unknown 
evils of a state of war. I am very far from meaning to 



A Poet's View 



433 



assert that the people did not entertain a strong feeling of 
indignation against injustice and of sympathy for the 
oppressed. Their natural feelings are always generous; 
but I doubt if this impulse would have led to the same 
results if it had been called into action at an earlier period 
after the conclusion of the late war. Indeed, I have had 
personal experience of the truth of this opinion; for in 
the war which Russia declared against Turkey in the year 
1828, although equally unjust and unprovoked, the people 
of this country saw the Russian troops advance almost to 
the gates of Constantinople with comparative indifference; 
and the Government of the Duke of Wellington, who wished 
to uphold the interests of the Porte, met with no response 
from Parliament or the people, but were thought to espouse 
the cause of tyranny, ignorance, and barbarism. 

The Earl of Aberdeen (Sir Arthur Gordon, The Earl of Aber- 
deen, London, 1893, 303, 304): 



Aberdeen. 
See also 
P-447- 
The note 
here given 
was written 
by Lord 
Aberdeen in 
1855- 

Lord Aber- 
deen \\ 
the time 
Secretary 1 t 
State for 
Foreign 
Affairs. 



142. A Poet's View of the Crimean 
War (1855) 

And it was but a dream, yet it lighten'd my despair 
When I thought that a war would arise in defence of the 

right, 
That an iron tyranny now should bend or cease, 
The glory of manhood stand on his ancient height, 
Nor Britain's one sole God be the millionaire: 
No more shall commerce be all in all, and Peace 
Pipe on her pastoral hillock a languid note, 
And watch her harvest ripen, her herd increase, 
Nor the cannon-bullet rust on a slothful shore, 
And the cobweb woven across the cannon's throat 
Shall shake its threaded tears in the wind no more. 



By Alfred, 

Lord 

Tennyson 

(1809-1892), 
poet laureate. 
This extract 
is from the 
dramatic 
monologue, 
Maud, which 
appeared in 
1855, and 
excited 
hardly less 
criticism for 
the political 
sentiments it 
contained 
than admira- 
tion for its 
poetical 
beauty. 
Whether or 
no it ex- 



434 



The Empire 



pressed the 
poet's own 
views, it 
spoke the 
popular feel- 
ing towards 
the Crimean 
War. 



And as months ran on and rumour of battle grew, 

'It is time, it is time, O passionate heart,' said I 

(For I cleaved to a cause that I felt to be pure and true), 

'It is time, O passionate heart and morbid eye, 

That old hysterical mock-disease should die.' 

And I stood on a giant deck and mix'd my breath 

With a loyal people shouting a battle cry, 

Till I saw the dreary phantom arise and fly 

Far into the North, and battle, and seas of death. 

Let it go or stay, so I wake to the higher aims 

Of a land that has lost for a little her lust of gold, 

And love of a peace that was full of wrongs and shames, 

Horrible, hateful, monstrous, not to be told ; 

And hail once more to the banner of battle unroll'd! 

Tho' many a light shall darken, and many shall weep 

For those that are crush'd in the clash of jarring claims. 

Yet God's just wrath shall be wreak'd on a giant liar; 

And many a darkness into the light shall leap, 

And shine in the sudden making of splendid names, 

And noble thought be freer under the sun, 

And the heart of a people beat with one desire; 

For the peace, that I deem'd no peace, is over and done, 

And now by the side of the Black and the Baltic deep, 

And deathful-grinning mouths of the fortress, flames 

The blood-red blossom of war with a heart of fire. 

Let it flame or fade, and the war roll down like a wind, 
We have proved we have hearts in a cause, we are noble 

still, 
And myself have awaked, as it seems, to the better mind; 
It is better to fight for the good than to rail at the ill; 
I have felt with my native land, I am one with my kind, 
I embrace the purpose of God, and the doom assign 'd. 

Alfred, Lord Tennyson, Maud, U r orks (London, 1899), VII, 
228-230. 



The Outbreak at Lucknow 435 



143. The Outbreak at Lucknow (1857) 

Tuesday, May 26. 
Yesterday, at 3 o'clock a.m., we were roused by C. tell- 
ing us to get up and dress ready for flight at the shortest 
notice. He had been sent for to the brigadier's, and great 
alarm prevailed, as the different guards were going to be 
changed, and then a rising was feared. Of course, we got 
up and dressed as expeditiously as possible, waiting C.'s 
return in fear and trembling. He came back at five with 
the longest and gravest face, announcing that it was 
Sir H. L. 's most peremptory order that every woman and 
child should leave cantonments immediately, and take 
refuge in the city Residency-house, which is fortified, bar- 
ricaded, and provisioned for a regular siege. C. said the 
precaution was most necessary, as we were in frightful 
danger, and the horrors of Meerut and Delhi might at any 
moment overtake us, so we were not to delay. Poor 
Emmie was, as you may imagine, dreadfully upset at the 
idea of being sent away, and leaving Charlie to encounter 
such peril. The officers of the native regiments are to 
remain in the lines, and do all they can to keep their men 
quiet; but, if the outbreak takes place, they are to retreat 
with the 32nd on the Residency; and here we are to try 
and hold out as long as possible, till European troops come 
to our rescue. I do feel so sorry for E. and C, and so 
thankful that my dear husband's duty does not separate 
him from me. We put together all the things we had with 
us, and Emmie all her valuables, as quickly as we could, 
and came down here at once. On arriving we found all in 
such confusion at the Residency, all the unfortunate ladies 
and children hunting for quarters, that we were most thank- 
ful to accept an invitation from kind Dr. Fayrer to come to 
his house in the Residency compound; and here we are an 



By Mrs. 
G. Harris. 

The siege of 
Lucknow 
was one of 
the famous 
episodes of 
the Indian 
Mutiny. 
As here 
described, 
towards the 
end of May 
the English 
in Lucknow 
took refuge 
in the Resi- 
dency, leav- 
ing the town 
in the hands 
of the Se- 
poys. The 
actual siege 
began a 
month later, 
and was not 
raised until 
the arrival of 
Sir Colin 
Campbell on 
the 17th of 
November, 
1857. Luck- 
now was not 
taken until 
March, 1858: 

H. L. = Sir 
Henry Law- 
rence, one of 
the most 
famous of 
Indian ad- 
ministrators, 
and at this 
time in 
charge of 
Oudh. He 
was killed 
early in the 
siege. Four- 
teen years 
before the 
mutiny Law- 
rence had 



43 6 



The Empire 



expressed the 
fear that the 
native army, 

the force 
which had 
mad'- the 
East India 
Company, 
might some 
day destroy 
it.' 



immense party of unprotected females, Mrs. Fayrer and 
I being the only ladies who have the comfort of our 
husbands. . . . 

There are two civilians, Mr. Gubbins and Mr. Ommaney, 
whose houses attached to the Residency are also full to 
overflowing, and all the other ladies, about thirty in num- 
ber, with children innumerable, are in the Residency, which 
also contains the sick and women and children of the 32nd. 
We have two companies of the 32nd and a battery of artil- 
lery to defend us, besides barricades erected at all the 
entrances and guns mounted all round the walls. E. and 
I have a small room together, and think ourselves most 
lucky in being so comfortable. In the Residency there are 
as many as eight and nine ladies with a dozen children in 
one room, and the heat is awful. J. sleeps in Dr. Fayrer's 
study. The reason of our all being packed off here in such 
a tremendous hurry was that the news from Cawnpore and 
other stations round was so alarming. An outbreak was 
expected every moment, and the effect of revolt at Cawn- 
pore would be instantaneous mutiny at Lucknow. Sir H. 
L. did not impart all he knew, and we were kept in utter 
ignorance of what is going on in other parts of the country, 
but I believe our condition is frightful, and Clod only knows 
what the end of it will be. The panic in Calcutta they say 
is terrible. Native regiments there and at Barrackpore are 
mutinous to the heart's core; and if European troops do 
not soon come to our relief, there will be none perhaps left 
alive to tell the tale. Every station in the country is in 
equal danger. At Allyghur the 9th Native Infantry had the 
consideration to spare their officers' lives. They were per- 
mitted to escape, leaving all their property behind them. 
Lady Outram (the wife of Sir James, who is in Persia) 
was staying with her son at Allyghur, and obliged to run 
several miles, fleeing for her life. We are all most 
anxiously looking for news from Delhi : the army must have 



John Company's Farewell 4.37 



arrived yesterday, and we trust such a signal vengeance will 
be taken on the desperate wretches who have shut them- 
selves up there as shall intimidate any from attempting to 
follow their example. This seems to be our only hope; 
and if General Anson does not act with vigour, we shall be 
at the mercy of our enemies. Oh, my darling sister! you 
can little imagine what an awful position we are in, but 
God can help us. He only can. Since we left canton- 
ments there has been no disturbance. C. came over this 
morning to see E., and reported all quiet and news good 
from Cawnpore. They were in hope the rising there would 
not take place; the troops had not actually mutinied, 
though in a very excited state. Part of the 84th (Queen's) 
will arrive this evening, and that gives us fresh hope and 
courage. The ladies at Cawnpore have taken refuge in the 
church, which is the only stone building, consequently not 
so easily set on fire. Oh ! the accounts of the massacre 
and burnings at Meerut are something too horrible and 
make one's blood run cold. . . . The Punjab seems quiet, 
and no alarm felt there, — at least so the papers say. 

Mrs. G. Harris, A Lady's Diary of the Siege of Lucknow (Lon- 
don, 1858), 20-24. 



At the time 
of the out- 
break the 
Sepoys 
numbered 
350,000 ; the 
Europe. m 
garrison in 
India was 
about 25,000. 



On the 15th 
of July all 
the European 
women and 
children at 
( Cawnpore 
were 
massacred. 

Sir John 
1 ,;iw rence, 
brother of 
Henry Law- 
rence, kept 
the Punjab 
from revolt. 



144. John Company's Farewell to John 
Bull (1858) 

My Dear John, — In this solemn hour of my dissolu- 
tion, as Time, the traveller, crosses the bridge between two 
great epochs, I bequeath to you, in a few hasty, but I trust 
coherent, sentences, the legacy of my advice. . . . 

There is one thing, among others, John, against which I 
would warn you — and that is, what you are wont sometimes 
to call your "good English spirit." I like your patriotism, 



Anony- 

MOUS. The 
Easl India 
( Company, 
which was 
incorporated 
in 1600, was 
a close trad- 
ing company. 
Originally it 
was indepen- 
dent of all 
control, but 
by Pitt's 
India Bill in 
1783 a Board 



438 



The Empire 



of Control 
was estab- 
lished for the 
supervision 
of the policy 
and adminis- 
tration of the 
Company in 
India. In 
1813 it lost 
the monopoly 
of the Indian 
trade, and in 
1833 that of 
the China 
trade. The 
rule of great 
territories by 
a trading 
company had 
long been 
felt to be an 
anomaly, 
and the 
outbreak of 
the Sepoy 
Rebellion 
made a 
change in- 
evitable. In 
1858 Parlia- 
ment passed 
the India 
Act, remodel- 
ling the 
government 
of India, and 
September 1 
was the day 
set for the 
termination 
of the Com- 
pany's rule. 
Henceforth, 
India was 
governed by 
a Secretary 
of State for 
India, acting 
through a 
Viceroy and 
two Indian 
Councils. 

The origin of 
the term 
John Corn- 



John — I like your pluck. You have many good and noble 
qualities, and I would not wish you to think meanly of 
yourself. The self-respect of nations is a great thing, but 
it has a tendency to innate itself into presumption; and 
there is often an arrogance in your tone, and an exclusive- 
ness in your manner, which would be ridiculous if they 
were not dangerous. You sometimes think, I am afraid, 
John, that all the world was made for you. You go among 
a strange people, and you are angry because their ways are 
not your ways; you think that they are little better than 
brute beasts, because their customs differ from your own. 
If you carried a hump upon your back, John, you would 
think every man deformed without a similar excrescence. 
If you had but one eye, John, you would treat binocular 
vision as a national offence. If you wore a tail, you would 
regard it as the type of an exceptional civilisation. 

It is this intense self-appreciation, John, which makes 
you so indifferent a citizen of the world. Whilst your 
unappeasable enterprise and your indomitable energy make 
for you new homes in every corner of the globe, you can 
seldom make yourself at home without first expelling the 
old inmates of your new dwelling-place. Where you 
colonise, the aborigines disappear. In India, you do not 
attempt to colonise; and you never make yourself at home. 
But you carry the same exclusive, absorbing spirit of self- 
assertion with you. The millions by whom you are sur- 
rounded exist in your imagination only for your use. 
There they are, so many "niggers," John — so many 
"black fellows" to work for you, to fight for you, to die 
for you, to render up their substance to you, to be shaped 
according to the rule and plummet of your home-bred 
notions. All that belongs to them is wrong, all that belongs 
to you is right. You cannot for a moment divest yourself 
of your individuality, and look at the questions before you 
from any other than your own point of view. " India for 



John Company's Farewell 439 



the English " is your cry. The children of the soil have 
long been in your estimation so many stocks and stones. 
Men fresh from England, with hot English blood in them, 
are prone to violence; and hundreds, who would not lift 
up their hands against an English beggar in the street, have 
been wont to strike their Mohammedan and Hindoo ser- 
vants as though they were beasts of burden or mere insen- 
sate machines. They who are ordinarily considerate in 
their language and their demeanour towards the natives of 
India, are men who have resided long in India, who know 
the people, and who speak their language; or those who, 
lacking much Indian experience, are moved by the tra- 
ditions at which, John, you are prone to sneer. You talk 
about offices in India being heirlooms in certain families; 
you say that you wish to see new names in the lists of the 
Indian services; and that you would fain see those services 
overborne by an independent European community. My 
exclusiveness has often excited your vehement indignation. 
Your theory was right, John. But, practically, this exclu- 
siveness had its uses. There was a traditional interest in 
India — a traditional kindness for the people kept alive in 
many families. It was no uncommon thing for a young 
civilian or a young soldier, on landing in India, to be met 
by one of the native servants who had dandled him in his 
boyhood, eager to see "Harry baba," and, perhaps, to fol- 
low his fortunes. Youths of this stamp, born in India, and 
taught to look to India as their future home, if not some- 
what denationalised, John, were at all events less encum- 
bered with the national self-love of which I have been 
speaking. Their good English spirit did not teach them 
to hate or to despise the "niggers." They had learned 
better thoughts and better feelings from their parents. It 
is not from the mouth of the "old Indian," even now, that 
you will hear the people of India, as a nation, sweepingly 
condemned. 



pany, is ob- 
scure. It 
may be a 
native cor- 
ruption of 
Hon. Com- 
pany, a com- 
mon abbrevi- 
ation of the 
official title, 
The Honour- 
able East 
India Com- 
pany. 



See R. Kip- 
ling, The 
Tombs of his 
Ancestors. 



44° The Empire 

Now, what I am afraid of, John, is, that under the new 
system a new race of men, without any of these old tradi- 
tions and family ties, will make their way to India, with 
new English notions, and that of these notions one of the 
most prominent will be that a common detestation of the 
natives is the paramount duty of every Englishman. It is 
true that many dire atrocities have been committed during 
the past calamitous year. It is natural that we should hate 
these iniquities, or even the perpetrators of these iniquities; 
but to hate a whole nation is a very different thing. When 
we consider the immense population of India, and the 
small proportion that has actually risen against us, we can- 
not but regard the active hostility, out of which these atroci- 
ties have proceeded, as of an exceptional character — why, 
then, should it influence our feelings towards the great 
mass of the people? I confess, John, that, in spite of all 
that has happened, I have a kindness towards the people 
of India; and a profound conviction that, if you do not 
entertain similar feelings of kindness, you will never be 
able to govern the country. . . . Mistrust yourself, then, 
John. Think whether all this would have happened in India 
if you had been the faultless monster which you believe 
yourself to be. 

But I am not going to open old sores, John. You may 
have been to blame — I may have been to blame. What 
it most behoves us now to regard is the Future. There is 
an evil, and a remedy must be applied. But what is that 
remedy to be? I know that you are ready with an answer, 
John — "Anglicism;" — on a large scale, Anglicism; — 
English troops; English law; English language; English 
religion; English everything. Turn your millions of Hin- 
dostanee subjects into Englishmen, and all will go well. 
My dear John, you cannot turn them into Englishmen. 
You must be content, for many a long year, to see them 
what they now are. Keep back from Anglicism. The less 



John Company's Farewell 441 

obtrusive, in the present state of affairs, that you make it, 
the better. English troops you must have; but you can 
never hold India by the brute force of English troops. It 
is not the physical strength, it is the moral impression of 
the dominant race to which you must trust for the retention 
of your hold upon the country. Nobly, John — gloriously, 
John — have you shown them, during this last calamitous 
year, what a handful of this dominant race can do against 
teeming thousands of subject mutineers. Never have the 
fortitude, the perseverance, the indomitable energy, the 
mighty patience of the Anglo-Saxon race been so signally 
demonstrated in the face of such gigantic difficulties. And 
the triumph, which, under Providence, will ere long be 
complete, may make you, if you use the opportunity wisely, 
even stronger than before. 

Use it, then, wisely. Throw away utterly the thought of 
ever ruling such a country by an overawing display of mili- 
tary force. Having exhausted your mother country, John, 
you may indent upon your colonies for the raw material of 
soldiers; and you may exert yourself to keep up an unex- 
tinguishable hatred between race and race; but, relying 
upon this, John, you must at last be driven into the sea. 
Keep up such an European force in India as the exigencies 
of your own country will allow you to do, but only that 
your clemency may not be misinterpreted into weakness. 
You can best afford to be merciful, you can best afford to 
be tolerant and conciliatory, when you stand in such an 
attitude of strength that mildness cannot be mistaken for 
cowardice, or forbearance for indecision. Having shown 
what you can do, John, you may gain credit for not doing 
it any more. Therefore, I say, keep up your military 
strength, but use it only under great provocation. . . . 

Now, after your English hatred, John, I must talk to you 
of your English greed. This is of two kinds — national 
and personal. I grieve to say, that of late years, under my 



442 The Empire 

rule, there has sprung up a class of Anglo-Indian poli- 
ticians, hot for the annexation, the absorption of the native 
states, who believe that the security of England in India 
lies in the continual extension of her frontier. Unhappily, 
John, many of the members of this school are very able 
men, and some, too, are very good ones. But, believe me, 
it is a bad school. Its theories must be exploded, its 
practice must be reversed, if you would long retain your 
empire in the East. If the wishes of this school had been 
fulfilled — if its advice had been followed — no human 
power would have enabled you successfully to resist the 
mutiny of the Bengal army. Humanly speaking, John, you 
have been saved by your alliances with the few remaining 
native states. Let the few which now remain, remain for 
ever. Do not seek to weaken, but to strengthen them. 
Let them feel that the main source of their stability is the 
permanence of your rule. Respect their rights; tolerate 
their failures: and, above all, do not test them with the 
gauge of your own exclusive theories. . . . 

Stifle that cry of " India for the English." Do not suffer 
the doctrine which it expresses to make way, any more in 
its persona] than in its national acceptation. Do not think 
that the country was given to us only as an outlet for Eng- 
lish enterprise and a field for English industry. These 
things, in due moderation, may be advantageous to India; 
but your fust care should ever be, John, the employment 
of the people. . . . But what is now the cry, John? 
More Englishmen. Everywhere, more Englishmen in the 
public service; more Englishmen in the law-courts; more 
Englishmen to develop the commercial resources of the 
country, and even to become possessors of the soil. But 
do you think, John, that the people of India are more likely 
to reconcile themselves to your rule, when they find that 
the recent crisis has only given an increased impulse to the 
usurpations of the white man; that the subsiding of the 



John Company's Farewell 443 

waters of rebellion will be followed by a flooding in of 
hungry Englishmen? . . . 

And now, John, hear my last words. I commit to your 
hands a mighty trust, a gigantic responsibility. The task 
which lies before you is self-imposed; and therefore the 
greater the disgrace of failure. You have forcibly wrested 
from me the empire which I won in spite of myself. No 
one, with any knowledge of my antecedents, believes that 
I ever desired to be the master of two hundred millions of 
Asiatics. In the old times, my instructions ever were, 
"Do not fortify, do not fight." Circumstances over which 
I had no control compelled my servants to fortify and to 
fight, and so, little by little, my empire has sprung up, and 
my Government has been the growth of circumstances. 
If I did not rule my empire successfully, there was little 
shame in my want of success. I did my best as a ruler, 
though it was my ambition to be simply a trader. You 
took from me my trade, and told me only to govern. For 
a quarter of a century I have given myself up undividedly 
to the work of government; and now, because that has 
happened to me which has happened to every Indian Gov- 
ernment, you have been pleased to say that I have failed. 
If I had failed, we should not be masters of India. 

... The empire of the East India Company is a great 
fact, which generation after generation, in every quarter of 
the globe, will contemplate with reverential wonder. You 
may keep it, or you may lose it, John; but you cannot take 
from me the glory of having been, under Providence, the 
founder of that empire. The Past is everything to me; the 
Future is everything to you. Think solemnly upon that 
Future. Pe resolute; be calm. Above all, resist popular 
clamours — or rather, the clamours of selfish classes. Do 
not suffer India to be governed by a series of concessions 
to interested cries. You have a hard part to play, John. 
Play it bravely. Your work, for some time to come, must 



444 



The Empire 



be a work of continued resistance. Think, in quiet hours, 
of what I have said to you; and if you regard my counsel 
as honestly as it is given to you, be sure that some day you 
will bless the memory of 

John Company. 

Blackwood's Magazine, September, 1858, 338-351 passim. 



By John 
Bright 

(1811-1889), 

the great 
peace states- 
man of the 
century, and 
the first Prot- 
estant non- 
conformist 
to become a 
Minister of 
the crown 
since the 
Restoration. 
Bright did 
not hesitate 
to set himself 
in opposition 
to the pas- 
sions and 
prejudices of 
his country- 
men. He 
entered pub- 
lic life in 
connection 
with the 
Anti-Corn 
Law League, 
he opposed 
the Crimean 
War, he up- 
held the 
North in the 
American 
Civil War. 
" He was the 
greatest 
master of 
English ora- 
tory that this 



145. The "Trent" Affair (1861) 

Now I am obliged to say — and I say it with the utmost 
pain — that if we have not done things that are plainly 
hostile to the North, and if we have not expressed affection 
for slavery, and, outwardly and openly, hatred for the 
Union, — I say that there has not been that friendly and 
cordial neutrality which, if I had been a citizen of the 
United States, I should have expected; and I say further, 
that, if there has existed considerable irritation at that, it 
must be taken as a measure of the high appreciation which 
the people of those States place upon the opinion of the 
people of England. If I had been addressing this audi- 
ence ten days ago, so far as I know, I should have said just 
what 1 have said now; and although, by an untoward event, 
circumstances are somewhat, even considerably, altered, 
yet I have thought it desirable to make this statement, with 
a view, so far as I am able to do it, to improve the opinion 
of England, and to assuage feelings of irritation in America, 
if there be any, so that no further difficulties may arise in 
the progress of this unhappy strife. 

But there has occurred an event which was announced to 
us only a week ago, which is one of great importance, and 
it may be one of some peril. It is asserted that what is 
called 'international law' has been broken by the seizure 
of the Southern Commissioners on board an English trad- 



The "Trent" Affair 445 

ing steamer by a steamer of war of the United States, generation — 
Now, what is international law? You have heard that the severai^en- 
opinions of the law officers of the Crown are in favour of erations — 
this view of the case — that the law has been broken. I — LordSalis- 
am not at all going to say that it has not. It would be bur y* 
imprudent in me to set my opinion on a legal question 
which I have only partially examined, against their opinion 
on the same question, which I presume they have carefully 
examined. But this I say, that international law is not to 
be found in an act of Parliament — it is not in so many 
clauses. You know that it is difficult to find the law. I 
can ask the Mayor, or any magistrate around me, whether 
it is not very difficult to find the law, even when you have 
found the act of Parliament, and found the clause. But 
when you have no act of Parliament, and no clause, you 
may imagine that the case is still more difficult. 

Now, maritime law, or international law, consists of 
opinions and precedents for the most part, and it is very 
unsettled. The opinions are the opinions of men of dif- 
ferent countries, given at different times; and the prece- 
dents are not always like each other. The law is very 
unsettled, and, for the most part, I believe it to be exceed- 
ingly bad. In past times, as you know from the histories 
you read, this country has been a fighting country; we have 
been belligerents, and, as belligerents, we have carried 
maritime law, by our own powerful hand, to a pitch that 
has been very oppressive to foreign, and especially so, to 
neutral nations. Well, now, for the first time unhappily, 
— almost for the first time in our history for the last two 
hundred years, — we are not belligerents, but neutrals; 
and we are disposed to take, perhaps, rather a different 
view of maritime and international law. 

Now, the act which has been committed by the American 
steamer, in my opinion, whether it was legal or not, was 
both impolitic and bad. That is my opinion. I think it 



44 6 



The Empire 



TheAmeri- may turn out, almost certainly, that, so far as the taking 
mem d'isa-"" °* mose men Ir0m that ship was concerned, it was an act 
vowed the act wholly unknown to, and unauthorized by, the American 

of the captain ., , . .. , . _, , ,. 

of the San Government. And if the American Government believe, 
Jacmto, and on t j ie opinion of their law officers, that the act is illegal, I 

released the ' ° ' 

captives. have no doubt they will make fitting reparation; for there 

is no Government in the world that has so strenuously 
insisted upon modifications of international law, and been 
so anxious to be guided always by the most moderate and 
merciful interpretation of that law. 

Now, our great advisers i I The Times newspaper have 
been persuading people that this is merely one of a series 
of acts which denote the determination of the Washington 
Government to pick a quarrel with the people of England. 
Did you ever know anybody who was not very nearly dead 
drunk, who, having as much upon his hands as he could 
manage, would offer to fight everybody about him? Do you 
believe that the United States Government, presided over 
by President Lincoln, so constitutional in all his acts, so 
moderate as he has been — representing at this moment 
that great party in the United States, happily now in the 
ascendancy, which has always been especially in favour of 
peace, and especially friendly to England — do you believe 
that such a Government, having now upon its hands an 
insurrection of the most formidable character in the South, 
would invite the armies and the fleets of England to com- 
bine with that insurrection, and, it might be, to render it 
impossible that the Union should ever again be restored? 
I say, that single statement, whether it came from a public 
writer or a public speaker, is enough to stamp him for ever 
with the character of being an insidious enemy of both 
countries. 

Well, now, what have we seen during the last week? 
People have not been, I am told — I have not seen much 
of it — quite as calm as sensible men should be. Here is 



The "Trent" Affair 447 

a question of law. I will undertake to say that when you 
have from the United States Government — if they think 
the act legal — a statement of their view of the case, they 
will show you that, fifty or sixty years ago, during the wars 
of that time, there were scores of cases that were at least as 
bad as this, and some infinitely worse. And if it were not 
so late to-night, and I am not anxious now to go into the 
question further, I could easily place before you cases of 
extreme outrage committed by us when we were at war, and 
for many of which, I am afraid, little or no reparation was 
offered. But let us bear this in mind, that during this 
struggle incidents and accidents will happen. Bear in 
mind the advice of Lord Stanley, so opportune and so 
judicious. Do not let your newspapers, or your public 
speakers, or any man, take you off your guard, and bring 
you into that frame of mind under which your Government, 
if it desires war, may be driven to engage in it; for one 
may be almost as fatal and as evil as the other. 

What can be more monstrous than that we, as we call our- 
selves, to some extent, an educated, a moral, and a Chris- 
tian nation — at a moment when an accident of this kind 
occurs, before we have made a representation to the Ameri- 
can Government, before we have heard a word from it in 
reply — should be all up in arms, every sword leaping from 
its scabbard, and every man looking about for his pistols 
and his blunderbusses? I think the conduct pursued — 
and I have no doubt just the same is pursued by a certain 
class in America — is much more the conduct of savages 
than of Christian and civilized men. No, let us be calm. 
You recollect how we were dragged into the Russian war — 
how we 'drifted ' into it. You know that I, at least, have 
not upon my head any of the guilt of that fearful war. You Bright made 
know that it cost one hundred millions of money to this fi^ of his 
country; that it cost at least the lives of forty thousand speeches 
Englishmen; that it disturbed your trade; that it nearly ci-tmean G 



448 The Empire 

War, and doubled the armies of Europe; that it placed the relations 
lost his seat f Europe on a much less peaceful footins; than before; 

in Parliament l 1 & 

because of and that it did not effect one single thing of all those that 

his action. •. •. , u . 

it was promised to effect. 

I recollect speaking on this subject, within the last two 
years, to a man whose name I have already mentioned, Sir 
James Graham, in the House of Commons. He was a 
Minister at the time of that war. He was reminding me 
of a severe onslaught which I had made upon him and Lord 
Palmerston for attending a dinner at the Reform Club when 
Sir Charles Napier was appointed to the command of the 
Baltic fleet; and he remarked, 'What a severe thrashing' I 
had given them in the House of Commons! I said, 'Sir 
James, tell me candidly, did you not deserve it? ' He said, 
'Well, you were entirely right about that war; we were 
entirely wrong, and we never should have gone into it ! ' 
And this is exactly what everybody will say, if you go into 
a war about this business, when it is over. When your 
sailors and soldiers, so many of them as may be slaughtered, 
are gone to their last account; when your taxes are in- 
creased, your business permanently — it may be — injured, 
and when embittered feelings for generations have been 
created between America and England — then your states- 
men will tell you that 'we ought not to have gone into the war.' 

But they will very likely say, as many of them tell me, 
'What could we do in the frenzy of the public mind?' 
Let them not add to the frenzy, and let us be careful that 
nobody drives us into that frenzy. Remembering the past, 
remembering at this moment the perils of a friendly people, 
and seeing the difficulties by which they are surrounded, 
let us, I entreat of you, see if there be any real moderation 
in the people of England, and if magnanimity, so often to 
be found amongst individuals, is absolutely wanting in a 
great nation. . . . 
John Bright, Speech on the "Trent" Affair at a Public Banquet, 



A Recantation 



449 



Rochdale, Dec. 4. 1861 (James E. Thorold Rogers, Speeches 
on Questions of Public Policy by John Bright, M. P., London, 
1868, 188-193). 



146. A Recantation (1865) 

You lay a wreath on murdered Lincoln's bier, 
You, who with mocking pencil wont to trace, 

Broad for the self-complacent British sneer, 

His length of shambling limb, his furrowed face, 

His gaunt, gnarled hands, his unkempt, bristling hair, 
His garb uncouth, his bearing ill at ease, 

His lack of all we prize as debonair, 

Of power or will to shine, of art to please. 

You whose smart pen backed up the pencil's laugh, 
Judging each step, as though the way were plain : 

Reckless, so it could point its paragraph, 
Of chief's perplexity, or people's pain. 

Beside this corpse, that bears for winding-sheet 
The Stars and Stripes he lived to rear anew, 

Between the mourners at his head and feet, 
Say, scurril-jester, is there room for you ? 

Yes, he had lived to shame me from my sneer, 
To lame my pencil and confute my pen — 

To make me own this hind of princes peer, 
This rail-splitter a true-born king of men. 

My shallow judgment I had learnt to rue, 
Noting how to occasion's height he rose, 

How his quaint wit made home-truth seem more true, 
How, iron-like, his temper grew by blows. 
2c; 



Anony- 
M( 'i S. The 
London 
Punch, like 
many of the 
English 
papers, 
underwent 
several 
changes of 
feeling in the 
course of the 
American 
Civil War. 
At the outset 
ii was dis- 

1 to be 
friendly to 
the North. 
Later it took 
an attitude 
thai was un- 
sympathetic 
tow aid both 
sides. What- 
ever words oi 
praise it had 

to bestow 

were for the 

South. For 
the North it 
bad nothing 
but contempt 
and criticism. 
Its attacks 
were directed 
especially 
against Lin- 
coln. Before 
the close its 
tone began 
to change. 
Its final posi- 
tion is well 
shown here. 



450 The Empire 

How humble yet how hopeful he could be : 

How in good fortune and in ill the same: 
Nor bitter in success, nor boastful he, 

Thirsty for gold, nor feverish for fame. 

He went about his work — such work as few 
Ever had laid on head and heart and hand — 

As one who knows, where there's a task to do, 

Man's honest will must Heaven's good grace command; 

Who trusts the strength will with the burden grow, 
That God makes instruments to work his will, 

If but that will we can arrive to know, 

Nor tamper with the weights of good and ill. 

So he went forth to battle, on the side 

That he felt clear was Liberty's and Right's, 

As in his peasant boyhood he had plied 

His warfare with rude Nature's thwarting mights — 

The uncleared forest, the unbroken soil, 

The iron-bark, that turns the lumberer's axe, 

The rapid, that o'erbears the boatman's toil, 

The prairie, hiding the mazed wanderer's tracks, 

The ambushed Indian, and the prowling bear — 
Such were the needs that helped his youth to train : 

Rough culture — but such trees large fruit may bear 
If but their stocks be of right girth and grain. 

So he grew up, a destined work to do, 

And lived to do it : four long-suffering years' 

Ill-fate, ill-feeling, ill-report, lived through, 
And then he heard the hisses change to cheers, 



A Recantation 45 1 

The taunts to tribute, the abuse to praise, 

And took both with the same unwavering mood : 

Till, as he came on light, from darkling days, 

And seemed to touch the goal from where he stood, 

A felon hand, between the goal and him, 

Reached from behind his back, a trigger prest, — 

And those perplexed and patient eyes were dim, 
Those gaunt, long-labouring limbs were laid to rest ! 

The words of mercy were upon his lips, 
Forgiveness in his heart and on his pen, 

When this vile murderer brought swift eclipse 
To thoughts of peace on earth, good-will to men. 

The Old World and the New, from sea to sea, 
Utter one voice of sympathy and shame ! 

Sore heart, so stopped when it at last beat high, 
Sad life, cut short just as its triumph came. 

A deed accurst ! Strokes have been struck before 
By the assassin's hand, whereof men doubt 

If more of horror or disgrace they bore; 

But thy foul crime, like Cain's, stands darkly out, 

Vile hand, that brandest murder on a strife, 

Whate'er its grounds, stoutly and nobly striven; 

And with the martyr's crown crownest a life 
With much praise, little to be forgiven! 

Anonymous, Punch, May 6, 1865. 



45 2 



The Empire 



By the RT. 
Hon. W. E. 
Forster. 

See No. 137. 

During the 
last twenty- 
five years the 
movement 
for a closer 
union be- 
tween Eng- 
land and her 
colonies has 
steadily 
gained 
ground. — On 
this subject, 
see G. Par- 
kin, Imperial 
Federation. 



147. Imperial Federation (1875) 

. . . My answer is this, — I believe that our union with 
our Colonies will not be severed, because I believe that we 
and they will more and more prize this union, and become 
convinced that it can be preserved only by looking forward 
to association on equal terms; in other words, I believe 
that our Colonial Empire will last, because, no longer striv- 
ing to rule our Colonies as dependencies when they become 
strong enough to be independent, we shall welcome them 
as our partners in a common and mighty Empire. But if 
this be all I have to say, why, I may be asked, come here 
at all? Who talks now of casting off the Colonies? What 
more popular cry at present than the preservation of our 
Colonial Empire? Some twelve years ago, it is true, a 
voice from Oxford declared this Empire to be an illusion 
for the future — a danger to the present; but Professor 
Goldwin Smith has gone to Canada, and his eloquent argu- 
ments for disruption have as little convinced the Canadians 
as ourselves. . . . There are some persons, perhaps not 
so many as a few years ago, who both desire and expect 
separation. But are there not very many who, though they 
do not desire it, expect that it will come, first or last, 
sooner or later — the later, indeed, the better; but who look 
forward to Canada choosing to leave us — to Australia and 
New Zealand and South Africa, one after the other, declar- 
ing their independence; who, in a word, believe that the 
children, when grown to full manhood, will set up house 
for themselves ? . . . I could quote many authorities in 
support of this assertion had I time or were it necessary to 
do so, but I think it will hardly be disputed that this 
expectation does generally underlie the discussions between 
those who would and those who would not take immediate 
steps to hasten its fulfilment. For instance, Mr. Goldwin 



Imperial Federation 453 

Smith, in the book in which he republishes his letters on 
this subject to the Daily News, is able to show that The 
Times in one of its leaders, concludes an able reply to his 
argument for disruption by telling the people of the Colo- 
nies that "we do not pretend to deny that the time must 
come when they will no longer require our aid, and when 
it will be better for both that they should set up for them- 
selves." . . . This expectation is no new notion. It was 
well expressed in 1856 by Mr. Arthur Mills, in his preface 
to his informing "Outlines of Colonial Constitutions." 
"To ripen these Constitutions," he says — that is, our 
Colonies — " to the earliest possible maturity, social, politi- 
cal, and commercial — to qualify them, by all the appli- 
ances within the reach of the parent State, for present 
self-government and eventual independence — is now the 
universally admitted aim of our Colonial policy." . . . 

The duty of the day to our Colonial fellow-men is clear 
enough; but to me, at least, it is easier to fulfil this duty 
in a hopeful rather than in a desponding spirit; and if I 
agreed with the writer of The Times in his anticipations I 
admit that I should lend a willing ear to the arguments 
which that writer was answering. And, indeed, this is one 
of those anticipations, one of those prophecies, which 
fulfil themselves. Ideas are the rulers of the world. First 
or last they realize themselves, and become the facts of 
history. If, then, it is to be the prevalent idea in the 
minds of English-speaking men at home and abroad, that 
each Colony must become an independent nation when it has 
become powerful enough to protect itself, we may at once 
try to reconcile ourselves to the inevitable; give up the hope 
of continuing to girdle the world with our possessions; 
strive to convince ourselves that this hope is a foolish 
dream, that this boasted rule is but a vain show — a sacri- 
fice of the reality of power to the pretence of prestige, and 
concentrate all our endeavours in the attempt to propitiate 



454 The Empire 

the new nations, and obtain from them friendly considera- 
tion, as one by one they assert their independence, or, as 
it were, take up their nationality. But suppose that, in 
place of this idea, there comes to prevail another and a 
very different idea — namely, this: that our Colonies, when 
strong enough to be independent, will yet be stronger, 
more rich, more intelligent, able to be better, if still in 
union with ourselves; that their inhabitants will have 
greater opportunities, a wider scope, a possibility of a 
higher career, if continuing our fellow-countrymen; that 
in order to fulfil all the duties of free and civilized and 
self-governing men they need not cease to be British citi- 
zens; that they may have all the advantages of a nation- 
ality without disowning their allegiance, and that as they 
increase in strength and power so also shall we. If this, 
I say, become the prevalent idea, then this will be the idea 
that will realize itself, and our Colonial Empire may and 
will last. . . . 

And this brings us to the practical question — are there 
any means by which it is possible that these future Com- 
monwealths when no longer dependent, can be united with 
us and with one another? I may hasten at once to try to 
answer this question; for if it can be answered, that argu- 
ment will be also met which I have already mentioned — 
namely, that separation would stimulate the colonies to 
greater progress and would increase their self-reliance. 
Surely it cannot be denied that if it be possible to replace 
dependence by association, each member of the federation 
would find in the common nationality at least as much 
scope for its aspirations, as much demand for the patriot- 
ism and the energy and the self-reliance of its citizens, as 
it would if trying to obtain a distinct nationality for 
itself. 

But is this federation possible? There are many even of 
those who desire it who think that it is not. This opinion 



Imperial Federation 455 

chiefly depends upon the difficulties of distance. If, how- 
ever, these difficulties have not prevented the government of 
a colony from England, why must they prevent the associa- 
tion of self-governing communities with England? . . . 
But the geographical argument, I am well aware, cannot be 
quite so easily disposed of. It would not be stating it 
fairly to make it depend solely upon the length of interven- 
ing miles between the several regions. It is said that the 
difference in local circumstances will produce such a disa- 
greement in institutions and social arrangements as would 
make any political connexion undesirable. To this remark 
I can only reply that as yet this disagreement is not appar- 
ent, that the enormous majority of colonists themselves dis- 
claim it, and that I can see no ground for believing in any 
irresistible tendency to its development. . . . 

And now, if any one of you has followed me thus far in 
the line of thought which I have taken, he will, I think, be 
ready with the question, If you think the future association 
possible, if you see no insuperable physical or moral bar 
to prevent it, in what way do you expect it to be formed; 
what kind of federation do you propose? My reply is, I 
am ready with no proposition. I believe any precise 
proposition would be premature; and for this reason — that 
as yet no change in our relations is necessary. As Mr. 
Arthur Mills stated in the passage I have already quoted, 
"The present principle of our colonial policy is to ripen 
these communities to the earliest possible maturity; " and 
when they have obtained this maturity it will be for us and 
for them to consider what, under the circumstances then 
existing, will be the best bond of union. All that is 
required now is to imbue them and ourselves with the 
desire that the union should last, with the determination 
that the Empire shall not be broken up; to replace the idea 
of eventual independence, which means disunion, by that 
of association on equal terms, which means union. If this 



456 



The Empire 



be done we need not fear that, at the fitting time, this last 
idea will realize itself. . . . 

Right Hon. W. E. Forster, Address to the Edinburgh Philosophi- 
cal Institution, London Times, Nov. 6, 1875. 



By George 
Warring- 
ton Steev- 
ens (1869- 
1900), jour- 
nalist and 
war corre- 
spondent. 
His short, 
brilliant 
career ended 
at Ladysmith, 
where he died 
of fever dur- 
ing the siege, 
leaving his 
last work, 
From Cape- 
town to 
Ladysmith, 
to be given to 
the world by 
another 
hand. 



148. The Sirdar (1898) 

Major-General Sir Horatio Herbert Kitchener is forty- 
eight years old by the book; but that is irrelevant. He 
stands several inches over six feet, straight as a lance, and 
looks out imperiously above most men's heads; his motions 
are deliberate and strong; slender but firmly knit, he seems 
built for tireless, steel-wire endurance rather than for power 
or agility: that also is irrelevant. Steady, passionless eyes 
shaded by decisive brows, brick-red rather full cheeks, a 
long moustache beneath which you divine an immovable 
mouth; his face is harsh, and neither appeals for affection 
nor stirs dislike. All this is irrelevant too: neither age, 
nor figure, nor face, nor any accident of person, has any 
bearing on the essential Sirdar. You could imagine the 
character just the same if all the externals were different. 
He has no age but the prime of life, no body but one to 
carry his mind, no face but one to keep his brain behind. 
The brain and the will are the essence and the whole of the 
man — a brain and a will so perfect in their workings that, 
in the face of extremest difficulty, they never seem to know 
what struggle is. You cannot imagine the Sirdar otherwise 
than as seeing the right thing to do and doing it. His 
precision is so inhumanly unerring, he is more like a 
machine than a man. You feel that he ought to be patented 
and shown with pride at the Paris International Exhibition. 
British Empire: Exhibit No. 1, hors concours, the Sudan 
Machine. 



The Sirdar 457 

It was aptly said of him by one who had closely watched 
him in his office, and in the field, and at mess, that he is 
the sort of feller that ought to be made manager of the 
Army and Navy Stores. The aphorist's tastes lay perhaps 
in the direction of those more genial virtues which the 
Sirdar does not possess, yet the judgment summed him up 
perfectly. He would be a splendid manager of the Army 
and Navy Stores. There are some who nurse a desperate 
hope that he may some day be appointed to sweep out the 
War Office. He would be a splendid manager of the War 
Office. He would be a splendid manager of anything. 

But it so happens that he has turned himself to the man- 
agement of war in the Sudan, and he is the complete and 
the only master of that art. Beginning life in the Royal 
Engineers — a soil reputed more favourable to machinery 
than to human nature — he early turned to the study of the 
Levant. He was one of Beaconsfield's military vice- 
consuls in Asia Minor; he was subsequently director of 
the Palestine Exploration Fund. At the beginning of the 
Sudan troubles he appeared. He was one of the original 
twenty-five officers who set to work on the new Egyptian 
army. And in Egypt and the Sudan he has been ever since 
— on the staff generally, in the field constantly, alone with 
natives often, mastering the problem of the Sudan always. 
The ripe harvest of fifteen years is that he knows everything 
that is to be learned of his subject. He has seen and 
profited by the errors of others as by their successes. He 
has inherited the wisdom and the achievements of his 
predecessors. He came at the right hour, and he was the 
right man. 

. . . The Sirdar is never in a hurry. With immovable 
self-control he holds back from each step till the ground is 
consolidated under the last. The real fighting power of 
the Sudan lies in the country itself — in its barrenness 
which refuses food, and its vastness which paralyses trans- 



+5« 



The Empire 



port. The Sudan machine obviates barrenness and vast- 
ness : the bayonet action stands still until the railway action 
has piled the camp with supplies or the steamer action can 
run with a full Nile. Fighting men may chafe and go 
down with typhoid and cholera : they are in the iron grip 
of the machine, and they must wait the turn of its wheels. 
Dervishes wait and wonder, passing from apprehension to 
security. The Turks are not coming; the Turks are afraid. 
Then suddenly at daybreak one morning they see the Sirdar 
advancing upon them from all sides together, and by noon 
they are dead. Patient and swift, certain and relentless, 
the Sudan machine rolls conquering southward. 

In the meantime, during all the years of preparation and 
achievement, the man has disappeared. The man Herbert 
Kitchener owns the affection of private friends in England 
and of old comrades of fifteen years' standing; for the rest 
of the world there is no man Herbert Kitchener, but only 
the Sirdar, neither asking affection nor giving it. His 
officers and men are wheels in the machine : he feeds them 
enough to make them efficient, and works them as merci- 
lessly as he works himself. He will have no married officers 
in his army — marriage interferes with work. Any officer 
who breaks down from the climate goes on sick leave once : 
next time he goes, and the Egyptian army bears him on its 
strength no more. Asked once why he did not let his 
officers come down to Cairo during the season, he replied, 
"If it were to go home, where they would get fit and I 
could get more work out of them, I would. But why should 
I let them down to Cairo?" It is unamiable, but it is 
war, and it has a severe magnificence. And if you suppose, 
therefore, that the Sirdar is unpopular, he is not. No 
general is unpopular who always beats the enemy. When 
the columns move out of camp in the evening to march all 
night through the dark, they know not whither, and fight at 
dawn with an enemy they have never seen, every man goes 



The Funeral of Gordon 4.59 

forth with a tranquil mind. He may personally come back 
and he may not; but about the general result there is not a 
doubt. . . . Other generals have been better loved, none 
was ever better trusted. 

... So far as Egypt is concerned he is the man of 
destiny — the man who has been preparing himself sixteen 
years for one great purpose. For Anglo- Egypt he is the 
Mahdi, the expected; the man who has sifted experience 
and corrected error; who has worked at small things and 
waited for great; marble to sit still and fire to smite; 
steadfast, cold, and inflexible; the man who has cut out 
his human heart and made himself a machine to retake 
Khartum. 

G. W. Steevens, With Kitchener to Khartum (Edinburgh and 
London, 1898), 45-52. 



No. 148. 



14.0. The Funeral of Gordon (i8q8) bvGeorge 

^ v \ 7 / warring- 

ton Steev- 
... It was Sunday morning, and that furious Friday ens. See 

seemed already half a lifetime behind us. The volleys had 
dwindled out of our ears, and the smoke out of our nostrils; 
and to-day we were going to the funeral of Gordon. After 
nearly fourteen years the Christian soldier was to have 
Christian burial. 

On the steamers there was a detachment of every corps, 
white or black or yellow, that had taken part in the ven- 
geance. Every white officer that could be spared from duty 
was there, fifty men picked from each British battalion, 
one or two from each unit of the Egyptian army. That we 
were going up to Khartum at all was evidence of our 
triumph; yet, if you looked about you, triumph was not 
the note. The most reckless subaltern, the most barbarous 
black, was touched with gravity. We were going to per- 



460 



The Empire 



Killed 
December, 
1899, at 
Magers- 
fontein. 



form a necessary duty, which had been put off far, far too 
long. 

Fourteen years next January — yet even through that 
humiliating thought there ran a whisper of triumph. We 
may be slow; but in that very slowness we show that we do 
not forget. Soon or late, we give our own their due. 
Here were men that fought for Gordon's life while he 
lived, — Kitchener, who went disguised and alone among 
furious enemies to get news of him; Wauchope, who poured 
out his blood like water at Tamai and Kirbekan; Stuart- 
^Yortley, who missed by but two days the chance of dying 
at Gordon's side. And here, too, were boys who could 
hardly lisp when their mothers told them that Gordon was 
dead, grown up now and appearing in the fulness of time 
to exact eleven thousand lives for one. Gordon may die 
— other Gordons may die in the future — but the same 
clean-limbed brood will grow up and avenge them. 

. . . The Guards were playing the Dead March in 
"Saul." Then the black band was playing the march 
from Handel's "Scipio," which in England generally goes 
with "Toll for the brave"; this was in memory of those 
loyal men among the Khedive's subjects who could have 
saved themselves by treachery, but preferred to die with 
Gordon. Next fell a deeper hush than ever, except for 
the solemn minute-guns that had followed the fierce salute. 
Four chaplains — Catholic, Anglican, Presbyterian, and 
Methodist — came slowly forward and ranged themselves, 
with their backs to the palace, just before the Sirdar. The 
Presbyterian read the Fifteenth Psalm. The Anglican led 
the rustling whisper of the Lord's Prayer. Snow-haired 
Father Brindle, best beloved of priests, laid his helmet at 
his feet, and read a memorial prayer bare-headed in the 
sun. Then came forward the pipers and wailed a dirge, 
and the Sudanese played "Abide with me." Perhaps 
lips did twitch just a little to see the ebony heathens fer- 



A Warning 46 1 

vently blowing out Gordon's favourite hymn; but the most 
irresistible incongruity would hardly have made us laugh 
at that moment. And there were those who said the cold 
Sirdar himself could hardly speak or see, as General Hunter 
and the rest stepped out according to their rank and shook 
his hand. What wonder? He has trodden this road to 
Khartum for fourteen years, and he stood at the goal at last. 
Thus with Maxim-Nordenfeldt and Bible we buried Gor- 
don after the manner of his race. The parade was over, 
the troops were dismissed, and for a short space we walked 
in Gordon's garden. Gordon has become a legend with 
his countrymen, and they all but deify him dead who 
would never have heard of him had he lived. But in this 
garden you somehow came to know Gordon the man, not 
the myth, and to feel near to him. Here was an English- 
man doing his duty, alone and at the instant peril of his 
life; yet still he loved his garden. . . . 

G. W. Steevens, With Kitcliener to Khartum (Edinburgh and 
London, 1898), 310-315. 



ico. A Warning- (1800) BytheR-r. 

D & v yyy j/ ON (OHN 

. MORI.KV 

... I ask, with the experience of India before you, do (1838- ), 
you suppose for one moment that you will be able to keep edtoT/and 
your dominions as if they were enclosed in a ring fence? foremost of 
We have all been reading within the last few days about statesmen. 
the movements of the Khalifa. You will see that circum- 
stances make it almost impossible for you to remain within 
your ring fence. It is no secret that there are powerful 
men in more than one quarter who announce that they 
would like to go south of Khartoum. It is no secret that 
there are some who would like to go as far as Uganda. 
[Ministerial cheers, and cries of "To Cape Town ! "] Yes, 



462 The Empire 



Sir Michael that is excellent ! I notice the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
does not cheer and barely smiles. If you suffer a good 
deal from a Forward Party in India, do you suppose you 
are not going to have a Forward Party in Africa? You 
have it now. I should like to remind these Gentlemen 
who are looking forward with such enthusiasm to going to 
Uganda and to carrying the Queen's dominions there, that 
we shall be responsible for the administration of Uganda. 
They say — " If we have done well in India, why should we 
not do equally well in Africa?" [Ministerial cheers.] 
Those cheers show how necessary it is for even responsible 
politicians to discriminate. I would like to point out 
three distinct differences between India and this new 
Empire that you propose to set up at the Equator. You 
have not a strong natural frontier as India has. I do not 
quite know whether we shall be told what the Government 
reckons their frontier to be, but I will undertake to say it 
is not a strong natural frontier such as India possesses. 
You have not, in the second place, a comparatively civilised 
and settled population, but you have vast hordes of savages; 
and, thirdly, your dominions would be coterminous at point 
after point with Powers who may or may not be your friends. 
You will have the most difficult of tasks in keeping the 
peace on your boundaries and frontiers, and everybody who 
gives the slightest consideration to it will perceive that the 
conditions under which the Government of India subsists 
and carries on its beneficent work are not one of them 
realised in the case of the new India you are going to set 
up at the Equator. You take Uganda. You are going to 
undertake reponsibilities for Uganda. As for that transac- 
tion I have not the slightest desire to avoid my own share, 
for it was done by the Cabinet of which I had the honour 
to be a Member. But what has happened? At this 
moment there is an Estimate before the House for 
^500.000 or something like that, for Uganda. Do you 



A Warning 463 

suppose that next year you will not be coming down with 
another Supplementary Estimate for the trouble — if you 
are going to pay for it — in your newly acquired dominion? 
Our experience in Uganda and the experience of the King 
of the Belgians in the Congo States show that all these 
anticipations that you will have quiet in your ring fence in 
civilising and humanising these wretched savages is a 
dream of the most fatuous kind. I am going to quote 
from the Chancellor of the Exchequer a passage as to 
which I am in profound accord with him — 

" I think we shall be wiser if we attempt rather to develop what we 
have already acquired than to attempt to add still further to the extent of 
our Empire. Every extension of our Empire means an extension of our 
Army and possibly of our Navy. Our Navy may be increased indefinitely, 
subject to the supply of seamen, but our Army is not capable under our 
present system of indefinite extension. Therefore, we are endeavour- 
ing, as far as we can, to utilise our subject races. That is an excellent 
and successful policy, but it is not a policy which is capable of indefi- 
nite expansion, because it will be a bad day for this country if we trust 
for the maintenance of our Empire and our power to foreign mer- 
cenaries rather than to our own troops." 

That was a speech delivered a day or two before this new 
annexation, and I quote the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
not in any way to annoy him, but because he says better 
and with more authority than I have exactly what I think. 
I wonder what we are doing in Uganda? Are those British 
troops? They are our own troops in one sense, but are 
they not exactly the kind of troops the right honourable 
Gentleman meant when he spoke of "foreign merce- 
naries"? I consider that will be, indeed, a bad day, as 
the Chancellor of the Exchequer said. Even those who 
know less history than the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
does, are aware that if there is one lesson that history 
teaches more constantly and more impressively than an- 
other it is that when an empire or kingdom relies, not upon 
its own people, but on bands of foreign mercenaries, its 



464 The Empire 

decline and fall may not be rapid, but it is sure. There 
is one other remark 1 should like to make touching a simi- 
lar point, and I do not think it is unworthy the attention of 
such a practical body as the House of Commons is. Is it 
good to extend these areas of your dominion which are 
only capable of being governed by despotic rulers? I 
cannot think that it is good. It cannot be good for the 
ruler; it cannot be good for national character; it cannot 
be good for the maxims and principles of free government. 
When you annex this great new territory you must recog- 
nise the fact that you cannot set up a Parliament in the 
Soudan. You must govern it by a ruler practically despotic, 
though, I hope, with pretty firm and stiff instructions and 
supervision from this country. But however all this may 
be, by the step that you have taken, depending as it does 
upon despotic rule, calling as it does for enormous expen- 
diture, involving as it does the use of troops which are not 
British, you are unconsciously — and history will mark us 
as having done it — transforming the faces and conditions 
of your Empire. There is one other point. Last night 
the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs addressed 
a political gathering. He said that in 1S96 the Opposi- 
tion was entirely against Soudan advance, but that now, 
with few exceptions, the Opposition joined the government 
in regard to the effects of that advance. I am not so sure 
of that. Then the right honourable Gentleman went on to 
say — 

" What the members of such a club as he was addressing could 
well do in the constituencies was to make the people understand that 
Imperialism could not be run on the cheap.*' 

I would say that these sixty gentlemen who constitute 
the club in question could probably do no more foolish or 
unwise thing in the world than go down to the constitu- 
encies and tell them they had a Government which was an 



Quid Leone Fortius 465 

Imperialist Government, but that they were to understand 
it was not to be run on the cheap. I would venture to say 
that the sixty gentlemen would not have to work very hard, 
because the tax collector is a more telling missionary of 
that gospel, and they will learn from the tax collector, 
before they are much older, that Imperialism cannot be run 
on cheap lines. The right honourable Gentleman in the 
same speech said — 

" If we pay for it now, we might depend upon it that posterity would 
reap the benefit." 

I am quite sure if the sixty gentlemen should go to the 
constituencies with the lesson which the right honourable 
Gentleman has put into their lips, they will return to 
London in a much less festive humour than they were in, 
apparently, last night. Political friends of my own are 
constantly discussing what is to be the issue at the next 
election. Some say it will be on the Irish question, others 
on the House of Lords, and others on Protestantism. 
My own idea is becoming very clear that it will be 
expenditure. . . . 

Rt. Hon. John Morley, Debate on the Army Supplementary 
Estimates, House of Commons, February 24, 1899 (Hansard, 
Parliamentary Debates, LXV1I, 466-469). 



151. Quid Leone Fortius 

The night is full of darkness and doubt, 
The stars are dim and the Hunters out : 
The waves begin to wrestle and nman; 
The Lion stands by his shore alone 
And sends, to the bounds of Earth and Sea, 
First low notes of the thunder to be. 
Then East and West, through the vastness grim, 
The whelps of the Lion answer him. 
The London Spectator, May 21, 1898. 
2 11 



By R. y. 
Alex- 
ander. 

This proph- 
ecy was ful- 
filled in the 
response of 
the colonies 
in the South 
African crisis. 



INDEX 



[The names of the authors of extracts are in boldface. The titles of the pieces are in 
Small Capitals. The titles of books cited are in italics.] 



ABBATS of the Cistercian Order, 78. 
Aberdeen, Lord. See Gordon, Sir 
Arthur. 

Absalom and Achitophel, quoted from, 277. 

Agriculture, among the early Germans, 11; 
in the tenth century, 28; the failure of 
crops under Stephen, 53; again in 1257, 
83; the manorial system under Edward II, 
100; injured by wool-growing, 188 ; legis- 
lation for its protection, 190; in the Reign 
of Queen Mary, 197; in the Virginia 
Colonv, 217; in 1629, 223. 

A History of England, xx. 

Alexander, R. J., QUID LEONE Fortius, 
contributed to the London Spectator, May 
21, 1898, 465. 

Alfred and the Danes (871-878), 21. 

Alfred's Dooms, 17. 

Alfred in the Chronicles, xxiii. 

American Government and the " Trent " 
affair (1861), 446. 

Anarchy, the, 51. 

Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, 20. 

Angles and Normans compared, 41-43. 

Annual Parliaments, petitioned for by the 
Chartists, 389. 

Anonymous. The Lament of Earl 
Simon, 86: Political Songs, 89; The 
Libel of ENGLISH Policy, 112; Polit- 
ical Poems and Songs, 113; The Battle 
of Towton (1461), 121; Archalogia, 
122; The Protestant R involution 
under Edward VI (1547), 146; Chron- 
icle of the Grey Friars of London, 148 ; 



Henry VII and the Earl of Kil- 
dare, 186; Book of Howth, 188; A 
Famous Scene in hie House of Com- 
mons (1629), 219; Archalogia, 222; The 
Rivalry of England and Holland 

(1653), 254; Collection of State Papers, 

256; The Massacre of Gi.encoe, 
(1692), 292; Clarendon Historical Society 
Publications, 297; A BURLESQUE BILL OF 

Costs for a Tory Election, 715 ; The 

Flying Post, 715 ; Dl N N I M ;'s M< > 1 ion ( >n 

the Power of'i he Crown (1780), 308; 

The New Annual Register, 313; BURKE 
and the French Revolution (1791), 

363 ; Parliamentary History, 365 ; JOHN 

Company's Farewell to John Bill 
(1858), 437; Blackwood's Magazine, 444; 
A Recantation (1865), 449; Punch, 451. 

Anthony, Lord Ashley, later Earl of 
Shaftesbury, THE CHILDREN IN THE 
Coal Mines (1842), 401; Speeches, 406. 

Apology of the House of Commons 
(1604), 212. 

Apulia, the kingdom of, 82. 

Arber, English Reprints, xxii. 

Arch, Joseph, The Revolt of Hodge, 
(1872), 419; The Story of his Life, 
422. 

Archbishop, of Canterbury, 52; at the time 
of the Peasants' Rising, 108 ; of Messina, 
sent by the Pope to extort moneys from re- 
ligious houses, 79; of York, 35, 131. 

Army, the, its early equivalent, 3; among 
tin- Germans, 58 ; of Alfred, 23 ; of Ethel- 



467 



4 68 



Index 



red, 31; of Harold, 39; of Henry II, 64; 
the Barons', 74 ; of Edward, 85 ; of Earl 
Simon, 85 ; of Scotland, 92 ; at Crecy, 93 ; 
at Towton, 121; at Barnet, 126; main- 
tenance of, in France, 137 ; in 1554, 151 ; 
lacks a leader, 153 ; of Mary Queen of 
Scots, 163; the Self-denying Ordinance, 
242; at Naseby, 245; at Blenheim, 339; 
in India, 342; in Canada, 345; in New 
England, 355; at Waterloo, 375, 378; at 
Balaklava, 428-431 ; in India, 435, 442 ; in 
the Sudan, 456, 459; and expansion, 463. 
Asser, Alfred and the Danes, 21; 

De Rebus Gestis .TJfreJi Magni, 24. 
Athelstan, in the battle of Brunanburh, 24. 
Attempted Arrest of the Five Mi m- 

BERS (1642), 237. 

B^EDA, The Coming of the Angles 
and Saxons, 12; Conversion of 
Edwin, Kingofthe Northumbrians, 
14; Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglo- 
rum, 13, 16. 

Baillie, Robert, The IMPEACHMENT OF 
Strafford (1640-1641), 232; Letters 
and Journals, 235. 

Ball, John, leader in the Peasants' Rising, 107. 

Barlow, William, JAMES I AT rHE HAMP- 
TON Court Conference (1604), 209; 

The Summe and Substance of the Confer- 
ence at Hampton Court, 211. 

Barons, the, at St. Edmund's, 72; demand 
confirmation of the Charter of Henry I, 
72; at Winchester, 73; truce, 73; at 
Brackley, 74; siege of Northampton, 75; 
supported by London, 75 ; in conference 
with the king, 77 ; cession of Charter to, 
77; return to London, 78. 

Barnard, F., The Conqi EST OF IRELAND 
in the Reign of Henry the Si > ond, 
62; Strongbow's Conquest of Ireland (from 
the Latin of Cambrensis), 65. 

Barnet, the battle of, 126. 

Barons' War, the, 74, 84. 

Battle of Barnet, the (1471), 126. 

Battle of Blenheim, the (1704), 339. 

BATTLE OF BRUN VNBURH (937), 24 ; Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle, 28. 



Battle of Crecy, the (1346), 93. 
Battle of Evesham (1265), 84. 
Ha 1 ilk of Quebec, the (1759), 345. 
Battle of Towton, the (1461), 121. 
Battle of Waterloo (1815), 375. 
Battles, other, Balaklava (1854J, 427 ; Naseby 

(1645), 245. 
Beauchamp, William de, 75. 
Becket, Thomas, and King Henry, 59; and 

the Primacy, 60. 
Beginning of strife (1454), 118. 

Bengal, Clive's Policy in, 342; criticism of, 

362. 
Bible in English, contradictory orders as to, 

144, 145. 
Bibliographies of Sources, xx. 
Birmingham Riots, the (1791), 365. 
Bishop of Ely, the, rejected by Henry III, 

79- 

Bishops and prelates, witnesses to the Charter 
oi llenry 1,51; imprisoned and robbed by 
Stephen, 52; in the Barons' War, 72-78; 
make a large grant to Henry III, 82; in 
Parliament, 90; the Cardinal of York, 130; 
preach against images, 146; at the Hamp- 
ton Court Conference, 209; attempt to 
force tin- English Service Book on Scot- 
land, 228, 230; Petition of the Seven 
Bishops, 284; Trial of the Seven Bishops, 
285. 

Black Prince, the, 93. 

Blakman, John, King Henry VI, 114; 
De Virtutibus et Miraculis Henrici 17, 
116. 

Bohn Library, The, xxii. 

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 372; at Waterloo, 

375- 

Border robbers, Queen Margaret's adven- 
tures among, 124. 

Bosham, Herbert, Thomas and the Pri- 
macy, 60; among Materials for the 
History of Thomas Becket, 61. 

Bowles, Sir George, The Battle of 
Waterloo (1815), 375; Letters of the 
Tint Earl of Malmesbury, 379. 

Bright, John, The "Trent" Affair (1861), 
444 ; Speeches on Questions of Public Policy, 
449. 



Asser — Cl 



ans 



469 



Britain, its boundaries, etc., 1; origin of its 
inhabitants, 2; military customs, 3 ; climate 
and products, 3 ; Roman governors of, 4; 
neglect of, by Rome, 4. 

British Isles in the First Century, i. 

burghley to elizabeth on matters 
of State (circ. 1583), 169. 

Burke, Edmund, The Position of a Rep- 
resentative (1774), 305; Speech to 
the Electors of Bristol, 308 ; his " Remon- 
strance," 355 ; Bukkea.ni> the French 
Revolution (1791), 363; breaks with 
Fox, 364 ; quoted by Gladstone, 392. 

Burlesque Bill of Costs for a Tory 
Election (1715), 298. 

Burnet, Gilbert, The Five Mile Act 
(1665), 268; History of his Own 'limes, 
270. 

Burt, Capt. Edmund. The HIGHLANDERS 
(circ. 1730), 329; Letters from the North 
of Scotland, 333. 

pAMBRENSIS, GIRALDUS, The Con- 
^ quest of Ireland in the Reign of 

Henry the Second, 62; Expugnatio 

HibernitB, 65. See Barnard. 
Cambridge and Eton, endowment of colleges 

at, 114. 
Canada during the American Revolution, 

358. 
Canute, a letter from, to the English church 

and people, 35 ; his visit to Rome, 35. 
Cardinal \\ 'olsey, xxii. 
( larevt , Sir Edmond, 193 ; Sir Peter, 193 ; Sir 

William, 193. 
Cassell's National Library, xxii. 
Catherine, Empress of Russia, refuses to aid 

George III during the American Revolu- 
tion, 358. 
Catholic Emancipation (1808), 314. 
Catholics, and the Cavalier Parliament, 276 ; 

satirized by Dryden, 279; Emancipation 

of, 314. 393- 

Cavalier Parliament, the, 276. 

Cecil, Lord Burghley, Burghley to 
Elizabeth on Matters of State, 
169 ; Advice to Queen Elizabeth in Mat- 
ters of Religion and State, 172. 



Charles of Bohemia, 95. 

Charles I, The Earl of Strafford, 235 ; 
The Earl of Strafford's Letters and De~ 
spatches, 236; letter to the House of Lords, 
236; Attempt to arrest the Five Members, 
238 ; at the battle of Naseby, 245 ; his 
death-warrant, 249. 

Charles II, the Restoration of, 265 ; his dogs, 
268; during the Great Fire in London, 
272 ; alluded to, 275 ; address of the Cava- 
lier Parliament to, 276; satirized by Dry- 
den, 278. 

Charles IV, Emperor, 95. 

Charles V, Emperor, alluded to, 136, 139, 
144. 

Charter of Henry I (1100), known as 
the Charter of Liberties, 49, 72-74. 

Chartist Petition, a (1838), 387. 

Chastellain, George, Queen Margaret's 
Story of Her Adventures (1463), 
123 ; / 'hronicle, 125. 

Chatham, defences of, against the Dutch, 274. 

Children in the Coal Mines (1842), 
401. 

Chronicles as valuable sources, xxii. 

Church, the English, established by Paulinus, 
14; spread by Alfred, 24; named in 
Ethelred's Coronation Oath, 30; its in- 
fluence in 1027, 35, 36; its property in the 
Great Survey, 44; respected by William, 
47 ; its rights under the charter of Henry I, 
49 ; importance of the See of St. Paul, 
London, 65; levies on by Pope and king 
in 1257, 78-8r; Wycliffe's answer to the 
Pope's summons, no; contradictory 
legislation as to the use of the Bible by, 
145; Protestant Revolution under Edward 
VI in, 146 ; opposing the growth of Popery, 
276; Catholic Emancipation, 314; John 
Wesley, 333. 

Churchill, John, A Farewell Letter to 
THE KING (1688), 288; A Collection of 
Papers Relating to the Present Juncture 
of Affairs in London, 289; The Battle 
oe Blenheim (1704), 339; Memoirs of 
the Duke of Marlborough, 341. 

Churchill, Lord Randolph, alluded to, 399. 

Clans of Scotland, the, 329. 



47o 



Ind 



ex 



Clare Election, the (1828), 381. 

Clergy, the English, letter of Canute to, 35 ; 
state of, at the Norman Conquest, 42 ; their 
part in the winning of the Magna Carta, 
72-78; the Cistercian Abbats and Henry 
III, 78; the monks of Ely, 79; of St. 
Albans, 79; granted lull Episcopal powers 
during the Plague, 103 ; at the Hampton 
Court Conference, 209; the Five Mile Act, 
269; cooperation during the Famine in 
Ireland, 416. 

Clive, Robert, later Lord Clive, Plassey 
(1757), 342; Memoirs of Lord Clive, 345. 

Cloth Market at Leeds, the (1725), 
321. 

Cobden, Richard, and the Anti-Corn Law- 
League, 407. 

Coin, conversion of, 15. 

College Endowments by Henry VI, 114. 

Collieries and Mines, labourers in (1842), 
401-403 ; condition of these labourers, 
403-406. 

Colonial Constitutions, by Arthur Mills, 453. 

Colonial Policy, England's true, 454. 

Colonial Scheme of Oliver Crom- 
well, a (1656), 260. 

Colonies, the value of, 423 ; no advantage 
to the parent country, 424 ; sources of loss 
rather than gain, 426; another view, 452; 
constitutions of, 453; duties of England 
to, 454 ; dangers of expansion in, 461. 

Coming of the Angles and Saxons 
(circ. 450), 12. 

Commonwealth and Europe, the 
(1654), 257. 

Comparison of English and Normans at the 
Conquest, 43. 

Concerning the Keeping of the 
Queen of Scots (1569), 164. 

Conciliation of American Colonies sup- 
ported by William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, 
35o. 

Concord, attack on British troops at, 356. 

Confession of Defeat, a (1782), 359. 

Conquered and Conquerors (1066), 41. 

Conquest of Ireland in the Reign of 
Henry II, 62. 

Conrad the Emperor, 35. 



Consecration of William the Norman, 41. 

Conversion of Edwin, King of the 
Northumbrians, 14. 

Cooper, Anthony Ashley. See Shaftesbury. 

Corboil, William, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 52. 

Correr, Giovanni, Mary Stuart's Escape 

FROM LOCHLEVEN (1568), 161; Giovanni 
1 'orrer, I 'enetian Ambassador in France to 
the Signory {Calendar of State Papers, 
I enetian), 164. 

Corn Laws, the, 406. 

Costume and occupations of Henry VI, 

«S- 

Cottier's Services in the tenth century, 29. 

Council of the Birmingham Union, A 
Chartist Petition (1838), 387; History 
of the Chartist Movement, 391. 

Crecy, the battle of, 93. 

Criticism of English Policy in India 
(1783), 360. 

Cromwell and the Long Parliament 
(1653), 251; Cromwell (1658), 263. 

Cromwell, Gregory, 195. 

Cromwell, Oliver, Toleration in the 
Army (1643), 240; The Common- 
wealth and Europe (1654), 257; 
Letters and Speeches, 241, 260; his Self- 
denying Ordinance, 243; at Naseby, 246; 
in the Long Parliament, 251 ; Marvel's 
Ode to, 263; satirized by Dryden, 278. 

Cromwell, Thomas, A Discussion of 
England's Foreign Policy (1523), 
136; A Speech Delivered in Parliament, 
140; father of Gregory, 196. 

Customary Tenant in the Reign of 
Edward II, a, 100. 

DANES in conflict with Alfred, 21; with 
Ethelred, 31. 
David the Bruce, at Neville's Cross, 97. 
Death of Charles I (1649), 250. 
Death-warrant of Charles I, the 

(1649), 249. 
Debate on the "Wilkes" Case (1764), 

299. 
Debenham, Tymperley, White, Jenney, 

Tampering with Juries and Elec- 



CI 



are 



Ed 



win 



471 



TIONS UNDER HENRY VI, 117; Paston 
Letters, 118. 

Decay of the English before the Conquest, 42. 

Declaration of Rebellion, a (1688), 
289. 

Defences of England (1554), 151; in 
1603, 208. 

Defoe, Daniel, The Cloth Market at 
Leeds (1725), 321; Tour through Great 
Britain, 324. 

Diaries and Personal Records as valuable 
sources, xxii. 

Diary of Samuel Pepys, xxii. 

Discussion of England's Foreign Pol- 
icy (1523), 136. 

Discussions of Source Study, xviii. 

Dissolution of Parliament (i83i),384; 
in 1629, 222. 

Documents Contemporary, Treaty be- 
tween Charles the Great and Offa 
(circ. 795), 16; Alfred's Dooms, 17; 
Coronation Oath of Ethelred II 
(979). 3°; T HE Charter of Henry I 
(1100), 49; Summons to the Parlia- 
ment of 1295, 89; A Customary Ten- 
ant in the Reign of Edward II, 100; 
A Political Fast (1562), 153; Execu- 
tion of the Queen of Scots, 173; A 
Law againstthe Keeping of Sheep 
(1534), 190; A Prayer for Landlords, 
193 ; Apology of the House of Com- 
mons (1604), 212; The Death-war- 
rantofCharlesI (1649), 249; Charles 
II and his Dogs (1660), 268; Parlia- 
ment and the Catholics (1673), 276; 
Record of the Popish Panic (1679), 
283; Petition of the Seven Bishops 
(1688) , 284 ; A Declaration of Rebel- 
lion (1688), 289; A Confession of 
Defeat (1782) ; Parliamentary History, 
360. 

Documents of the Puritan Rebellion, xxi. 

Dowes, Henry, to Cromwell, 195. 

D'Oyley, Col. Charles, at Naseby, 248. 

Drake, Hawkins, and Howard, The Fight 
with the Armada (1588), 178; Stale 
Papers relating to the Defeat of the Spanish 
Armada, 184. 



Drake, Sir Francis, to Secretary Walsyng- 
ham about the Armada, 179; alluded to, 
180. 

Dryden, John, The Whigs and the Ex- 
clusion BILL (1680), 277; Absalom and 
Achitophel, Poetical Works, 282. 

Dudley, Lord Robert, Earl of Leicester, 155. 

Dues and Services from the Land in 
the Tenth Century, 28. 

Dunkirk, naval battle off of, 254. 

Dunning, John, later Lord Ashburton, 309. 

Dunning's Motion on the Power of 
the Crown (1780), 308. 

Dutch in the Thames, the (1667), 274. 

UARLY GERMANS, the, 4. 

*-* East India Company, alluded to, 230, 
426; its farewell to John Bull, 437-444. 

Eclipse of the sun, 51. 

Edmund, in the battle of Brunanburh, 24. 

Edmund, Earl of Cornwall, 90. 

Edmund, son of Henry III, 80. 

Edric, of Mercia, 32. 

Education, of the early German youth, 12; 
schools in London (1173), 67; endow- 
ment of colleges by Henry VI, 114; of 
schoolboys in Tudor times, 193, 195; in 
1629, 224 ; winning the Degree of Bachelor 
of Arts, 335. 

Edward, Prince of Wales, son of Henry VI, 
118; alluded to in Queen Margaret's 
story, 123. 

Edward, the laws and liberties of, 73. 

Edward I, son of Henry III, 84; supports 
his father in the Barons' War, 85; SUM- 
MONING of Parliament of 1295, 89; 
Select Charters (Stubbs) , 91. 

Edward II, A Tenant in the Reign of, 100. 

Edward III, in the battle of Crecy, 95; 
alluded to, 97, 100, 108 ; his proclamations 
to labourers, 104. 

Edward IV, son of Richard, Duke of York, 
alluded to as Earl of March, 119; as Rose 
of Rone, 121 ; in the battle of Barnet, 126. 

Edward VI, the Protestant Revolution under, 
146; his queen, 148 ; alluded to, 210. 

Edwin, King of the Northumbrians, his con- 
version, 14. 



472 



Ind 



ex 



Egbert, the stone of, 23. 

Elections, tampering with, under Henry VI, 
117. 

Eliot, Sir John, leader in the Second Parlia- 
ment of Charles I, 220. 

Eliott, Sir Thomas, ambassador to the 
Emperor Charles V, 144. 

Elizabeth and Mary Stuart (1564), 155; 
compared by Sir James Melville, 158 ; the 
arguments for and against keeping Mary 
Stuart prisoner, 164-168. 

Elizabeth, Queen of England, A Speech 
of Queen Elizabeth (1566), 160; Speech 
of Queen Elizabeth to Parliament (1566), 
161 ; alluded to, 164, 229 ; a letter to, 
from Lord Burghley, 169. 

Elizabethan and "Jacobean Pamphlets, xxi. 

Elizabethan Homes, 201. 

Empire, responsibilities of the extension of, 
462. 

England and the Danes, 21 ; under Angevin 
rule, 56, 66 ; under the Conqueror, 44 ; in 
1257, 78; in the reign of Queen Mary, 
197. 

English History by Contemporary Writers, 
xxi, xxii. 

Epistoke of Peter of Blois, 58. 

Equality, the doctrine of, preached by John 
Ball, 107. 

Erasmus, Desiderius, Sir Thomas More, 
132; Letter from Erasmus to Ulrich von 
Hutten, 136. 

Estrangement of the King and the 
Nation, 209. 

Ethelred, his Coronation Oath, 30; and the 
Danes, 31. 

Evelyn, John, The Dutch in the Thames 
(1667), 274; The Trial of the Seven 
BISHOPS (1668), 285; Diary and Corre- 
spondence, 275, 288. 

Execution of Sir Thomas More, the 
(1535), 140. 

Execution of the Queen of Scots, the 
(1586) 173. 

Expugnatio Hiberniee, 62, 65. 

Extortion, of money from the English 
church by the Pope, 36, 79 ; of taxes 
under William I, 46. 



FAIRFAX, SIR THOMAS, Commander- 

■*■ in-chief of the New Model Army, 245. 

Fairness, judicial, fostered by source study, 
xviii. 

Famine, the, of 1087, 45; in Ireland (1846 
and 1847), 414. 

Famous Scene, A, in the House of Com- 
mons (1629), 219. 

Farewell Letter to the King, a 
(1688), 288. 

Federation, Colonial, 454. 

Fight with the Armada (1588), 178. 

Fire in London, the Great, 270; the monu- 
ment to, ascribing it to a Popish Plot, 283. 

Fitz-Stephen, William, The Friendship 
of King Henry and his Chancellor, 

59; among Materials for the History of 
Thomas Becket, 60; A PICTURE OF LON- 
DON (circ. 1 173), 65; Descriptio Nobilis- 
sim<e Civitatis Londona?, 71. 

Fitz-Walter, Robert, Commander of the 
forces of the Barons, 75. 

Five Mile Act, the (1665), 268. 

Florence of Worcester, A Letter from 
Canute to the English People, 

Chromele, 38. 

Fletcher, Dr., Dean of Peterborough, at the 
execution of the Queen of Scots, 175. 

Foreign Foes, 151. 

Foreign Policy, of England, 16; the Con- 
quest of Ireland under Henry II, 62; the 
Libel of English Policy, 112; Criticism of 
Foreign Policy (1523), 136; the Defences 
of England (1554), 151 ; Lord Burghley to 
Elizabeth on Matters of State, 169. 

Forster, Wm. Edward, The Irish Famine 
(1847), 414; Transactions of the Central 
Relief Committee of the Society of Friends, 
during the Famine in Ireland in 184b and 

1847,418 ; Impkrial Federation (1875), 

452 ; Address to the Edinburgh Philosophi- 
cal Institution , London Times, Nov. 6, 
1875, 456. 

Foul Death, the (1349), 102. 

Fox, Charles James, alluded to, 355 ; the 
break of his friendship for Burke, 364; 
Opposition to the French War 
(1800), 370; Speeches, 375; The CORN 



Elections — H 



enry 



47 3 



LAWS (1843), 406; The Tunes, March 30, 

1843, 410. 
Francis I, alluded to, 129, 136, 139. 
Freeholders in Scotland, in 1831, 319. 
Free Trade, advocated by Sir Robert Peel, 

411. 
French Revolution, Burke and the (1791), 

3°3- 

Friendship of King Henry and his 
Chancellor, the, 59. 

Froissart, Jehan, The Scots in War, 92; 
The Battle of Crecy (1346), 93; The 
Peasants' Rising of 1381, 106; Chroni- 
cles, 93, 97, 109. 

Funeral of Gordon, the (1898), 459. 

GAGE, GEN., alluded to, 357. 
Gambling, passion of early Germans for, 
11. 
Garrard, G., A Newsletter to Went- 
WORTH (1637), 228; The Earle of Straf- 
forde's Letters and Despatches, 231. 
Gebur's Services in the Tenth Century, 29. 
Geneat's Services in the Tenth Century, 28. 
George I, Walpole and the Colonies 

(1721) , 341 ; The King's Speech on Opening 
the Session of Parliament, Cobbett's Par- 
liamentary History, 342. 

George II, alluded to, 311. 

George III, to Lord North, 313; alluded to, 
318, 350, 354, 358; his Royal Speech in 
1782, 359. 

Ger mania, 11. 

Germans, the early, 4; physical characteris- 
tics, 4; arms, etc., 5; government, 6; 
councils, 5; training of the youth, 12; in 
war, 8 ; in peace, 9 ; arrangement of their 
towns, 9; food, 10; sports, n; occupa- 
tion of land by, n. 

Gesta Regum Anglorum , 44. 

Gibbon, Edward, A Great Historian 
and the Outbreak of the American 
Revolution (1775), 354 ; Private Letters 
of Edivard Gibbon, 359. 

Giustinian, Sebastian, Henry VIII and 
WOLSEY (1519), 129; Report of England 
made to the Senate, Sept. 10, 1519 (Calen- 
dar of State Papers, Venetian). 



Gladstone, Wm. Ewart, Home Rule for 
Ireland (1886), 391; Parliamentary De- 
bates, 395. 

Glencoe, 292. 

Gookin, Daniel, A Colonial Scheme of 
Oliver Cromwell (1656), 260; in 
Thurloe's Collection of State Papers, 262. 

Gordon, George Hamilton, Earl of Aberdeen, 
Wellington and Parliamentary 
Reform (1830), 384; Lord Aberdeen 
and the Crimean War (1855), 431; 
The Earl of Aberdeen, 384, 433. 

Government, of early Britain, 4; of the early 
Germans, 6; under Alfred, 17; in the 
Tenth Century, 28; under Canute, 36; 
under William the Great, 44 ; under Henry 
I, 49; under Stephen, 53; of London in 
the Twelfth Century, 68. 

Graham, Sir James, alluded to by John 
Bright, 448. 

Great Fire, the (1666), 270. 

Great Historian, a, and the Out- 
break of the American Revolution 

(i775). 354- 

Great Indian Mutiny, its outbreak in Luck- 
now, 435. 

Great War, the, 363. 

Great Year in England's History, a 
(1066), 39. 

Grey, Earl, alluded to in the debate on Par- 
liamentary reform, 382, 384. 

HAROLD, KING, in the battle of Hast- 
ings. 39; his death, 40. 

Hainault, Sir John of, at Crecy, 96. 

Hampton Court Conference, the, 209. 

Harris, Mrs. G., The Outbreak at Luck- 
now (1857), 435; A Lady's Diary of the 
Siege ofLncknow, 437. 

Harrison, Maj. Gen., in the Long Parlia- 
ment, 252. 

Harrison, William, Elizabethan Homes, 
201 ; The Description of England, 206. 

Havkyns, Sir John to Secretary Walsyng- 
ham about the Armada, 180. 

Henry, Baron Brougham, Dissolution of 
Parliament (1831), 384; The Life and 
Times of Lord Brougham, 387. 



474 



Ind 



ex 



Henry I, son of William the Great, 46; his 
Charter of Liberties, 49, 72 ; his death, 51. 

Henry II., Green, 56. 

Henry II, 56; his treaty with Stephen, 55; 
appearance and unstable character, 57; 
his friendship for his Chancellor, 59 ; the 
Conquest of Ireland during his reign, 62. 

Henry III, and the Cistercian abbats, 78; 
and the monks of Ely, 79; and the Great 
Parliament, 80; money grants to, 81; his 
expedition to Wales, 82. 

Henry V and English Policy, 112. 

Henry VI, and the endowment of Cam- 
bridge and Eton, 114; his character, 115; 
tampering with juries and elections under, 
117; his insanity, 118 ; alluded to in Queen 
Margaret's Story, 123; taken prisoner by 
Edward IV, 126. 

Henry VII and the Earl of Kildare, 
186; alluded to, 138. 

Henry VIII and Wolsey (1519), 129; 
and the English Bible, 144. 

Henry, King of Navarre, and later of France, 
alluded to, 170. 

Herschell, Lord Chancellor, 395-400. 

Highlanders, the (circ. 1730), 329. 

Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum, 13, 
16. 

History of England, Roger of Wendover, 51. 

Holland, at war with England (1653), 254, 

257- 

Holiday sports in London (circ. 1173), 69. 

Home Rule for Ireland (1886), 391. 

Hooker. See Vowell, Sir John. 

House of Commons, speech in (1523), 136; 
Queen's speech in (1556), 160; apology 
of, to James I, 212; a famous scene in 
(1629), 219; attempted arrest of five mem- 
bers (1642), 237; the Self-denying Ordi- 
nance, 242-245 ; of the Long Parliament, 
251 ; address against the growth of Popery 
(1673), 276; the Exclusion Bill, 277; bur- 
lesque bill of costs of an election, 298 ; 
debate on the " Wilkes" case, 299; pur- 
chase of seats in, 302-304; position of a 
representative, 305 ; debate on the power 
of the Crown in, 308; Sydney Smith on 
the exclusion of Catholics from, 315 ; 



Scotland and the Reform Bill, 318; Royal 
Speech in 1721, 341; American debate, 
355. 359; Royal Speech of 1782, 359; 
Burke and the French Revolution, 363; 
Fox on the French War, 370 ; the Clare 
Election, 381; Wellington and Reform, 
382; Dissolution of in 1629, 222; in 1831, 
384; a Chartist petition to, 387; Home 
Rule, 391 ; speech on Child Labour 
(1842), 401; debate on Corn Laws, 406; 
Repeal of Corn Laws, 411 ; debate on the 
" Trent " Affair, 445, 448. 

House of Lords, Pitt's Warning to, 350; 
and Home Rule, 395 ; a possible election 
issue, 465. 

Houses and furnishings in Elizabethan 
times, 201-206. 

Howard, Lord Charles, to Walsyngham 
about the Armada, 178, 182. 

Hundred Years' War, the, 92. 

Hutchinson, Col. John, his portrait as a 
typical Puritan, 225. 

Hutchinson, Lucy, A Puritan Gentle- 
man, 225; Memoirs of Colonel Hutchin- 
son, 227. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, Colonial Governor of 
Massachusetts, alluded to, 354, 356, 357. 

Hutton, William, The Birmingham Riots 
( I 79 I ).3^5; A Narrative of the Riots in 
Birmingham; The Life of William Hutton, 
37°- 

IMPEACHMENT OF STRAFFORD, THE 

A (1640-1641), 232. 

Imperial Federation (1875), 452. 

Imperialism, the cost of, 465. 

Impressions, increased depth of, in the study 
of sources, xvii. 

India, Clive in, 343, 360; the mutiny in, 435; 
English treatment of natives of, 438; 
the proper policy for, '441 ; the Empire of 
the East India Company in, 343, 360, 
426, 443 ; as a precedent, 461, 464. 

Interest aroused by the study of sources, 
xviii. 

International law, 444. 

Introduction to the study of English History, 



Henry — Libel 



475 



Ireland, the appointment of a Lord Deputy 
over, 187. 

Ireland, its Conquest in the Reign of Henry 
Second, 62 ; resistance of the natives, at first 
thrown into confusion, 62; weaknesses in I 
following up the invasion, 63; inability of 
John to cope with either the enemy or his 
own unruly army in, 64; in the Eighteenth 
Century as seen by Dean Swift, 324. 

Ireton at Naseby, 246. 

Irish Famine, the, 414. 

TAMES I at the Hampton Court 

J Conference (1604), 209. 

James VI of Scotland, later I of England, 
alluded to, 170, 209, 217, 229; at the 
Hampton Court Conference, 209; Apol- 
ogy of the House of Commons to, 212. 

James, Duke of York, brother of Charles II, 
265, 272, 274; later king as James II, 
addressed, 284; alluded to, 285, 290. 

Jeffrey, Francis, SCOTLAND in the Unre- 
formed Parliament (1831), 318; Par- 
liamentary Debates, 320. 

Jenney, John, 118. 

Johan, Walter, a tenant, under Edward II, 
100. 

John, King of Bohemia, 95. 

John Company's Farewell to John 
Bull (1858), 437. 

John, son of Henry the Second, in Ireland, 
63 ; his later struggle as king with the 
Barons, 73-77; grants the Magna Carta, 

77- 
John Wesley in Cornwall (1743), 333. 
Jonson, Ben, alluded to, 228. 
Juries, tampering with, under Henry VI, 117. 

KEMBLE, Coronation Oath of Ethelred 
II, 30; Saxons in England, 30. 
Khartum, Gordon's funeral at, 459. 
Kildare, the Earl of, and Henry VII, 186; 

made Lord Deputy of Ireland, 188. 
Kimberley, Lord, alluded to, 397. 
King Alfred, xxii. 
King Ethelred and the Danes (1006- 

1010), 31. 
King Henry VI, 114. 



Kingston, Sir William, Constable of the 

Tower, 140. 
Kitchener, Sir Horatio Herbert, described 

by G. W. Steevens, 456; in the Sudan, 

457- 

Knights slain at Evesham, 85. 

Knight, Francis W., Governor of the Vir- 
ginia Colony, 216. 

Knighton, Henry, The Foul Death 
(1349), 102; History of England, 106. 

Knox, Capt. John, The Battle of Que- 
bec, 346; Historical Journal, 349. 

Knox, Vicesimus, Winning the Degree 
of a Bachelor of Arts (1780), 335; 
Essays, Moral and Literary, 338. 

T ABOURERS' UNION, the, of 1834, 420; 

■1 > of 1872, organized by Joseph Arch, 419- 
422. 

Labouring classes, wages of, raised during 
plague, 104; attempt to fix wages by a 
royal ordinance, 105 ; disregard of ordi- 
nance, 105; rising of peasants in Kent, 
Essex, Sussex, etc., 109 ; husbandmen in- 
jured by the increase of wool-growing in 
the reign of Henry VIII, 189, 191; their 
condition in the reign of Queen Mary, 
197, 198; in 1629,223; in Ireland in the 
eighteenth century, 328; in England in 
1838, 387 ; children in the coal mines 
(1842), 401 ; in Ireland during the famine 
of 1846-1847, 414-417. 

Lancastrian defeat at Towton, 121 ; at Bar- 
net, 126. 

Land Services in the Tenth Century, 28-30. 

Lament of Earl Simon (1265), 86. 

Laud, William, archbishop of Canterbury, 
with others, petitioning James II, 284; on 
trial, 285 ; sent to the Tower, 287. 

Law against the Keeping of Sheep, a 
(1534), 190. 

Lawrence, Sir Henry, alluded to, 435. 

League, the Anti-Corn Law, 407. 

Letter from Canute to the English 
People, a (1027), 35. 

Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, 
xxii. 

Libel of English Policy, the, 112. 



476 



Index 



Life of Agricola, 4. 

Life of Alfred, xxii. 

Life of Sir Thomas More, xxii. 

Light Brigade at Balaklava, the 
(1854), 427. 

Lincoln, Abraham, alluded to by John 
Bright, 446 ; Punch's tribute to, 449. 

Lochleven Castle, Mary Stuart's escape 
from, 161. 

London, a Picture of (circ. 1 173), 65 ; its 
site, 65 ; religious life, 65 ; its strength, 66 ; 
its gardens, pasture and tilth, 66; its 
springs, 67 ; the ordering of the city, 68 ; 
its sports, 69-71 ; sides with the Barons, 
75; the Plague in, 102; Peasants' Rising 
fomented in, 108 ; in the reign of Queen 
Mary, 199; the great Fire in, 270. 

London Bridge, 199, 271. 

London Company to the Virginia 
Colony (1622), 216. 

Long Parliament, the (1633), 251. 

Lord Aberdeen and the Crimean War 
(1855), 431. 

Lords, the, and the Home Rule Bill, 395. 

Low Countries, the, importance to England 
of, 172. 

Lucknow, outbreak of the mutiny at, 435. 

Lucy, Henry W., The Lords and the 
Home Rule Bill (1893), 395: A Diary 
of the Home Rule Parliament, 400. 

Lucy, Richard de, 61. 

Ludlow, Edmund, Cromwell and the 
Long Parliament (1653), 251; Me- 
moirs, 253. 

Ludlow Memoirs, xxii. 

MAGNA CARTA, the, 72. 
Manchester School, the, and the 
Empire (1830), 423. 
Margaret, Queen of Henry VI, 123. 
Marshal, William, Earl of Pembroke, 73; 
messenger between King John and the 
Barons, 74-76. 
Marvell, Andrew, The Death of Charles 
I (1649), 250; Cromwell (1658), 263; 

Poetical Works, 250, 264. 
Mary, Queen of England, personal appear- 
ance, 148 ; character, 149; religion, 149 ; 



love of display, 149; the native army at 
her service, 152; mercenaries, 152; her 
naval forces, 152; lack of a leader, 153. 
Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, 155; her 
escape from Lochleven, 161 ; Sir Walter 
Mildmay's opinion on her keeping, 168; 
report of the manner of her execution, 

173- 
Massachusetts Bay Colony, voted in a state 

of rebellion, 355. 
Massacre of Glencoe, the (1692), 292. 

Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, 

60, 61. 
Matilda, Countess of Anjou, claimed the 

English throne, 54; at war with Stephen, 

54 ; escapes to France, 54 ; her son Henry 

recognized as the heir of Stephen, 55. 
Maxwell, James, keeper of the Black Rod, 

222; at the impeachment of Strafford, 232. 
Meath, the Bishop of, and the Earl of Kil- 

dare, 186. 
Meer Jaffier, created Nabob by Clive, 342; 

alluded to, 362. 
Melville, Sir James, Elizabeth and 

Mary Stuart (1564), 155; Memoirs of 

his own Life, 159. 
Melvin, servant to the Queen of Scots, 173- 

177. 
Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson, xxii. 
Mercenaries in Ireland (11S3), 64. 
Messina, Archbishop of, 79. 
Mildmay, Sir Walter, Concerning the 

Keeping of the Queen of Scots 

(1569), 164; Sir W. M.'s Opinion Con- 

cerning the Keeping of the Queen of Scots, 

168. 
Mills, Arthur, on Colonial Constitutions, 

quoted by the Rt. Hon. William E. Fors- 

ter, 453, 455- 
Milton to Cromwell (1652), 251. 
Milton, John, Milton to Cromwell 

(1652), 251; Poetical Works, 251. 
Minot, Lawrence, Song of Neville's 

CROSS, 97; among Political Poems, 

100. 
Modern Political Orations, xxii. 
Monastery of Canterbury, 47. 
Monk, Gen., alluded to, 256; receives 



Life — Parliament 



477 



Charles II on his restoration, 267 ; defends 
Chatham, now Duke of Albemarle, 274. 

Monks and monasteries before the Norman 
conquest, 42 ; in 1807, 45 ; spread of the 
Benedictine order under William I, 47; 
the assessments of Henry III refused by 
the Cistercian order, 78 ; the election of a 
bishop by the monks of Ely, 79 ; the 
pope's levy on the house of St. Albans, 79. 

Monks of Ely, 79 ; of St. Albans, 79. 

Monmouth, Duke of, son of Charles II, 
satirized as Absalom by Dryden, 282. 

Montague, Lord, accused of treason, 127. 

Montague, Sir Edward, later Earl of Sand- 
wich, 265. 

Montford, Simon de, death of, 85 ; lament 
for, 86. 

More, Margaret, Mrs. Roper, her farewell to 
her father, 141. 

More, Sir Thomas (1579), his character, 
132; speech and manners, 133 ; a pattern 
of friendship, 133; his high spirits, 134; 
as a minister at court, 135 ; at court, 134 ; 
quoted, 137; taken to the Tower, 140; his 
farewell to William Kingston, 140; his 
farewell to his family, 141 ; to Sir Thomas 
Pope, 142; his message to the king, 142; 
his execution, 143 ; SHEEP WALKS IN THE 
Reign of Henry VIII, 188 ; Utopia, 190. 

Morley, Rt. Hon. John, A Warning 
(1899), 461; Parliamentary Debates, 465. 

Mortimer, Roger, 85. 

Mutiny, the Great Indian, its outbreak at 
Lucknow, 435; at Cawnpore, 436; at 
Meerut, 437. 

NAPIER, Sir Charles, alluded to, 448. 
Naseby (1645), 245. 

Navy, the first, 32, 37 ; of Harold, 39; in the 
Reign of Queen Mary, 152; in the Fight 
with the Armada, 178, 180, 183 ; in 1603, 
208; in 1637, 228; defeated by Holland, 
254; in 1654, 257; the Dutch in the 
Thames, 274. 

New England History Teachers' Association, 
xix, xx. 

Newsletter to Wentworth, a (1637), 
228. 



Norman England, 39. 

North, Lord, quoted, 312; addressed by 

George III, 313. 
Northampton, castle of, besieged by the 

Barons, 75. 

O'CONNELL and the Clare Election, 381. 
Odo, Bishop, brother of William 1,47. 
Old South Leaflets, xxii, 49. 
Old Swan, the, near the Tower, 140, 271. 
Opposition to the French War (1800), 370. 
OlfTBREAK AT LUCKNOW, THE (1757), 

435- 

PARIS, MATTHEW, England in 1257, 
78 ; Chronica htajora, 84. 
Parliament, of 1257, 80; of 1295, 89 ; a speech 
in the House of Commons (1523), 136; 
statute of, concerning the Bible, 144; 
Queen's speech to, 160; statute of, on the 
keeping of sheep, 190; Apology of the 
Commons to James I, 212; a famous 
scene in the House of Commons, 219; 
impeachment of Strafford, 232 ; Charles I 
to the House of Lords, 236; Attempted 
Arrest of Five Members (1642), 237; the 
Self-denying Ordinance, 242; Cromwell 
and the Long Parliament, 251 ; Cromwell's 
speech in the First Protectorate Parlia- 
ment, 257; Oxford sessions of 1665, 268; 
the Five Mile Act, 269 ; and the Catholics, 
276; the Exclusion Bill (1680), 277; Dry- 
den's satire on, 278-282; the Second 
Declaration of Indulgence, 284; burlesque 
Bill of Costs for election to, 298 ; debate on 
the " Wilkes " case, 299 ; purchase of a seat 
in 1767, 302; a representative's position, 
305 ; debate on the power of the Crown, 
308; Catholics in, 315; Scotland in the 
Unreformed, 318; Royal Speech in 1720, 
341; Pitt's Warning to the Lords (1775), 
350; American debate, 355, 359; Royal 
Speech of 1782,359; the French Revolu- 
tion, 363 ; Fox on the French War, 370 ; 
the Clare Election, 381; Wellington and 
Reform, 382; Dissolution of, 384; Chartist 
Petition for Annual Sessions, 387 ; debate 
on Home Rule, 391 ; The Lords and 



47 8 



Ind 



ex 



Home Rule, 395; speech on Child Labour 
(1842), 401; debate on Corn Laws, 406; 
Repeal of Corn Laws, 411 ; Apathy of, 
433 ; international law and the " Trent " 
affair, 445 ; Morley on Expansion, 461. 

Parliament and the Catholics (1673), 
276. 

Parliamentary Debates, xxi ; SCOTLAND IN 
the unreformed parliament, 318- 
320; Wellington and Parliament- 
ary Reform, 382, 383 ; Home Rule for 
Ireland, 391-395; On the Repeal*of 
the Corn Laws, 411-413; On Expan- 
sion, 461-465. 

Parliamentary History, xxi; APOLOGY OF 
the House of Commons, 212-216; 
Against the Growth of Popery, 
276, 277; Walpole and the Colonies, 
341, 342; A Confession of Defeat, 
359, 360; Burke and the French 
Revolution, 363-365 ; The Lords and 
the Home Rule Bill, 395-400. 

Parnell, Sir Henry, The Manchester 
School and the Empire (1830), 423; 
On Financial Reform, 427. 

Pamphlets, use of, as sources, xxi. 

Paston Letters, xxii, 117, 118. 

Paulett, Sir Amias, 173. 

Paulinus, Bishop of York, 14. 

Peasants, Rising of (1381), 106. 

Peel, Sir Robert, and his Corn Law measure, 
409; The Repeal of the Corn Laws, 
411; Parliamentary Debates, 413. 

Pepys, Samuel, The Return of Charles 
II (i66o),265; The Great Fire (1666) , 
270; Diary, xxii, 267, 274. 

Peter of Blois, Henry the Second, 56 ; Epis- 
tolce, 58. 

Petition of the Seven Bishops, the 
(1688), 284. 

Philip II of Spain (1598), 184; alluded to, 
166, 170; discussed by Lord Burghley, 171 ; 
his character, 184. 

Philip of Valois, 97. 

Philip VI, king of France, 93. 

Picture of London, a (circ. ii73),65. 

Pitt, William, alluded to, 311; A WORD 
OF Warning, 350; Correspondence of 



William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, 354; " The 
Pilot that weathered the storm," 379. 

Plague, the, of 1349, 102 ; its effect on current 
prices and wages, 103 ; and on rents, 105 ; 
a Scotch invasion encouraged by, yet 
stopped by it, 104 ; recurrence of, 197. 

Plassey (1757), 342. 

Plot, the Popish, 279. 

Poet's View of the Crimean War, a 

(1855), 433- 

Political Fast, a (1562), 153; Statutes at 
Large, 154. 

Political Orations, xxii. 

Political Pamphlets, xxi. 

Pope Gregory XIII, 171. 

Pope John, 35. 

Pope, the, at Rome, Canute's visit to, 36 ; 
his levy on religious houses, 79; reply of 
Wycliffe to the summons of, no. 

Pope, Sir Thomas, 142. 

Position of a Representative, the 
(1774), 305. 

Power of the Crown, Dunning's Motion on 
the, 308. 

Practical Suggestions, xvii. 

Prayer for Landlords, a, 193. 

Preachers, order of, 79. 

Prelates of England, the, raise money for 
Henry III, 82. See Bishops and prelates. 

Price, Joseph, A Criticism of the Eng- 
lish Policy in India (1783), 360; The 
Saddle Put on the Right Horse, 362. 

Prices reduced by the prevalence of the 
plague, 103. 

Privateers, English (1603), 206. 

Privy Councillors in the House of Lords, 

395- 

Priestley, Dr., attacked, and his house, MSS., 
apparatus, etc., destroyed by a Birming- 
ham mob, 366. 

Protestant Revolution under Ed- 
ward VI (1547), 146. 

Prynne, John, 228. 

Purchasing a Seat in the -Unre- 
formed Parliament, 302. 

Puritan Gentleman, a, 225. 

Pym, John, accuses Strafford of treason, 
232. 



Parliament — Scots 



479 



QUEEN MARGARET'S Story of her 
Adventures (1463), 123. 
Queen Mary of England (1554), 148. 

RAGLAN, LORD, in the Crimea, 428. 
Rainsborough, Capt., 228, 246. 
Ravages of the Danes (ioio), 34. 
Reality, sense of, fostered by the study of 

sources, xvii. 
Reasons for going to New England 

(1629), 222. 
Recantation, a (1805), 449. 
Rectitudines Singularum Personarum, 30. 
Record of the Popish Panic, a (1679), 

283. 
Reform Act of 1832, 388. 
Reform, Parliamentary, 382, 393. 
Relief measures during the Irish famine 

(1847), 414; union of Catholics and 

Protestants in, 416; investigation of the 

Society of Friends, 414-418. 
Reliquim Antiques, 30. 
Rents and land dues in the 10th century, 

28-30 ; in the reign of Edward II, 100-102 ; 

reduction of, as a result of the plague 

(1348), 105. 
Repeal of the Corn Laws, the, 411. 
Reply of Wycliffe to the Pope's 

Summons (1384), no. 
Representation in Scotland before the Re- 
form Bills, 318. 
Representative British Orations, xxii. 
Reprints and illustrative material, xxi ; 

documents, xxi ; pamphlets, xxi ; personal 

records, xxii. 

Return of Charles II, the (1660), 265. 

Revolt of Hodge, the (1872), 419. 

Revolution, the, 284. 

Reynolds, Dr., at the Conference at Hamp- 
ton Court (1604), 209. 

Richard, brother of Henry III, bids farewell 
to Parliament, 80. 

Richard, Duke of York (1454), 119. 

Richard, Earl of Warwick, the king-maker, 
120; the Ragged Staff, 122; A SUMMONS 
to the Field (1471), 125; Hist. MSS. 
Commission, 12th. Report Appendix, 125; 
defeated at Barnet, 126. 



Richard II, son of the Black Prince, alluded 
to, 108. 

Riot in Birmingham, the (1791), 366. 

Rishanger, William, The Battle of Eve- 
SHAM (1265), 84; Chronica Major a, 86. 

Rivalry of England and Holland 
(1653), 254. 

Robert, Archbishop of Canterbury, 89. 

Rodolph, last king of Aries, 36. 

Roger of Wendover, The Charter of 
Henry I, 49; History of England, 51; 
The Winning of Magna Carta, 72; 
Chronica Majora, 78. 

Roper, William, The Execution of Sir 
Thomas More (1535), 140; Life of Sir 
Thomas More, 144. 

Rosebery, Lord, alluded to, 397. 

Rose of Rone, Edward IV, 121. 

Rupert, Prince, at Naseby, 246; at Wool- 
wich, 275. 

Rushworth, John, The Attempted Ar- 
rest of the Five Members (1642), 
237; The Self-denying Ordinance, 

242 ; Historical Collections, 240, 245. 
Russell, Sir Wm. Howard, The Light 
Brigade at Balaklava (1854), 427; 
Letters from the Crimea, 431. 

CALISBURY, LORD, alluded to, 397; 

^ Salisbury Meeting, the, 44. 

Saxon Chronicle, 28, 34, 41, 46, 48, 55. 

Saxons in England, 30. 

Scaramelli, Giovanni, An Unfriendly 
View of the English Privateers 
(1603), 206; Report of the Venetian Am- 
bassador in England to the Doge and Sen- 
ate, 208. 

Schoolboys in Tudor times, 193, 195. 

Scotland, importance of, in war between 
England and France, 139; system of rep- 
resentation of, in the unreformed Par- 
liament, 318 ; the clan system in the 
Highlands of, 329; Child Labour in, 402. 

Scotland in the Unreformed Parlia- 
ment (1831), 318. 

SCOTS in War, the, 92 ; their simple equip- 
ment, food, etc., 92 ; attempt to invade Eng- 
land in 1348 stopped by the plague, 104. 



480 



Ind 



ex 



Scott, Sir Walter, " The Pilot that 
Weathered the Storm" (1817), 379; 
Poetical Works, For the anniversary meet- 
ing of the Pitt Club of Scotland, 380. 

Seebohm, Dues ano Services from the 
Land in the Tenth Century, The 
English Village Community, 28. 

Select Charters, xxi. 

Selections from the Sources, xxi. 

Selections from the Sources of English His- 
tory, xix. 

Select Statutes and Constitutional Documents, 
xxi. 

Self-denying Ordinance, the (1644), 
242. 

Servants, scarcity of, as a result of the plague 
of 1348, 105. 

Seton, Lord, his attempt to rescue Mary 
Stuart, 161-164. 

Shaftesbury, Lord (Anthony Ashley 
Cooper), 401. 

Shaftesbury, Lord Chancellor, satirized by 
Dryden as Achitophel, 280. 

Sheep, a plague among, 103. 

Sheep Walks in the Reign of Henry 
VIII, 188. 

Sicily, the crown of, accepted for his son 
Edmund by Henry III, 80. 

Sidelights on English History, xxi. 

Simon of Montford, Earl of Leicester, 84-86 ; 
his son Henry, 85, 86; Lament of Earl 
Simon, the, 86. 

Sirdar, the (1898), 456. 

Sir Thomas More (1519), 132. 

Sixteenth Century School Boys, Two, 193. 

Smith, Prof. Goldwin, alluded to, 452. 

Smith, Sydney, Catholic Emancipation 
(1808), 314; Peter Ply m ley's Letters, II 
( Works of the Rev. Sydney Smith), 318. 

Song of Neville's Cross, the (1346), 97. 

Soranzo, Francesco, Philip II of Spain 
(1598), 184; Calendar of State Papers, 
Venetian, 185. 

Soranzo, Giacomo, Queen Mary of Eng- 
land (1554), 148; The Defences of 
England (1554), 151; England inthe 
Reign of Queen Mary, r97 ; Report of 
England made to the Senate by Giacomo 



Soranzo, late Ambassador to Edward VI 
and Oueeu Mary, (Calendar of State Papers, 
Venetian, 150, 153, 201. 

Source Book of American History, xviii. 

Source book, use of a, xix ; an aid in com- 
paring different periods, xx ; in grouping 
extracts for review or comparison, xx. 

Sources in the School Library, xx; bibli- 
ographies, xx ; collections of reprints, xxi; 
volumes of documents, xxi ; pamphlets, 
xxi ; chronicles, xxii ; personal records, 
xxii ; cost of, xxii. 

Source study, value of, xvii; use of a book 
in, xix; bibliographies of sources, xx; 
most accessible books for, xxi ; personal 
records for, xxii. 

Speech of Queen Elizabeth, a (1566), 
160. 

Spencer, Lord, alluded to, 397. 

Stanhope, Philip, Earl of Chesterfield, 
Purchasing a Seat in the Unre- 
formed Parliament, 302; Memoirs, 

3°5- 
Statutes and Laws, Alfred's Dooms, 17; land 

dues in the tenth century, 28 ; Charter of 

Henry 1,49; tenant dues under Edward 

II, 100; regarding the English Bible, 144; 

a political fast, 153 ; against the keeping 

of sheep, 190. 
St. Edmund's Church, conference of the 

Barons in, 72. 
Steevens, George Warrington, The Sirdar 

(1898), 456; The Funeral of Gordon 

(1898), 459; With Kitchener to Khartum, 

459. 461. 
Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury (1215), 

72, 74- 

Stephen de Blois, consecrated king, 52; the 
wretched state of things during his rule, 
53 ; at war with the Earl of Chester, 53 ; in 
prison, 54; opposed by the Church, 54; 
his treaty with Henry of Anjou, 55. 

Stodely, John, The Beginning of Strife 
(1454), 118; Paston Letters, 120. 

Stow, Survey of London, 71. 

St. Paul's Church, 67. 

St. Peter's Church, 67. 

Straw, Jack, and the Peasants' Rising, 109. 



Scott — Tymperley 



4 8 



Study of History in the Schools, Report of the 

Committee of Seven, xix. 
Study of sources, the, value of, xvii ; use of a 

book of extracts in, xix; bibliographies 

for, xx ; accessible works for, xxi ; records 

of greatest value in, xxii. 
Sudan, Kitchener in the, 457. 
Suggestions, xvii ; on the value of source 

study, xvii ; on the use of a source book, 

xix ; on sources in a school library, xx ; 

on the most accessible sources, xxi; 

diaries, etc., xxii. 
Summoning of the Parliament of 

1295, 89. 
Summons to the Field, a (1471), 125. 
Suraj-u-Dowlah, Nabob, the overthrow of, 

342; alluded to, 361. 
Survey, the Great, of William I., 44. 
Swan. See Old Swan. 
Swearing reproved by Henry VI, 116. 
Swift, Jonathan, A View of Ireland in 

the Eighteenth Century, 324, 326 ; A 

Short View of the State of Ireland, 326 ; The 

Present Miserable State of Ireland, 329. 

TACITUS, The British Isles in the 
First Century, i ; The Life of Agri- 
cola, 4; The Early Germans, 4; Ger- 
man ia, 11. 

Tampering with Juries and Elections 
under Henry VI, 117. 

Taxation and tribute among the early Ger- 
mans, 9; the Britons, 13 ; land dues in the 
tenth century, 28-30; for the support of 
the army, 32; of archbishops, 36; church 
dues, etc., in 1027, 38 ; exacted by William 
II, 45, 46, 48 ; by Stephen, 53 ; of the Cis- 
tercian abbats, 78 ; of the monks of Ely, 
79; of the monks of St. Albans, 80; of the 
clergy in general, 81 ; tenant dues under 
Edward II, 100-102 ; rents in Ireland in the 
eighteenth century, 325 ; resistance to, in 
America, 351; in 1838, 389; the Corn 
Laws, 408 ; speech on the repeal of the 
Corn Laws, by Sir Robert Peel, 411 ; 
colonial, 423. 

Temple, Henry John, Viscount Palmerston, 
The Clare Election (1828), Journal 
21 



from the Life of Viscount Palmerston, 
381. 

Temple, Sir William, on the trade of Hol- 
land, 328. 

Tennyson, Lord Alfred, A Poet's View of 
the Crimean War (1855), 433 ; Maud, 
Poetical H oris, 434. 

Thane's law in the tenth century, 28. 

" The Pilot that Weathered the 
Storm" (1817), 379. 

Thomas and the Primacy (1162), 60. 

Thomas of Bradwardine, consecrated arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, 104. 

Thorpe, Benjamin, Alfred's Dooms, 17; 
Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, 
20. 

Three Cranes, the, 274. 

Toleration in the Army (1643), 240. 

Tosty, the Earl, 39. 

Tower of London, the, described, 66; King 
Harry sent to, 128 ; Sir Thomas More in, 
140; artillery stored in, 153; Sir William 
Balfour, lieutenant of, 234 ; Pepys views the 
Great Fire from, 271 ; reported burned by 
the Dutch fleet, 275 ; the seven bishops 
sent to, 287 ; Wilkes in, 300. 

Towns of the Germans, 9. 

Towton, the battle of, 121. 

Trade in Holland (eighteenth century), 328 ; 
in Ireland (eighteenth century), 326. 

Translations and reprints, xxi. 

Treasurer and Council of the London Com- 
pany, The London Company to the 
Virginia. Colony (1622), 216; History 
of the Virginia Company of London, 219. 

Treaty between Charles the Great 
and Offa (circ. 795), 16. 

" Trent " Affair, the (1861) , 444. 

Trial of the Seven BisHors, the 
(1688), 285. 

Triple alliance, the, satirized by Dryden, 
281. 

Tunstall, Sir Richard, 116. 

Two Sixteenth Century School Boys, 
193- 

Tyler, Water, captain in the Peasants' Ris- 
ing, 109. 

Tymperley, 117. 



482 



Ind 



ex 



UGANDA, its value as a part of the 
British Empire, discussed by the Rt. 

Hon. John Morley, 461. 
Unfriendly View of the English 

Privateers, an (1603), 206. 
Universal suffrage, the demand for, in 1838, 

190. 
Use of a source book, xix; in grouping and 

deepening impressions of periods, etc., 

xix ; in review, xx. 
Use of Original Sources in the Teaching of 

History, xix. 

\f ALUE of source study, xvii ; gain in a 
sense of reality, xvii ; in depth of im- 
pressions, xvii; increase of interest, xvii; 
in fostering a judicial fairness, xviii; dis- 
cussions of, xix. 

Vane, Sir Henry, a governor of New Eng- 
land, returns to London, 229; seconding 
the motion of the passing of the Self- 
denying Ordinance, 245 ; protests against 
the dissolution of Parliament, 253. 

Venice, ambassadors from, reporting to the 
Doge and Senate, 129, 148, 151, 161, 184, 
197, 206. See Correr, Giustinian, Scara- 
melli, Soranzo. 

Vernon, Henry, summoned to the field by 
the Earl of Warwick, 125. 

View of Ireland in the Eighteenth 
Century, 324. 

Vowell, Sir John, Two Sixteenth Cen- 
tury School Boys, 193; Life of Sir 
Peter Carew, 195. 

WAGES, raised during the plague of 1348, 
103; royal ordinance fixing labourers', 
104. 

Walerann, John, 79. 

Wallingford, the treaty of, 55, 

Walpole and the Colonies (1721), 341. 

Walpole, Horace, Earl of Orfnrd, A Debate 
on the Wilkes Case (1764), 299; Let- 
ters, 302. 

Walpole, Sir Robert, alluded to, 432. 

Walsyngham, Sir Francis, letters to, describ- 
ing the defeat of the Armada, 178. 

Warkworth, John, The Battle of Bar- 



net (1471), 126; A Chronicle of the First 
Thirteen Years of the Reign of King Ed- 
ward IV, 128. 

Warning, a (1899), 461. 

War, in the early times, 5, 8, 13; between 
Alfred and the Danes, 22, 24; between 
Ethelred and the Danes, 31-34 ; between 
Harold and William, 39 ; internal feuds 
during Stephen's reign, 53; Welsh hostil- 
ities, 60; the expedition of Henry III to 
Wales, 82; conquest of the Irish, 62-65; 
the Barons' War, 74-77, 84 ; with France, 
89; the Scots in war, 92; the battle of 
Crecy (1346), 93 ; Wars of the Roses, 114 ; 
factional claims under Henry VI, 118-120; 
the battle of Towton, 121 ; Queen Marga- 
ret's struggles, 123 ; summons to the field, 
125 ; Lancastrian defeat at Barnet, 126 ; 
hazards of war with France, 136; criticism 
of method, 137 ; strategic value of Scot- 
land in a war with France, 139; avail- 
able forces in the time of Queen Mary, 
army and navy, 151 ; lack of leader in case 
of war, 153; defeat of the troops of Mary 
Stuart, 163 ; defeat of the Armada, 178 ; 
conduct of war by Phillip II, 185; civil 
war, Naseby, 245; foreign wars, with Hol- 
land, Portugal, France, 257, 274; a decla- 
ration of rebellion, 289; the battle of 
Blenheim, 339; in India, 342; the French 
war in Canada, 345 ; in New England, 355 ; 
criticism of the war of conquest in India, 
361 ; the French War opposed by Fox, 
371 ; Waterloo, 375 ; the Crimean War, 
427; Lord Aberdeen on the Crimean War, 
431 ; changes in public feeling with regard 
to, 432; Tennyson's view of the Crimean 
War, 433; the Sepoy Mutiny, 435; John 
Bright on the dangers of being rushed, or 
"drifting," into war, 447; in the Sudan, 
456; dangers of forcible expansion of 
colonial territory, 462, 463. 

Wars of the Roses, 114. 

Washington, George, alluded to by Fox, 

374- 
Wellesley, Arthur, Lord, later Duke of 
Wellington, THE BATTLE OF WATER- 
LOO (18 15) , 379 ; Selected Dispatches, 379 ; 



Uganda — Yorkist 



483 



Wellington and Parliamentary 
Reform (1830), 382; Parliamentary De- 
bates, 383. 

Welsh, the, 28; hostilities of, 60; Henry Ill's 
expedition against, 82; its failure, 83; in 
the battle of Evesham, 85. 

Wentworth, Thomas, Earl of Strafford, a 
letter to, 228 ; the impeachment of, 232. 

Wesley, John, In Cornwall (1743), 333; 
Extracts from the Journals of John 
Wesley, 335. 

Westminster Hall, 233. 

Whigs and the Exclusion Bill, the 
(1680), 277. 

Whitehall, Old, 272 ; chapel of, 286. 

Whitelock, Sir Bulstrode, quoted, 242; 
NASEBY (1645), 245; Memorials, 249. 

White Tower, the, 66. 

" Wilkes " Case, the, 299. 

William of Malmesbury .Treaty between 
Charles the Great and Offa, 16; 
Chronicle, 17; Conquered and Con- 
querors, 41 ; Gesta Regum Anglorum, 
44. 

William the Great (1087), 46; in the 
battle of Hastings, 40 ; his great survey, 



44; and the Salisbury Meeting, 44; his 

character, 47 ; his knowledge of and stern 

rule over England, 48. 
William IV alluded to, 384. 
Winning of Magna Carta, the (1215), 

72. 
Winning the Degree of Bachelor of 

Arts (1780), 335. 
Winthrop, John, Reasons for Going to 

New England (1629), 222; Life and 

Letters of John Winthrop, 225. 
Wolfe, James, Major-General, The Battle 

OF QUEBEC, 345 ; General Orders issued 

the day before, 345; his death, described 

by Knox, 349. 
Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal of York, 130; 

his character, 131 ; his revenues, 131 ; 

quoted, 136. 
Word of Warning, a (1775). 35°. 
Wycliffe, John, The Reply of Wycliffe 

to the Pope's Summons (1384), no; 

Select English Works, in. 

YORK, Cardinal of. See Wolsey. 
Yorkist victory at Towton, 121 ; at 
Barnet, 126. 



A HISTORY OF ENGLAND 

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